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This article contains part of the findings of anthropological fieldwork conducted by the author in the field of popular Catholicism in Andalusia (Spain), work funded by the Commission of Ethnology of the Andalucian government for the realization of her thesis PhD. In order to fight and end disease, different cultural systems offer both empirical and supernatural answers, especially in situations where scientific medicine lacks one. In those circumstances, people resort to metaphysical explanations in an attempt to propitiate supernatural beings so that they apply their healing powers. In traditional catholic societies Andalusia for the case that concerns us people have used, and still do, a magical-religious model based on the belief that supernatural beings (God, the Virgin or the saints) possess enough power to interrupt the course of any disease. In addition, this model comprises a ritual to invoke the participation of the supernatural beings in the rearrangement of some fact in exchange for a votive offering. My aim in this paper is to present this religious ritual whose main motivation is the resolution of health-related problems. The votive offering is the last link in a ritual process that begins with a situation of disease, accident or risk suffered by a subject; this circumstance is followed by an invocation and a promise to be fulfilled by the subject or another person in her name, requesting the intervention of the supernatural being to end that threat. When the request is granted to the petitioners satisfaction, it commits her to fulfill the promise. Here is where the votive offering plays its part a material object of lasting character that appears as the materialization of the miraculous fact ; Resumen: Este artículo recoge parte de las conclusiones del trabajo de campo antropológico realizado por la autora en el ámbito del catolicismo popular en Andalucía (España), trabajo financiado por la Comisión de Etnología de la Junta de Andalucía y que tuvo por objeto la realización de su tesis doctoral. Para combatir y acabar con la enfermedad, los diferentes sistemas culturales plantean respuestas de orden empírico pero también de carácter sobrenatural sobre todo en situaciones de falta de respuesta de la medicina científica. En estas circunstancias las personas acuden a explicaciones de orden metafísico tratando de propiciar a los seres sobrenaturales para que apliquen su poder en la curación. En las sociedades tradicionales católicas – Andalucía para el caso que nos ocupa- se ha usado y se sigue utilizando un modelo mágico-religioso basado en la creencia de que los seres sobrenaturales (Dios, la Virgen o los santos) poseen un poder suficiente para interrumpir el curso de cualquier enfermedad. Asimismo este modelo lleva aparejado un ritual para invocar la participación de los sujetos sobrenaturales en la reordenación de un hecho, a cambio de un exvoto. Mi intención con este trabajo es presentar dicho ritual religioso cuya motivación principal es la resolución de problemas relacionados con la salud. El exvoto es el último eslabón de un proceso ritual que comienza con una situación de enfermedad, accidente o riesgo padecido por un sujeto, a esta circunstancia le sigue la invocación y promesa realizada por él mismo u otra persona en su nombre, solicitando al ser sobrenatural su intervención para acabar con esa amenaza. Cuando la petición es satisfecha a juicio del peticionario, se obliga al cumplimiento de la promesa y aquí es donde entra el exvoto. Un objeto material de carácter perdurable que se presenta como la materialización del hecho milagroso.Abstract: This article contains part of the findings of anthropological fieldwork conducted by the author in the field of popular Catholicism in Andalusia (Spain), work funded by the Commission of Ethnology of the Andalucian government for the realization of her thesis PhD. In order to fight and end disease, different cultural systems offer both empirical and supernatural answers, especially in situations where scientific medicine lacks one. In those circumstances, people resort to metaphysical explanations in an attempt to propitiate supernatural beings so that they apply their healing powers. In traditional catholic societies –Andalusia for the case that concerns us– people have used, and still do, a magical-religious model based on the belief that supernatural beings (God, the Virgin or the saints) possess enough power to interrupt the course of any disease. In addition, this model comprises a ritual to invoke the participation of the supernatural beings in the rearrangement of some fact in exchange for a votive offering. My aim in this paper is to present this religious ritual whose main motivation is the resolution of health-related problems. The votive offering is the last link in a ritual process that begins with a situation of disease, accident or risk suffered by a subject; this circumstance is followed by an invocation and a promise to be fulfilled by the subject or another person in her name, requesting the intervention of the supernatural being to end that threat. When the request is granted to the petitioner's satisfaction, it commits her to fulfill the promise. Here is where the votive offering plays its part –a material object of lasting character that appears as the materialization of the miraculous fact.

