Autonomy, we suppose, is self-regulation or self-direction. There is a distinct idea that is easily confused with self-direction, namely, self-expression, self-fulfillment, or self-realization. (I do not mean to suggest that the latter three terms are all synonymous. But in this essay, whatever differences there are among them play no role, so I will use them interchangeably.) Although it will turn out paradoxically that autonomy is neither self-regulation nor self-realization, it is reasonable to suppose that the former is a superior candidate. My teacher of Indian religion, Dr. Subodh Roy, blind from birth, chose not to undergo an operation that would have made him sighted because he believed, perhaps rightly, that the ability to see would interfere with his religious quest. He thereby chose not to realize one of his fundamental human capacities, one whose cultivation has produced some of the finest fruits of civilization. Joseph Raz describes a case in which a man places his life in jeopardy by undertaking a trip to deliver medical aid to a group of people in a distant place. Since he will be unable to secure food for several days, he, in effect, subordinates one of his own basic needs or interests to a goal that he deems more important. There is no reason to believe that, in refusing to express or realize a dimension of self, either Dr. Roy or Raz's philanthropist have failed to act autonomously.
In: Review of African political economy, Band 10, Heft 26
ISSN: 1740-1720
In Sudan problems of establishing national unity have been particularly acute; with a considerable proportion of the post-independence period spent in civil war between the North – which is predominantly Arab and Islam – and the South. Cultural differences have assumed political salience because – as in many other instances – they have coincided with differing economic experience. From the early colonial period the South was differently treated from the North, being designated as a closed area. If ostensibly to 'protect' the indigenous population from external intrusion, this also served to retard its developmental progress relative to that of the North. Over time, regional disadvantage was to be coupled with political under-representation and the stage set for cleavage which has, at times, erupted into violent conflict. In the last few years, murmurings of discontent and threatened mutiny have again occurred. And the peoples of Sudan have had to confront more emphatically the issue which has never been far from the top of the list of national priorities: the very fact of nationhood itself and the integration of peoples in such a way that all regions gain an equitable share in development. Below are three items dealing with the question of the South. The first is drawn from an address given by Joseph Garang in 1970. A prominent member of the Sudan Communist Party, Garang was appointed Minister of Southern Affairs following the establishment of the Leftist regime of 1969 and was instrumental in the formulation of the 9th of June (1969) Declaration which supported the need for regional autonomy in the South. His speech, part of which is reproduced below, treats the South within the broader context of the national question and has an enduring theoretical relevance not just for Sudan but for the African continent as a whole. Garang was executed in 1971 along with many other members of the CPS when the regime took a right turn. The second item, a statement of the Student Union of Southern Sudanese in the UK and Ireland addressed to the President of Sudan and released in April 1983, makes an embittered plea that the problem of the South be effectively confronted by the government. While assessing the situation as grounded in differential rates of development, the view put forward remains, by its very nature, couched in the language of regionalism rather than that of solidarity among all those disadvantaged under the current regime. Finally, the third item is a general review of the problem of the South, tracing its historical background, examining the aftermath of the Addis Accord of 1972 which brought an end to the civil war, and evaluating prospects for the future. The piece refers us to the continuity of principles embodied in the position of the Left – and particularly of the CPS – on the South over the years. (The Court Statement of El Tigani El Tayyib Babikir, elsewhere in this issue, gives further detals concerning this point). Written by a Sudanise Leftist, the account ultimately affirms that the problem of the South can be solved only in the context of a programme giving full rights of democratic participation to the whole of the population and priority to the development of those areas 'left behind'. Excerpts from an address by Joseph U. Garang, the then Minister of State for Southern Affairs of the Sudan Government, in 1970 and originally printed as No.6 of the series Revolution in Action, by the Public Relations Bureau, Ministry for Southern Affairs.
