Suchergebnisse

"Administrative Styles and Policy Styles" published on by Oxford University Press.

The most striking realization for a person who moves from the U . S . to Canada is that, contrary to common perception, there is a whole country north of the 49th parallel. The faint image of Canada one gathers from the American media is generally that of a vast and sparsely populated expanse of frozen tundra, with settlements built around large skating rinks, where the four seasons are winter, winter, winter, and July. Sure, Americans know of Vancouver and Toronto; but aren't these really American towns that happen to lie at the other end of a bay, on the other side of a lake? Americans also know of NAFTA, the free-trade agreement with Canada arid Mexico; but wasn't Canada admitted into the partnership so that empty land would be available, further north, for the hordes of Mexicans who are invading from the south? The dim impression that there is nothing of real significance in the big pink area on the map between the U.S. and the North Pole is not really fortuitous. The rhetoric of national difference aside, many Canadians seem to do all they can to resemble their southern neighbors and blend into their mental and physical landscape. U.S. companies, of course, are only too happy to lend the strong, extremely visible hand of the market to this process of Americanization.

As a key feature of the contemporary political landscape, populism stands as one of the most contentious concepts in political science. This article presents a critique of dominant conceptions of populism – as ideology, logic, discourse and strategy/organisation – and introduces the category of 'political style' as a new compelling way of thinking about the phenomenon. We argue that this new category captures an important dimension of contemporary populism that is missed by rival approaches. In doing so, we put forward an inductive model of populism as a political style and contextualise it within the increasingly stylised and mediatised milieu of contemporary politics by focusing on its performative features. We conclude by considering how this concept allows us to understand how populism appears across the political spectrum, how it translates into the political mainstream and its implications for democratic politics.

As a key feature of the contemporary political landscape, populism stands as one of the most contentious concepts in political science. This article presents a critique of dominant conceptions of populism -- as ideology, logic, discourse and strategy/organisation -- and introduces the category of 'political style' as a new compelling way of thinking about the phenomenon. We argue that this new category captures an important dimension of contemporary populism that is missed by rival approaches. In doing so, we put forward an inductive model of populism as a political style and contextualise it within the increasingly stylised and mediatised milieu of contemporary politics by focusing on its performative features. We conclude by considering how this concept allows us to understand how populism appears across the political spectrum, how it translates into the political mainstream and its implications for democratic politics. Adapted from the source document.

Politics in the Philippines has been a matter of patronage. The political elite solicits the support of the relatively powerful who draw strength from the individually powerless voters for assistance. In retum, the former will reward the latter with the fruits of influence and whatever else that was agreed upon. This relationship of patronage is renewed during elections and is understood as the way the political system worked until the late President Ferdinand Marcos declared Martial Law and did away with patronage politics. In its place came a more unilateral relationship which voided contracts with traditional power brokers. The Aquino administration facilitated the retum of patronage politics but at the same time introduced a new breed of leaders. One such politician is Naga City Mayor Jesse Robredo. Robredo consolidated popular support without the aid of mutually rewarding ties, a strong political machine or a monopoly of power. The manner in which he secured the maximum term of office and improved the lives of his constituents sets a new standard in governance. The author calls it the Robredo Style.

To recover from the effects of disinvestment in the auto industry, Detroit is being promoted as a tourist/convention center. Casinos have been suggested as revenue enhancers and as tourist magnets. Despite the poor reviews Atlantic City received from introducing casinos, three casino referenda have been attempted in Detroit. The 1988 anticasino campaign is reviewed in this article. The voters again rejected casinos in that campaign, but the important differences in the nature and character of the appeal reveal that status politics does matter when mobilizing the working class. The rejection of casinos is viewed as a setback with long-term implications.