Suchergebnisse

AbstractMonopolies continue to dominate world trade by controlling global production and distribution chains. Neither free trade nor fair trade has transformed this system; the recent rise in nativism and pseudo‐protectionism has not, and cannot, address these problems either. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the largest free trade area in the world, promises to be different. AfCFTA rejects classical, neoclassical, and Marxist theories of trade, appealing, instead, to non‐aligned pan‐Africanism. It advocates continental free trade as a way to overcome the lingering effects of slavery, colonialism, and neocolonialism. However, its exclusive focus on continental Africa, its disinterest in systemic redistribution, and encouragement of the private appropriation of socially created land rents prevents AfCFTA from achieving its goals. In fact, AfCFTA might actually foster inequality—progress alongside of poverty—and in so doing, undermine the very essence of this trade regime. What Henry George (1886) called "true free trade," a theory based on making land common by socializing land rent, offers a more promising and powerful model through which to achieve the pan‐African agenda. Indeed, only true free trade can definitively decolonize global trade.

Discusses possible evolution of an East Asia Free Trade Area with China or Japan at its center, and its potential impact on the region and US interests; argues for an ASEAN-centered EAFTA.

In 2015, the Heads of State and Government of COMESA, the EAC and SADC agreed to establish the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA) extending from Cape to Cairo, encompassing all twenty-six members of the three groupings. While the TFTA negotiations are ongoing, it is necessary that member states are aware of their rights and obligations as well as the nature and power of the organs of the TFTA. This paper analyses dispute resolution bodies of the three regional economic communities making up the large trade bloc, in order to distil the most salient features which allow for effective dispute resolution. The study shows that it is necessary that regional judiciaries be allowed to operate independently and efficiently without undue interference from political elites, otherwise they stand to fail in executing their mandate.

This report describes the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) trade agreement of 2005. The mission of the trade deal is to spread economic growth and democracy through free trade of goods between Central America, South America, the Caribbean and several Western countries.

THE FORMATION OF THE ASEAN FREE TRADE AREA (AFTA) IN 1991 MARKS A SIGNIFICANT CHANGE IN ATTITUDES TOWARDS PREFERENTIAL TRADING ARRANGEMENTS IN THE REGION. THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES WHY SUCH A CHANGE IN POLICY CAME ABOUT AND CONCLUDES THAT MAINSTREAM ECONOMIC APPROACHES DO NOT PROVIDE SATISFACTORY EXPLANATIONS FOR THE FORMATION OF AFTA. IN LARGE MEASURE THIS IS DUE TO AN OVERLY SIMPLISTIC EXPLANATION OF STATE BEHAVIOR WHICH FAILS TO CONSIDER THE PURPOSE OF TRADING BLOCS IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY OF THE 1990S. THIS ARTICLE PROVIDES AN ALTERNATIVE EXPLANATION FOR THE FORMATION OF ASEAN WHICH POINTS TO THE NEED FOR AN EXPLICIT ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ASEAN STATES AND ASEAN'S RELATIONSHIP TO THE GLOBAL ECONOMY.

The Lao People's Democratic Republic (PDR) is a transitional economy, and one of the few least developed economies in the Southeast Asian region. Laos became a member of ASEAN in July 1997, and will participate in the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) from 1 January 1998. This paper examines the likely impact of AFTA membership on Laos's trade, government revenue and foreign investment flows. It is found that: (i) trade diversion is likely to be low, and that AFTA will provide the vehicle to negotiate market access issues with Thailand; (ii) the reduction in government revenue from trade taxes is likely to be low, particularly in the light of the high share of informal trade and low levels of trade diversion; and (iii) foreign direct investment (FDI) flows are likely to grow sharply, as the legal, administrative and institutional framework in Laos develops to meet the ASEAN standard.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- Highlights -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Trade Facilitation and Paperless Trade in Asia and the Pacific: State of Play -- 2.1 Trade costs -- 2.2 Implementation of Trade Facilitation and Paperless Trade Measures -- 2.2.1 Status of implementation -- 2.2.2 Implementation progress from 2015 to 2017 -- 2.3 Subregional Cooperation Initiatives and Trade Facilitation in Asia and the Pacific -- 2.3.1 Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation Program -- 2.3.2 Greater Mekong Subregion Program -- 2.3.3 South Asia Subregional Economic Cooperation Program -- 2.3.4 The Pacific -- 3. Assessing Impacts of Trade Facilitation -- 3.1 Trade Facilitation Impact on Trade Costs: Evidence from Asia and the Pacific -- 3.1.1 Trade cost model and data -- 3.1.2. Regression analysis results -- 3.1.3. Simulation analysis -- 3.1.4. Summary -- 3.2 Trade Facilitation Impact on Trade Flows: Evidence from Central Asia -- 3.2.1. Background: Trade facilitation indicators in Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation -- 3.2.2. Methodology: Gravity model -- 3.2.3. Data for analysis -- 3.2.4. Estimation results -- 3.2.5. Simulation exercise -- 3.2.6 Summary -- 4. Challenges and the Way Forward -- Appendix -- References.