The Law Number 6 of 2014 years and PP Number 43 of 2014 years are law product which to rule supervision of local government to village regulation in regional autonomy are reviewed. PP Number 43 of 2014 years reads that the technical guidelines on the rules in the village are set by regulation, so which mandates the need for regulation as a regulatory technical guidelines in the village, it also formed Minister Regulation Number 111 of 2014 years about Technical Guidelines Rules In the Village. The method that is used the approach of law (statute approach). This method is done by examining all the legislation and regulations relevant to the legal issues being addressed. The result of this research are supervision is done in two forms, including evaluation and clarification. It was concluded supervision of local government to village regulation in regional autonomy are reviewed as stipulated in Minister Regulation Number 111 of 2014 years are done in two forms, including evaluation and clarification.
The experience of the peoples of Palau & Saipan in Micronesia support this examination of the connection between self-determination & autonomy. The history of the region under various colonial powers & wars in the 19th & 20th centuries is chronicled. Palauans have insisted on freedom from any nuclear activity on their soil, but their compact with the US for its military presence & nuclear weapons has not given them autonomy. Saipan has also suffered from a lack of real autonomy, first because of its sugar industry, & later because of its commonwealth relation with the US. This relation has created an economic boom, but has left the indigenous population outnumbered by Asian labor working for low wages. It is concluded that, in neither case, has self-determination guaranteed autonomy. M. Pflum
"Governance is becoming increasingly important in universities just as it is in the wider world of commerce and banking. Historically, universities were run by their academic communities but as mass higher education has taken root, as university research has become a critical element in national economies and as the demand for more accountability both financial and in academic performance has grown, pressure has mounted for a 'modernisation' of governance structures"--
The region has the authority to manage and regulate its territory independently based on the mandate of Article 18 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution. One such authority is to manage natural resources in this case conducting coal mining. The management of coal mining under the Minerba Act places the district/city government in authority in its management. Meanwhile, the Local Government Law places the provincial government also in possession of this management authority. This gave birth to the dualism of regulation in terms of the authority to manage coal, giving rise to a contradiction between one rule and another. The problem in this study is First, how is the condition of coal mining management by local governments in the perspective of regional autonomy? Second, what are the implications of the current coal mining arrangements by the regional government? The results of the study showed that coal mining authority from the district/municipal government under the Minerba Act then was transferred to the provincial government based on the Regional Government Law was reasonable because of various problems that arose from the authority of the district/city government. However, this fact puts the authority of coal mining management in dualism and disharmony in its regulation. This dualism has implications for the disruption of the pattern of authority relations between the central and regional governments, financial management between the central and regional governments, and the division of supervisory authorities between the central and regional governments.
If one is looking for the authoritative work on the history of the modern Western concept of "self," the place to go is Jerrold Seigel's The Idea of the Self. It is a wide-ranging, deeply insightful account of Western thinking about the nature of selfhood in Britain, France, and Germany since Descartes, framed by a powerfully argued thesis about the right way to conceptualize it. But that project was driven by what in the retrospect of Seigel's whole body of work can be seen as an even more comprehensive historical program, one both methodological and substantive. One of Seigel's basic historiographical convictions, more implicit than systematically argued, is that individual subjectivity matters for historical explanation. His broader substantive interest is in the meaning of the Western notion of "modernity," above all in its implications and consequences for our contemporary self-understanding. Methodological conviction and substantive interest are tightly interwoven. As Seigel sees it, the process of European modernization was guided by, and in turn further developed, a historically locatable, complex, and internally conflicted version of universal selfhood—the autonomous bourgeois self. His corpus is an extended and evolving exploration of this process and its result, which he finds most clearly documented in European thought and culture from the mid-seventeenth century to the mid-twentieth.
