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First reports on Buddhism arrived in Italy in the sixteenth century through Italian Catholic missionaries. Later several scholars developed a philological and philosophical understanding of it. The attitude toward Buddhism changed from an anthropological interest to a philological study. In the academic field of philology the Theravāda tradition and the Siamese edition of Tripitaka had great importance. The spread of Buddhism in Italy in the nineteenth century also increasingly influenced Italian culture and ideas. Outside of academic debate Buddhism became a subject of apologetics and philosophy as well as a topic of general interest. This essay is based on books and printed material published in Italy before the twentieth century. It contains the complete bibliography of Italian studies on Buddhism in the nineteenth century. Some texts cited in this essay are unpublished or rare documents from Italian archives.

"Explores the Buddhist concept of mindfulness and how it varies in the Buddhist cultures of three Southeast Asia cities in three countries: Chiang Mai, Thailand; Kandy, Sri Lanka; and Mandalay, Burma. The research is from the author's in-depth participant observation and fieldwork and includes the experiences of over 600 monks, psychiatrists, students, and villagers in monasteries, hospitals, and homes in these areas"--

This article offers a comparison of some of the meanings of mindfulness in secular US settings and Theravāda Buddhist communities of South and Southeast Asia. Based on ethnographic data gathered from over 700 psychiatrists, Buddhist monks, lay practitioners, and others in Thailand, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and the United States, the article suggests some key mental associations in mindfulness and sati that converge and diverge across different cultural contexts. I call these the "TAPES" of the mind: relationships that mindfulness and sati have to particular conceptions of Temporality, Affect, Power, Ethics, and Selfhood. The article examines each of these "TAPES" and their expressions in the field in turn, from the temporal significance of "remembering the present" to the effects of supernatural and political potencies, to the morality of practice and the ontological status of the self. I argue that when the two terms are used interchangeably some meanings of these associations become privileged, while others are effectively erased. I conclude with a discussion of the problems of hegemonizing discourses about mindfulness, and the implications of the findings for global health and Buddhist studies.

A strand of Sri Lankan Buddhist revivalism that emerged in 2008 offers an unconventional rejoinder to evangelical efforts to intensify conversions. Pentecostals assert that Christ offers instantaneous salvation whereas Theravāda Buddhism demands slow passage through many lifetimes of suffering. In contrast to concomitant political efforts to curb conversions, one maverick Buddhist monk implicitly responded to such competitive theological provocations by enlisting devotees to engage in ritual and moral cultivation to foreshorten the far‐future arrival of the messianicBodhisatvaMaitreya. Neither derivative, nor 'syncretic', the maverick's efforts to fortify Buddhism are nevertheless dialogically responsive to multiple sources of religious competition. Following the traffic of aspiration, contestation, and charismatic affinity between Buddhism and rival religiosities, on one side, andwithinBuddhism, on the other, the ethnography discloses a multi‐religious milieu. Within it, several competing religiosities stir the anxieties of Sinhala Buddhist nationalists. Old and new rivalries pose constraints, even as they provide fodder for religious innovation.

This article addresses the role and meaning of different practices of giving in the production process of sainthood in Theravāda Buddhism. Its focus is an account of the birthday ceremony of Thamanya Hsayadaw, the most venerated monk in contemporary Burma. Two ways of giving are defined, reciprocity and redistribution, which appear in the course of the ceremony and which correspond to the two most standard kinds of giving involving a Theravādin monk in a social relationship. The birthday ceremony itself is then described and discussed on two complementary levels. First, the meaning and implications of the gifts made during the ceremony are scrutinized. Second, at a more comprehensive level, the analysis shows that each of these gifts falls within a specific configuration and participates in a sanctification mechanism. This process entails not just the simple addition of various gifts but also their general articulation. It is this sanctifying dynamic of giving that is examined in detail.

