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Tell me who your friends are and I will tell you who you are. This ancient social philosophy is at the heart of a new financial technology system—social credit. In recent years, loosely regulated marketplace lenders have increasingly developed methods to rank individuals, including those traditionally considered unscored or credit-less. Specifically, some lenders build their score-generating algorithms around behavioral data gleaned from social media and social networking information, including the quantity and quality of social media presence, the identity and features of the applicant's contacts, the applicant's online social ties and interactions, the applicant's contacts' financial standing, the applicant's personality attributes as extracted from her online footprints, and more. This Article studies the potential consequences of social credit systems predicated on a simple transaction: authorized use of highly personal information in return for better interest rates. Following a detailed description of emerging social credit systems, the Article analyzes the inclination of rational and irrational customers to be socially active online and/or disclose all their online social-related information for financial ranking purposes. This examination includes, inter alia, consumers' preferences as well as mistakes, gamesmanship, and consumers' self-doxing or lack thereof. The Article then moves to discuss policy challenges triggered by social-based financial ranking that may become the new creditworthiness baseline criteria. It focuses on (i) direct privacy harms to loan seekers, and derivative privacy harm to loan seekers' online contacts or followers, (ii) online social segregation potentially mirrored by offline social polarization, and (iii) due process violations derived from algorithmic decision-making and unsupervised machine learning. The Article concludes by making a significant normative contribution, introducing a limited "right to be unnetworked," to accommodate the welcomed aspects of social credit systems while mitigating many of their undesired consequences.

This study argues that the effect of third-party trade on dyadic conflicts is conditional on the naval power of both the potential conflict initiator and its target state. This conditional effect occurs mainly because naval power allows trade-integrated initiators to reduce their trade dependence on a given trade partner and its allies more easily. At the same time, the target's naval power increases the costs that conflict inflict on the initiator's trade. As maritime trade accounts for about 80 percent of world trade volume, naval capability has an important effect on combatant states' ability to substitute trading partners during a conflict and to mitigate trade-related costs, thereby affecting the relationship between third-party trade and conflict. The findings of our statistical analyses support our theoretical expectation that the pacifying effect of third-party trade diminishes as the initiator's naval power increases, yet increases as the naval power of the potential target increases.

This study argues that the effect of third-party trade on dyadic conflicts is conditional on the naval power of both the potential conflict initiator and its target state. This conditional effect occurs mainly because naval power allows trade-integrated initiators to reduce their trade dependence on a given trade partner and its allies more easily. At the same time, the target's naval power increases the costs that conflict inflict on the initiator's trade. As maritime trade accounts for about 80 percent of world trade volume, naval capability has an important effect on combatant states' ability to substitute trading partners during a conflict and to mitigate trade-related costs, thereby affecting the relationship between third-party trade and conflict. The findings of our statistical analyses support our theoretical expectation that the pacifying effect of third-party trade diminishes as the initiator's naval power increases, yet increases as the naval power of the potential target increases.

Natural disasters can create peaceful diplomatic interactions between conflicting parties, be they warring states or warring domestic factions. Advocates of "disaster diplomacy" argue that while events such as epidemics, earthquakes, floods, windstorms, and tsunamis result in human tragedies, they also generate opportunities for international cooperation, even between enemies. Conversely, natural disasters can also create rifts between friends and allies. Case studies of individual disasters show that while these events sometimes facilitate diplomatic efforts, they may also emphasize existing differences, creating rifts and exacerbating conflicts. The Covid-19 pandemic represents a unique opportunity to test the disaster diplomacy hypothesis on a rare global health crisis that affected many nations of various regime types and with various relations between them. We argue that pandemics and large-scale emergencies can change the rules of the diplomatic game by exposing states' genuine interests while disregarding international community norms. As such, the Covid-19 pandemic is tearing off the masks from states' faces, opening paths to cooperation with unexpected partners while creating rifts between yesterday's allies. We thus argue that post-Covid-19 diplomacy may be characterized by previously rare tendencies such as "trading with the enemy" on the one hand and abandonment of international agreements on the other. Moreover, on the domestic front, such crises tend to exhibit strong fluctuations in regime type, with a clear shift toward populist parties. Additionally, this article provides two alternative explanations for these phenomena and offers an in-depth analysis of two case studies.

El presente Plan Director fue desarrollado por la Secretaría de Planeamiento, Obras y Servicios de la UNLP, en base al plan que viene ejecutando de infraestructura edilicia y gestión urbano/ambiental de los ámbitos universitarios. El marco conceptual y metodológico a partir del cual se desarrollaron las tareas, es el Plan Estratégico Institucional de la UNLP, que desde el año 2004 se viene aplicando en la Institución. (…) En el marco de lo dicho, el Plan Director para la manzana "ex Distrito Militar" se solventa en un cúmulo de conceptos urbanos, simbólicos, espaciales y funcionales tendientes a la generación de un fenómeno novedoso a partir de la resignificación de lo existente antes que de su reemplazo absoluto. De esta forma y en términos urbanos, se plantea la ratificación de la tipología urbana de manzana "sólida", consolidada y consolidando materialmente su frente urbano. ; Plan de gestión de infraestructura universitaria: Facultades de Artes, Trabajo Social y Bachillerato de Bellas Artes UNLP – 2005 y continua Secretaría de Planeamiento, Obras & Servicios Universidad Nacional de La Plata PROYECTO Secretaría de Planeamiento, Obras y Servicios Dirección de Planeamiento – Dirección de Proyectos ; Universidad Nacional de La Plata