Depuis que la guerre existe, l'homme a pour ambition d'augmenter les capacités du soldat. Mais aujourd'hui – peut-être pour la première fois dans l'histoire –, l'homme peut espérer réaliser cette ambition : alors que la guerre revient frapper aux portes, le soldat apparaît comme le maillon faible. Exposé à des sollicitations extrêmes, ce dernier demande légitimement à être consolidé. Ce sera probablement l'une des conditions de la victoire.
In recent times, in the field of international relations, there has emerged an academic current that has revived the thinking of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu to reformulate various fundamental concepts, from the study of everyday practices, symbolic structures, and conflict arenas in which various actors define the course of world politics. This article exposes a brief revision to the theoretical and methodological framework under which an academic study is being carried out on the contemporary military development, understood and explained from the national security culture and military strategic culture. ; En tiempos recientes, en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales, ha emergido una corriente académica que ha revivido el pensamiento del sociólogo francés Pierre Bourdieu para replantear diversos conceptos fundamentales, con base en el estudio de las prácticas cotidianas, las estructuras simbólicas y las arenas de conflicto en las que diversos actores definen el rumbo de la política mundial. Este artículo expone una breve revisión de la base teórica y metodológica bajo la cual se está realizando un estudio académico sobre el desarrollo militar contemporáneo, entendido y explicado a partir de la cultura de seguridad nacional y la cultura estratégica militar.
Las familias políticas del régimen de Franco contaron con periódicos más o menos afines a sus planteamientos. Más problemática se presenta la cuestión en relación con los llamados tecnócratas, que desempeñaron un destacado papel entre 1957 y 1973. Algunos historiadores han identificado ciertos diarios de ámbito nacional (Madrid, El Alcázar y Nuevo Diario) y la agencia Europa Press como representantes de ese sector o, simplificando más, como prensa del Opus Dei debido a la presencia de miembros de esa institución católica. En el artículo se analiza la pertinencia de esta identificación y, en especial, su interesada politización promovida por los sectores falangistas y el ministro de Información, Manuel Fraga, que intentaron desacreditar a los tecnócratas en su lucha por obtener cuotas de poder, lo que les llevó a perseguir e incluso cerrar medios que consideraban afines. Parte de la historiografía ha recogido acríticamente este planteamiento. ; Traditional political sectors within Franco's regime had newspapers somehow aligned with their approaches. This point appears to be more problematic when referred to the so-called technocrats, who played a notable role in politics between 1957 and 1973. A number of historians contend that some national-circulation newspapers (Madrid, El Alcázar and Nuevo Diario) and the news agency Europa Press were not only technocrat representatives but also Opus Dei's press due to the fact that members of this institution took on prominent positions. This article analyzes the relevance and accuracy of this identification, which was influenced by the politicization that Falangists and the minister of Information, Manuel Fraga, acting in their own interests, promoted from their power spheres. Various historians have uncritically adopted this interpretation.
2014 was a hopeful year for the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The M23 movement had been defeated in military operations in which one of the last peacekeeping experiments, the UN Force Intervention Brigade, had played a decisive role. A third UN stabilization plan, the 'islands of stability' was proposed to continue the stabilization of a country considered in a post-conflict phase. However, the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) has almost tripled in the country since 2007. This article will argue that DRC is still immersed into an old social conflict that existed before the Congo Wars and the roots of which are not being addressed. It will argue that the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) and the 'islands of stability' strategy can address some of the secondary causes of the Congo conflict, such as its internationalization, the presence in DRC of foreign armed groups or the 'blood minerals', but cannot address its primary causes: land struggles, an old cycle of violence and the fragmentation of the Congolese society and political elite that is jeopardizing the restoration of the state authority. The huge dimensions of each of these factors make the Congo conflict 'one of the most complex and intricate environments ever faced by a peacekeeping mission', for which MONUSCO's mandate, resources and stabilization strategy do not seem powerful enough. When the UN organized the 2006 elections legitimized a 'spoiler state', the bottleneck of all the reforms needed to stabilize the country. The UN fell thus into a trap and became part of the conflict. Lessons learned should be taken for future UN operations.
A lo largo de casi dos años, entre 2010 y 2011, hicimos trabajo de campo antropológico en distintas dependencias policiales de la ciudad de Rosario pertenecientes a la Unidad Regional II de la policía de la provincia de Santa Fe. Allí, además de realizar observaciones, entrevistamos a funcionarios policiales con destino en sus dos principales agrupamientos: Comando Radioeléctrico y comisarías. Sobre la base del material etnográfico elaborado durante ese período y de numerosas entrevistas realizadas paralelamente con familiares de víctimas de violencia policial, en este artículo en particular nos proponemos reflexionar relacionalmente sobre las múltiples significaciones y apelaciones a la ciudadanía que se expresan en un contexto caracterizado por prácticas policiales que, según entendemos, asumen un carácter marcadamenteterritorial y discrecional.
Recent advances in thermal infrared imaging (LWIR) has allowed its use in applications beyond of the military domain. Nowadays, this new family of sensors is included in different technical and scientific applications. They offer features that facilitate tasks, such as detection of pedestrians, hot spots, differences in temperature, among others, which can significantly improve the performance of a system where the persons are expected to play the principal role. For instance, video surveillance applications, monitoring, and pedestrian detection.During the dissertation the next question is stated: \textit{Could a couple of sensors measuring different bands of the electromagnetic spectrum, as the visible and thermal infrared, be used to extract depth information?} Although it is a complex question, we shows that a system of these characteristics is possible as well as their advantages, drawbacks, and potential opportunities.In this research an experimental study that compares different cost functions and matching approaches is performed, in order to build a multimodalstereovision system. Furthermore, the common problems in infrared/visible stereo, specially in the outdoor scenes are identified. Our framework summarizes the architecture of a generic stereo algorithm, at different levels: computational, functional, and structural, which can be extended toward high-level fusion (semantic) and high-order (prior).The proposed framework is intended to explore novel multimodal stereo matching approaches, going from sparse to dense representations (both disparity and depth maps). Moreover, context information is added in form of priors and assumptions. Finally, the dissertation shows a promissory way toward the integration of multiple sensors for recovering three-dimensional information.
This article presents an understanding of transparency that draws on the instrumentality and performativity of a series of public encounters between the Argentine Supreme Court of Justice and subjects affected by river pollution. An ethnographic examination of those encounters illustrates how judicial adjudication articulates with a larger discourse of change and transparency that mushroomed after the 2001–2002 economic crisis giving the Court a public face. This crisis had a negative impact on the credibility of political and legal institutions. A focus on the performative character of public hearings implies an appreciation of transparency that is more comprehensive than the one enabled by visibility. As I argue in this article, this is because public hearings entail displays of the self that unfold through a complex sensorial experience that has effects on audiences. In the context of the Argentine Supreme Court's practices that this article examines, such audiences may extend far beyond the courtroom. Ultimately, the study demonstrates how transparency can be perceived as the performance of social positions that provide means and ends for a multitude of intended and unintended actors.