Die Beiträger dieses Bandes versuchen, den Begriff der »Vergeltung« zu definieren, und zwar nicht nur in seiner lebendigen Vielfalt in jüdischen und christlichen Schriften, sondern innerhalb gemeinsamer Objekte und gemeinsamer Komponenten, die die Definition des Begriffs der Vergeltung im alten Judentum und frühen Christentum regeln. Dies geschieht auch mit Blick auf griechische, islamische und buddhistische Texte.InhaltsübersichtMatteo Silvestrini/Apolline Thromas: Foreword – David Hamidović: About the Blurred Concept of Retribution Retribution in Jewish and Christian Texts Nathan MacDonald: Retribution in the Book of Numbers – Hans Ausloos: »Il rétribuera les oeuvres de l'homme selon ses actions« (Sir 35,24). La notion de »rétribution« dans la Septante – Matteo Silvestrini: De la condamnation des anges à celle des pécheurs : le processus de la rétribution dans le livre des Vigilants (1Hen 1–36) – David Hamidović: The Divine Economy of the Poor in the Qumran Texts – Moisés Mayordomo: Divine Retribution: Some Considerations on the New Testament and its Religious and Philosophical Contexts Openings David Bouvier: Honneur et rétribution: la colère d'Achille – Mathieu Terrier: La rétribution finale en islam: discussions sur l'imputation des actes et la perpétuité des peines – Frédéric Richard: Karmic Retribution in Theravāda Buddhism: A Way to Salvation?

Abstract
Today, across all the places where the various Buddhist schools have established themselves, there is a broad phenomenon with heterogeneous characteristics and manifestations called engaged Buddhism or socially engaged Buddhism. What unites the advocates of this movement is the way the Buddhist notion of dukkha (i.e., 'suffering') is interpreted to include the economic, political, social, and even ecological dimensions of suffering in the contemporary world. Engaged Buddhists have reformulated the normative teachings of dukkha to make them relevant to current issues. In this paper, I present an example of ecologically and socially engaged Theravāda Buddhism of the Maap Euang Meditation Center for Sufficiency Economy, in Thailand near Bangkok. Members of this community have developed a form of engaged Buddhism that treats ideas of "sufficiency" economy and peasant agroecology. To understand this movement, I will argue that the discipline of Buddhist Studies needs to combine the study of ancient canonical texts with the study of their contemporary interpretations.

Abstract
Switzerland has been an important place in the reception of Buddhism since the nineteenth century. Especially during the Second World War and the 1950s, the Buddhist Community Zürich, with its founder Max Ladner (1898–1963), was one of the most prominent institutions in making Buddhist teachings available in Europe. Ladner wrote four books and several articles, which demonstrate his interpretation of a presumed "authentic" Buddhism ("Urbuddhismus") preserved in the Pāli-canon. For Ladner, self-responsibility and independent thinking were of utmost importance. He saw these values represented in Theravāda Buddhism. His interpretation of Buddhism was at first formulated in a critique of Nietzsche's interpretation of Buddhism. Ladner aimed at refuting Nietzsche's portrayal of Buddhism as a pessimistic and nihilistic doctrine. With the foundation of the Buddhist Community Zürich in 1942, Ladner intended to bring together like-minded people and thus to refine his own understanding of Buddhism. Besides that, he corresponded with Buddhists and intellectuals all over the world, which was a major factor in spreading Buddhist ideas and connecting Buddhists in Europe.

AbstractIn the Theravāda Buddhist polities on the mainland of Southeast Asia, abiding concerns about the proper structuring of the relationship between the 'two wheels ofdhamma' (i.e. the realm of religion and the realm of politics) have had a profound influence on processes of state formation and political legitimation. This article explores one such religious 'effect' on the constitutions and electoral laws of modern Burma/Myanmar, Siam/Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos, namely the official disenfranchisement of Buddhist monks (and, in some instances, Buddhist 'nuns' as well as non-Buddhist clergy). The article traces the historical evolution of this Buddhist exception to the democratic principle of equal and universal suffrage, and assesses the extent to which dominant theoretical approaches in the social sciences help us to understand the politics of religious disenfranchisement in Southeast Asia. It finds that neither secularization theory nor the religious-economy approach can explain observed patterns. Instead, the article offers an account of the politics of religious disenfranchisement that emphasizes the role of ideas and historical context.