The authors of the paper aim to provide a comparative insight into the financial autonomy of local self-governments in four Central European countries: Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, and the Czech Republic. The topic is presented through the relevant provisions of the European Charter of Local Self-Government, the only legally binding multilateral treaty in Europe addressing local self-governance. As all the four examined states are parties to the document, the authors used the outputs of its monitoring process to analyze the situation under all the relevant provisions of the Charter, paragraph by paragraph. Considering that certain provisions of the Charter enjoy a superior position compared to the others (core provisions), the authors formulated a hypothesis according to which, in the area of financial autonomy, these core provisions are the most problematic ones in terms of their successful implementation. Using analytical, statistical, and comparative methods, the authors concluded that the hypothesis was confirmed, as most shortcomings were identified in the fields covered by these provisions, meaning that besides the lack of sufficient resources, the lack of ability to influence the amount of these resources is also often present in the studied countries.
This entry has been realised in the framework of the H2020-MSCA-RISE-2018 project "LoGov - Local Government and the Changing Urban-Rural Interplay". LoGov aims to provide solutions for local governments that address the fundamental challenges resulting from urbanisation. To address this complex issue, 18 partners from 17 countries and six continents share their expertise and knowledge in the realms of public law, political science, and public administration. LoGov identifies, evaluates, compares, and shares innovative practices that cope with the impact of changing urban-rural relations in five major local government areas: (1) local responsibilities and public services, (2) local financial arrangements, (3) structure of local government, (4) intergovernmental relations of local governments, and (5) people's participation in local decision-making. The present entry addresses local responsibilities and public services in Ethiopia. The entry forms part of the LoGov Report on Ethiopia. To access the full version of the report on Ethiopia, other practices regarding responsibilities and public services and to receive more information about the project, please visit: https://www.logov-rise.eu/. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 823961.
This article examines what constitutional arrangements are more likely to facilitate the transfer of effective decision-making power to the regional level. We show that certain constitutional arrangements can result in institutional commitment problems between regional minority and national majority groups, which in turn influence levels of regional autonomy across regions. Specifically, we examine how the depth and scope of decentralization depend on the presence of federal agreements and the availability of institutional guarantees that make the federal contracts credible. Analyzing regional-level data, we show that regions where identity minority groups are majoritarian enjoy more regional autonomy when the commitment problem has resulted in a satisfactory national accommodation. Our findings highlight two important scenarios. The first occurs when the institutional commitment problem is solved, and regional minority groups are granted substantial levels of regional autonomy. The second scenario takes place when the commitment problem is not institutionally accommodated, and hence regional minority groups have systematically lower levels of autonomy. This article illustrates that both federal contracts and credible agreements are important tools to understand regional decision-making powers.
This analysis focuses on the paradiplomatic policies in Indonesia and Korea. The two countries have similar characteristics, namely as unitary state systems, and enacted regional autonomy in the same era, 1998s. This qualitative research aims to examine paradiplomatic types in both countries and why the policies are rationalized. The findings revealed that although both countries are unitary states, paradiplomatic activism runs in different types. Provinces and cities in Indonesia face many restrictions and limitations by national regulations, while regional governments in Korea have more discretions and authorities to practice paradiplomacy around the world. The research finding also portrayed several provinces in Indonesia instrumentalizing paradiplomacy as instruments to provide international recognitions related to self-determination, and this similar fact is not met in Korea. This paper argues that the different types of paradiplomatic policies in both countries are influenced by domestic political conditions and typically influenced by the presence or absence of regional movements.
The aim of this paper is to analyse the influence of regional economic disparities on the fiscal decentralisation processes in twenty-one OECD countries over the period 1981 to 2005. We use novel and robust measures of fiscal decentralisation based on different degrees of autonomy over both expenditures and taxes granted to subcentral governments. Our results show that high regional economic disparities call for lower fiscal decentralisation. This could be interpreted as the outcome of a bargaining process driven by the relative strength and different incentives of rich and poor regions. Moreover, the extent to which responsibility and decision powers are really left to subcentral governments appears to be crucial. Thus, from a positive point of view, equity considerations seem to suggest avoidance of fiscal decentralisation processes in countries with significant regional economic disparities, notwithstanding the well-known efficiency gains.
