Suchergebnisse

Are large landowners, especially those engaged in labor-dependent agriculture, detrimental to democratization and the subsequent survival of democracy? This assumption is at the heart of both canonical and recent influential work on regime transition and durability. Using an original panel data set on the extent of labor-dependent agriculture in countries across the world since 1930, the author finds that labor-dependent agriculture was indeed historically bad for democratic stability and stunted the extension of suffrage, parliamentary independence, and free and fair elections. However, the negative influence of labor-dependent agriculture on democracy started to turn positive around the time of democracy's third wave. The dual threats of land reform and costly domestic insurgencies in that period—often with more potent consequences under dictators—plausibly prompted landowners to push for democracy with strong horizontal constraints and favorable institutions that could protect their property more reliably over the long term than could dictatorship. The shift in support for democracy by labor-dependent landowners is a major untold story of democracy's third wave and helps explain the persistent democratic deficit in many new democracies.

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Artículos ; En Chiapas, las cifras de la distribución de la tierra en el periodo posrevolucionario y el centralismo de la dinámica política nacional desmienten la idea corriente del imperio del latifundio y el control gubernamental por parte de los terratenientes. Para demostrarlo se hace un recorrido por la historia chiapaneca, en particular en lo que respecta al fraccionamiento de la tierra y la relación entre los beneficiados por la ley de inafectabilidad de la propiedad agraria y los políticos importantes en los gobiernos estatales y municipales, la idea es mostrar que gobierno y terratenientes no son la misma cosa y que el latifundio es cosa del pasado ; On the contrary to the current belief about governmental control exerted by landowners and the prevalence of large rural estate in Chiapas; it is shown that government and landowners are not the same thing and that large rural estate is a thing of past. In order to argue in favor of the latter statements, statistical information about land distribution during the post-revolutionary stage is shown. Considering this information, it is clear that local governmental representatives did not well out of the law against the rural private property affectation

Artículos ; En Chiapas, las cifras de la distribución de la tierra en el periodo posrevolucionario y el centralismo de la dinámica política nacional desmienten la idea corriente del imperio del latifundio y el control gubernamental por parte de los terratenientes. Para demostrarlo se hace un recorrido por la historia chiapaneca, en particular en lo que respecta al fraccionamiento de la tierra y la relación entre los beneficiados por la ley de inafectabilidad de la propiedad agraria y los políticos importantes en los gobiernos estatales y municipales, la idea es mostrar que gobierno y terratenientes no son la misma cosa y que el latifundio es cosa del pasado ; On the contrary to the current belief about governmental control exerted by landowners and the prevalence of large rural estate in Chiapas; it is shown that government and landowners are not the same thing and that large rural estate is a thing of past. In order to argue in favor of the latter statements, statistical information about land distribution during the post-revolutionary stage is shown. Considering this information, it is clear that local governmental representatives did not well out of the law against the rural private property affectation

This prosopographical article demonstrates that the traditional British landed interest suffered very little by the terms of the 1832 Reform Act. They maintained their customary dominance of the house of commons, although voting records show that they had lost some of their ability to push legislation through the House that spoke to their more parochial interests. By contrast, the 1867 Reform Act caused serious erosion of their legislative power in the Commons. The 1874 election, especially in Ireland, saw great landowners losing their county seats to tenant farmers. Democracy was coming to Britain; just not as soon as some would have it.

This study examines the perceptions of landowners of fringe communities of the Kyabobo National Park (KNP) about their involvement in the creation and management of the KNP. Four KNP-fringe communities namely: Shiare, Odomi, Gekorong, and Keri which are less than a kilometre from the boundary of the park were selected for the study. Pearson correlation coefficient was used to establish the relationship between landowners' perceptions and their involvement in the management of the park. A systematic sampling method was used to select 212 landowners for interviews using a structured interview schedule. The study found that some landowners in the KNP-fringe communities were employed at various levels in the management of the park but were not managing partners of the park. Landowners also benefited from selling handicrafts to park visitors. The physical infrastructures in the communities have remained poor. It is recommended that landowners in park-fringe communities are given the opportunity to become managing partners of the park to guarantee the successful operation of the park. Government should also provide modern physical infrastructure in the KNP-fringe communities as was promised prior to the establishment of the park.