AbstractIn Laos—one of the few remaining 'officially' socialist countries—Buddhism was abolished as a state religion after the revolution in 1975. However, since the 1990s the communist government has been increasingly using its patronage of Buddhism to gain legitimacy. With reference to the divine sources of power in Theravāda Buddhism, this article explores the extent to which modern Lao state socialism is still imbued with pre-revolutionary patterns of Buddhist kingship and statecraft. The analysis will focus especially on ritual patronage of a Buddhist relic shrine and on the recent inauguration of statues of deceased kings in the Lao capital, Vientiane. With reference to the ritual animation of 'opening the eyes' of the statues, and with regard to theories exploring the agency of objects, I argue that the Lao palladium has to be understood as being made up of 'living' entities. Finally, the article explores to what extent the control, worship, and creation of statues and relics today are still essential for the legitimacy of rule in the Lao People's Democratic Republic.

"Focusing on Sri Lanka, this book offers a new perspective on contemporary debates about nationalism in South Asia. It looks at the 'capture' of Buddhism by militant Sinhalese nationalism in the colonial and postcolonial periods, and the framing of subsequent key constitutional legal moments. The book combines the dynamics of constitutionalism with the orbit of historical, political and anthropological scholarship on the cosmology of Sinhalese Buddhism and its relation to Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism. It explores four cases of legal-constitutional moments and offers a unique contribution to the politics and history of devolution in Sri Lanka. The book goes on to examine the way in which Buddhism, and particularly the Asokan state model, may in fact provide the intellectual resources for decentralized government beyond Sri Lanka in other parts of the Theravāda Buddhist world, such as Thailand and Burma. Presenting a timely analysis given the intensification of Sri Lanka's civil war since the election in 2005 of President Mahinda Rajapakse on an overtly ultra nationalist Sinhalese Buddhist platform, this book is of interest to scholars of South Asian Studies, anthropology, sociology, ethnicity and political science"--

Mindfulness is increasingly lauded as a mark of well-being around the world, but less often is its opposite, mindlessness, articulated in discussions of mental health. In Thailand, where people follow the kinds of Theravāda forms of Buddhism that have inspired today's global mindfulness movement, "mindlessness" is understood as a culturally salient mark of distress. In this article I address what mindlessness looks like for people in and around the Northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, where mindlessness can be thought of as ephemeral and passing as a fleeting forgetfulness that necessitates re-reading a page in a book, or as long lasting and powerful as a destabilizing condition to be treated in the in-patient ward of a psychiatric hospital. I emphasize local meanings and contexts of mindlessness, and their entanglement with broader discourses in the mindfulness movement, in order to point to mindlessness as a type of local and potentially international idiom of distress. I do this to argue for both the continued importance of cultural concepts of distress in our psychiatric nosology, and for further study into the slippages that can occur when local idioms like mindfulness go global.

Modern exponents of mindfulness meditation promote the therapeutic effects of "bare attention"—a sort of non-judgmental, non-discursive attending to the moment-to-moment flow of consciousness. This approach to Buddhist meditation can be traced to Burmese Buddhist reform movements of the first half of the 20th century, and is arguably at odds with more traditional Theravāda Buddhist doctrine and meditative practices. But the cultivation of present-centered awareness is not without precedent in Buddhist history; similar innovations arose in medieval Chinese Zen (Chan) and Tibetan Dzogchen. These movements have several things in common. In each case the reforms were, in part, attempts to render Buddhist practice and insight accessible to laypersons unfamiliar with Buddhist philosophy and/or unwilling to adopt a renunciatory lifestyle. In addition, these movements all promised astonishingly quick results. And finally, the innovations in practice were met with suspicion and criticism from traditional Buddhist quarters. Those interested in the therapeutic effects of mindfulness and bare attention are often not aware of the existence, much less the content, of the controversies surrounding these practices in Asian Buddhist history.

The ethical concerns generated by transactions in human tissue touch on fundamental ideas of the body, society, and the nature of giving. These issues have generally been discussed using Euro‐American terms of reference. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in Sri Lanka, this article describes the ways in which a distinctively Theravāda Buddhist notion of giving and charity has been linked to the development of strategies to encourage the donation of human tissue. Eye and blood donation are used as illustrations of the linkages that have been forged between religious duty, other‐wordly aspirations, and nationalist sentiment in the development of national donation services. The key question which is then addressed is how these distinctive beliefs and values inform attempts to frame donations of sperm and ova which are now beginning to take place in Sri Lanka. In religious and cultural terms the candidacy of sperm and ova as gifts appears to be evaluated very differently. Explaining these differences opens up the possibility of a more thoroughgoing anthropological critique of bioethics and the manner of its diffusion both within and beyond the Euro‐American context.