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The Life Work of a Labor Historian: Essays in honor of Marcel van der Linden, presents the latest developments in the global history of labor, work and workers, and of capitalism and its critics. Readership: All interested in (global) history of labor, including all types of work and workers free and unfree and labour protest as well as anyone concerned with the history Marxism and capitalism and its critics.

This book examines the role of mercantile networks in linking Asian economies to the global economy. It contains fourteen contributions on East, Southeast and South Asia covering the period from 1750 to the present.

Among the roughly 150,000 soldiers sent to the Dutch East Indies between 1815 and 1914, the Luxembourg contingent made up a tiny minority of just 1,075 men. Based upon extensive research into their careers, data on these soldiers provide further clues to understanding what drove Europe's young men to become colonial soldiers. The results of this national case study will be compared with earlier investigations by Bossenbroek and Bosma on recruits for the Dutch colonial army. Similar to the Dutch soldiers, their Luxembourg counterparts had a predominantly urban provenance. However, in contrast to the Dutch, they did not have a strong military background, and it appears that fewer Luxembourgers stayed behind in the Dutch East Indies after their tour of duty. They were more attracted by the payments that the recruiters doled out in advance, particularly at a time of economic crisis, than in a career in the tropics.

Among the roughly 150,000 soldiers sent to the Dutch East Indies between 1815 and 1914, the Luxembourg contingent made up a tiny minority of just 1,075 men. Based upon extensive research into their careers, data on these soldiers provide further clues to understanding what drove Europe's young men to become colonial soldiers. The results of this national case study will be compared with earlier investigations by Bossenbroek and Bosma on recruits for the Dutch colonial army. Similar to the Dutch soldiers, their Luxembourg counterparts had a predominantly urban provenance. However, in contrast to the Dutch, they did not have a strong military background, and it appears that fewer Luxembourgers stayed behind in the Dutch East Indies after their tour of duty. They were more attracted by the payments that the recruiters doled out in advance, particularly at a time of economic crisis, than in a career in the tropics.

Technological convergence in the international sugar economy began in the 1830s and was substantially complete by the outbreak of World War I in 1914. By the end of the nineteenth century, the industrialized sugar factory was a global phenomenon like the steamship and the railway engine (to which key aspects of its innards were closely related). We will argue that the single most important fact about nineteenth-century sugar industries was the degree of technological convergence that came to characterize their manufacturing sectors, regardless of the type of labour involved. A revisiting of the literature of the past twenty-five years, both in the New and Old Worlds, suggests that historians have yet fully to come to terms with the global character of this convergence and with the question of why convergence in the factory had no parallel in the field, where there continued to be a striking global divergence between the means and modes by which the industry was supplied with raw material. This problem in the recent historiography of the subject also highlights issues relating to the "proletarianization" of labour and the assumption that industrial capitalist modernity was inextricably associated with the development of "free labour". More specifically, it draws attention to major flaws in the terms of reference of the now classic debate about the nexus between technological change and the predominant forms of labour in the Caribbean production area. In so doing, it underlines the need for a global rather than simply regional approach to the dynamics of change in the international sugar industry of the late colonial era. The latter part of our article outlines the broad historical parameters of this divergence in the sugar-cane field, and suggests the need for exploring the political economies surrounding the sugar producing areas and their mechanisms of ethnic segmentation of the labour force in particular.

AbstractSince colonial times, substantial regional income disparities have been reported for Indonesia. However, in spite of a wide variety of available data and indicators, so far published data on Indonesian per capita GDP in colonial times are limited to macro-estimates for the entire archipelago or are confined either to Java or to the Outer Islands. In this paper we provide a first attempt to arrive at estimates of diverging income and living standards at a regional level. We implement the Geary and Stark method on a large body of data collected by the colonial government, to estimate GDP for ten macro-regions and five benchmark years between 1870 and 1930. Our findings, corrected for prices, confirm the image arising from the existing literature of major divergences within the Indonesian archipelago in general, and of a higher per capita GDP in most of the Outer Islands (all islands of the Indonesian archipelago except for Java and Madura) compared with Java in particular. This was definitely the case in 1870 and still the case in 1920, but the picture is less clear for 1930, which was the final year before Indonesia's commodity exports started to collapse.