The volume tells us about the close relationship between heaven and earth, between the extraordinary and the everyday, between faith and science, highlighted by the countless episodes of piety that allow us to retrace history and grasp its transformations, starting from the lived life of thousands of protagonists. In fact, the painted votive tablets prove to be an exceptional vector for reproducing and transmitting the values of the community: family, homeland, work, care for animals and the territory, use of means of transport and old and new technologies. In the ex-voto the cycles of life and seasons unfold and the impact on them of small and large natural or social disasters that recur over time with impressive regularity, unfortunately we find ourselves unprepared each time. In dealing with risks and calamities of all kinds, ex-votos women and men look upwards - with great dignity - asking them to survive, persist and replicate themselves as biological entities and cultural entities. The long sequence of events narrated in the ex-votos constitutes a sort of DNA of our nation, indispensable for shaping the country's future. Also for this reason, painted ex-votos must be detected, filed, preserved, protected, valued, studied and brought to the attention of the general public, as this volume proposes.

Introduction -- Literary evidence -- Women in the epigraphic record -- The evidence of votive deposits -- Household ritual -- Social status and religious participation -- Conclusion

Introduction : where memory takes place -- The family mansion -- An erased village and an inhabited house -- The house and its sacred geography -- Music as sacred memory -- The house-place and memory-stories -- The emergence of rituals -- Relics : engaging the spirits -- Communion : a unification of souls -- Sacred and profane : a poetic encounter -- Votives I : deferment -- Votives II : restoration -- Ex-votos : gratitude -- Shrines : making visible the invisible -- Blessings : at my father's house -- Homeland music performs the village -- Village music performs the homeland -- Traveling through a trauma-scape -- Traveling as wholeness -- The last Armenians -- Armenians "everywhere" -- A homeland of mirrors -- Conclusion : revealing the emotional weight of home.

"n this article, there are to be analysed two types of bronze tools: the sickles and the knives, dating from the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age. In Oltenia they are present both in isolated finds and especially in bronze hoards. The practical function of the sickles (harvesting grain, hay, etc.) was complemented by the cultic or the votive ones. The symbolism of the sickle is related to repetitive grain harvests, to the cycle of life and death, being the attribute of agricultural deities such as Saturn or Ceres. If they are part of the bronze hoards, the sickles had the same symbolic/votive charge as the other components of the deposit, and all the discussion about the cultic or votive character of the hoards, which we briefly resume in this material, also includes these pieces. Another category of bronze items that are to be analysed, is that of the knives. It ought to be noted that, in the present material, there are discussed only those that fall into the category of tools. Unlike sickles and axes, their number is smaller, most of which are found in dwellings or tombs. "

