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Cutting through simultaneously the conventions of sinology and a capitalist universalism modeled on the West, Jullien unfolds a difference between Chinese thought and philosophy that allows it to be thought out without taking sides. His unusual move insists on the irreducibility of the difference yet at the same time renders the irreducibility intelligible; Jullien gives us a world structured by distinct lines of thought.

Today the political visibility of the Paris Commune is not at all evident. At least, that is, if what we mean by "today" is the moment when we have to take up the challenge of thinking politics outside its subjection to the state and outside the framework of parties or party.… And yet the Commune was a political sequence that, precisely, did not situate itself in such a subjection or in such a framework. [To tackle] the political facts and determinations of the Commune…[it is necessary to utilize] a completely different method…[than that of the classical interpretation].

This paper examines the relationship between philosophy and its conditions. The affirmation "mathematics is ontology", which I posited thirty years ago, has certain inconveniences. In this article, I present six varying possibilities for ontology. My own philosophical decision was to proclaim that being is a pure multiplicity, without the One and without any specific attribute such as "matter" or "spirit". This movement of thought brought me to study the mathematical condition of philosophy and to search for a rigorous structuration of my speculative decision within the field of mathematics. However, my initial postulate that "Being is the multiplicity without the One" is not a mathematical but a philosophical statement. This paper concludes with a presentation of the relationship between mathematics and philosophy in Being and Event, Logics of Worlds, and The Immanence of Truths.

Pasolini was simultaneously a revolutionary Marxist and a man forever influenced by his religious childhood. So his question was: do the revolutionary becoming of history and political negativity represent a destruction of the tragic beauty of the Greek myths and of the peaceful promise of Christianity? Or do we have to speak of a subtraction where an affirmative reconciliation of beauty and peace becomes possible in a new egalitarian world?

Pasolini was simultaneously a revolutionary Marxist and a man forever influenced by his religious childhood. So his question was: do the revolutionary becoming of history and political negativity represent a destruction of the tragic beauty of the Greek myths and of the peaceful promise of Christianity? Or do we have to speak of a subtraction where an affirmative reconciliation of beauty and peace becomes possible in a new egalitarian world? ; Alain Badiou, 'Destruction, Negation, Subtraction', in The Scandal of Self-Contradiction: Pasolini's Multistable Subjectivities, Geographies, Traditions , ed. by Luca Di Blasi, Manuele Gragnolati, and Christoph F. E. Holzhey, Cultural Inquiry, 6 (Vienna: Turia + Kant, 2012), pp. 269–77

All dem zum Trotz, was Tag für Tag das Ansehen der Demokratie beschädigt, bleibt das Wort "Demokratie" doch zweifellos das Wahrzeichen der gegenwärtigen politischen Gesellschaft. Ein Wahrzeichen ist das Unantastbare eines Symbolsystems. Um überhaupt an das Reale der Gesellschaft heranzukommen, so die These, muss man sich - gleichsam als apriorisches Manöver - von ihrem Wahrzeichen verabschieden. Man wird der Welt, in der man lebt, nur dann gerecht, wenn man das Wort "Demokratie" einmal beiseite lässt und das Risiko eingeht, kein Demokrat zu sein und damit tatsächlich von "aller Welt" missbilligt zu werden. Denn "alle Welt" ist ohne jenes Wahrzeichen nicht zu denken: "Alle Welt" ist demokratisch. Man könnte dies das Axiom des Wahrzeichens nennen. Wenn die Demokratie eine leere Geldwelt ist, deren Ordnung durch den Todestrieb bestimmt ist, dann kann ihr Gegenteil mitnichten der Despotismus oder der "Totalitarismus" sein. Das wirklich Andere wäre ein Modell, das versucht, die kollektive Existenz dem Einfluss dieser Ordnung zu entreißen. (ICF2)