The present article analyses the hoards of the Bronze Age - Early Iron Age discovered in the forest-steppe and mountain-forest of the Trans-Urals, as well as the Middle and Lower Ob areas. Only three hoards dating back to the Bronze Age have been discovered: Andreevo, Prygovsky and Gladunino. By the Ural-Siberian standards, these are considerable collections consisting of metal-intensive symbolic objects (celts, knives, sickles). The hoards are grouped in the forest-steppe area, where the population of the Petrovo and Alakul cultures of the Andronovo community lived at that time (first half of the 2nd millennium BC). Conversely, hoards dating back to the Early Iron Age are localised in the taiga zone. Being characterised by a distinctive composition and definite chronological contexts, these hoards reflect profound changes in the lifestyle of Siberian aborigines caused by the widespread introduction of metal, the development of reindeer herding, new communication corridors and fur trade. The first group is represented by hoards that comprise symbolic metal items dating back to the second half of the 1st millennium BC (Azov Mountain, Karaulnaya Mountain, Lozvinsky, etc.). Sometimes they are accompanied by arms (arrowheads and chopping weapons). This group of hoards is unanimously considered to be votive in character. The hoards of the second group (from the 1st century BC to the 2nd-3rd centuries AD) are confined to the lower reaches of the Ob and Irtysh, as well as the Surgut Ob area (Istyatsk, Kazym and Gornoknyazevsk). They are characterised by the presence of bronze cauldrons or other packaging, items of long-distance import (Parthian or Bactrian silver medallions; helmets made in Central Asia; a large number of Sarmatian and even Chinese bronze mirrors, often with engraved local images). Hoards of that period, aimed at hiding prestigious and valuable things, are seen as retrievable. Hoards belonging to the third group (3rd-8th centuries AD) can be referred to as weapon hoards (Parabel, Kholmogory, Ishim, etc.). They are localised mainly in the lower tributaries of the Ob in its middle course. They predominantly consisted of various weapons: arrowheads, spears, axes, sabres, broadswords, combat knives. In addition, bronze mirrors and plates having concentric ornaments, zoomorphic and anthropomorphic images were found in all complexes. Weapon hoards, interpreted as sacred arsenals, reflect the dominant priorities of that time (formation of the military elite; a special status of military practices) and growing military tensions caused by the struggle for control over the foraging territories and trade routes. © 2019 Tyumen Scientific Centre of Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences. All Rights Reserved. ; Russian Foundation for Basic Research, RFBR: 18-09-40011 ; Funding. This work was supported by a grant from the Russian Foundation for Basic Research No. 18-09-40011.

This paper analyzes monuments of the First Belgian cohort (cohors I Belgarum equitata) from the area of Ljubuški. Of all the cohorts that were settled in Humac, most registered monuments belong to the auxiliaries of this unit. Three officers are among them (centurion, decurion, signifer), and ordinary soldiers whose monuments are mostly fragmented with damaged inscription field. Four monuments of this kind were discovered. Besides these monuments, we analyzed votive monuments mentioning cohors I Belgarum equitata, such as monuments dedicated to Liber, Fortuna Augusta, Mithra and emperor's genius. We have found that these votive monuments are not adequately interpreted in the current scientific literature, and we offer a new reading. Also, paper discusses the question of marriage of Roman soldiers, as well as recruitment of local young men in the roman auxiliary troops.

The first part of the study is devoted to the history of scholarly description of the Tibetan and Mongolian Collection in the Naprstek Museum, namely to the work of Lumir Jisl (1921-1969). The second part focuses on the iconography of Tantric couples on small votive Buddhist paintings from Mongolia.

Using the manuscript miracle books from two shrines, Lederer has mined biographical information about sufferers, including symptoms, attempted cures, and votive offerings. The efforts of secular authorities to develop uniform procedures for burials ran into considerable popular opposition because of profound rehgious concerns about burying people in hallowed ground who commit suicide.

Etude d'un aspect de la religion populaire en rapport avec les pèlerinages, et plus particulièrement des caractéristiques anthropologiques et religieuses de prières votives propitiatoires ou gratulatoires, consignées dans des cahiers. Ceux-ci sont mis spécialement à la disposition des pèlerins dans un lieu de pèlerinage, ici la basilique de Thierenbach, dédiée à la Vierge Marie.

Mediating Chicana/o Culture: Multicultural American Vernacular covers an unconventional array of topics-from handkerchiefs, votives, and graffiti to food, fútbol, and the Internet-as well as cutting edge literature, cinema, photography, and more. In its cross-disciplinary approach, this collection makes an invaluable contribution to the scholarship on Chicana and Chicano culture and provides engaging readings for courses in race/ethnic studies, media studies, and American studies. Collected