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Prostate cancer chemoprevention represents a relatively new and promising strategy for reducing the immense public health burden of this devastating cancer of men in the United States and Western societies. Chemoprevention is defined as the administration of agents (drugs, biologics, and natural products) that modulate (inhibit) one or more steps in the multistage carcinogenesis process culminating in invasive adenocarcinoma of the prostate. In 2000, there were an estimated 170,000 new cases of prostate cancer and 31,000 deaths in the United States. During the past decade, the National Cancer Institute (NCI) organized the chemoprevention research program and began testing the first generation of promising agents (eg, 4-(hydroxy)-fenretinide [4-HPR], difluoromethylornithine [DFMO], antiandrogens) in high-risk cohorts and launched the first-large scale US phase 3 primary prevention trial, known as Prostate Cancer Prevention Trial (PCPT-1), in 18,000 average-risk men (age more than 55 years and prostate-specific antigen [PSA] less than 3 ng/mL) treated for 7 years with finasteride or placebo. In the summer of 1998, the NCI Prostate Cancer Progress Review Group (PRG) Report to the director of NCI was published in response to the leadership of the prostate cancer advocacy community in conjunction with Congress. To further elucidate and address critical issues identified in this report and to develop a research agenda for the newly created Prostate and Urologic Cancer Research Group in the Division of Cancer Prevention at NCI, the NCI organized the workshop "New Clinical Trial Strategies for Prostate Cancer Chemoprevention." The major objectives were to promote understanding and cooperation among the NCI, US Food and Drug Administration (FDA), academia, pharmaceutical industry, and the public regarding new opportunities for clinical prevention trials for prostate cancer. The workshop was divided into three concurrent breakout panels and a fourth joint integrative panel. The workshop addressed multiple key areas identified in the PRG report in the following panels: (1) Molecular Targets and Promising Agents in Clinical Development; (2) Intermediate Endpoint Biomarkers for Prevention Trials; (3) High-Risk Study Populations for Prevention Trials, and (4) Preventive Clinical Trial Designs and Regulatory Issues. Expert panelists were drawn from leading academic, pharmaceutical, and government scientists in basic research and clinical investigation. Key pharmaceutical, biotechnology, academic, and National Institutes of Health scientists presented overviews of their new agents and products in clinical development (representing the next generation of promising agents). Senior FDA physicians from the Center for Drugs and Center for Biologics presented on current standards for new drug and biologic approval for chemoprevention efficacy. Some of the key topics included recent advances in the state of knowledge of promising agents in the clinic based on molecular targets as well as bottlenecks in drug development for pharmaceutical sponsors; strategic modulable biomarkers that can serve as primary endpoints in phase 1/2 trials to assess preventive efficacy; high-risk cohorts with precancer (high-grade prostatic intraepithelial neoplasia) and representative clinical trial designs that are ready for immediate translation into efficient prevention trials, such as Bayesian sequential monitoring for early assessment of biologic activity and factorial designs for assessment of multiagent combinations. Finally, each expert panel generated recommendations for areas of future research emphasizing opportunities and infrastructure needs.

In this article in the section on Multidimensional Security, the EU's search for its role as a global player is explored by the assessment of four possibilities to develop the European foreign security & defense policy (EFSP) without the enactment of the Constitutional Treaty (CT). The six possibilities for development delineated as opportunities are inclusive of institutional reorganization, interinstitutional agreements, legal acts by the Council, flexible cooperation between member states that could result in the election of President of the European Council & the establishment of a Foreign Affairs Council, the appointment of a Foreign Affairs Minster & the creation of an European External action Service, the development of the European Defense Agency, the reutilization of enhanced permanent structure cooperation. The "back door" reforms of the EFSP, although possible, are questioned in terms of a direction for the EU, & the author concludes that placing reforms firmly in the context of the European Security Strategy would be a good place to start . References. J. Harwell

"Labour Beyond Cosatu is the fifth publication in the Taking Democracy Seriously project which started in 1994 and comprises of surveys of the opinions, attitudes and lifestyles of members of trade unions affiliated to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu). This survey was conducted shortly before the elections in 2014, in a context in which government economic policy had not fundamentally shifted to the left and the massacre of 34 mineworkers at Marikana by the South African Police Service had fundamentally shaken the labour landscape, with mineworkers not only striking against their employers, but also their union, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). Cosatu leaders had started to openly criticise levels of corruption in the State, while a `tectonic shift' took place when the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (Numsa) was expelled from Cosatu at the end of 2014. In its analysis of the survey, Labour Beyond Cosatu shows that Cosatu, fragmented and weakened through fi ssures in its alliance with the African National Congress, is no longer the only dominant force influencing South Africa's labour landscape. Contributors also examine aspects such as changing patterns of class; workers' incomes and their lifestyles; workers' relationship to civil society movements and service delivery protests; and the politics of male power and privilege in trade unions. The trenchant analysis in Labour Beyond Cosatu exhibits fiercely independent and critically engaged labour scholarship, in the face of shifting alliances currently shaping the contestation between authoritarianism and democracy."--Back cover

Producción Científica ; En inglés: This paper focuses on studying two specific cases of two Liguria region's port cities waterfront regeneration, Savona and La Spezia. The purpose is analyzing critically the redefinition of their degraded central port areas aiming to reconnect them to urban contexts. The aim of the article is to highlight the waterfront reorganizing process of these realities in crisis starting from the eighties. Successively, in the nineties, Savona and La Spezia zia have re-imagined the future of the city-port relation. By the two study cases analysis it will be trying to make the reader understood the evolution of the waterfront regeneration process from the nineties as a result of a composition of distinct equilibrium, which has also been the focus of various debates by public policies local actors. Furthermore, the current status of La Spezia and Savona urgent urban issues will be highlighted, as well as the interinstitutional relations among the actors involved and the strategies to be implemented to achieve the objectives set by the urban planning instruments. En italiano: Il presente contributo si prefigge di studiare due specifici casi di rigenerazione del waterfront di due città portuali capoluogo liguri, Savona e La Spezia, con la finalità di analizzare criticamente i percorsi di ridefinizione delle rispettive aree portuali centrali in degrado ai fini della loro riconnessione con gli ambiti urbani. L'obiettivo dell'articolo è quello di mettere in luce il processo di riorganizzazione del fronte d'acqua di queste realtà industriali entrate in crisi a partire dagli anni Ottanta e che, dal decennio successivo, hanno re-immaginato il futuro della relazione città-porto. Attraverso l'analisi di questi due casi si cercherà di far comprendere al lettore come si è evoluto il processo di rigenerazione dei due waterfront sin dagli anni Novanta quale risultato di una composizione di distinti equilibri e che è stato al centro di vari dibattiti da parte degli attori delle politiche pubbliche locali. Inoltre, si metteranno in evidenza lo stato attuale delle questioni urbane urgenti per le città di La Spezia e Savona, oltre ai rapporti interistituzionali degli attori coinvolti e le strategie da implementare per conseguire gli obiettivi prefissati dagli strumenti di pianificazione urbanistica. ; European Joint Doctorate "urbanHIST". European Union. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 721933.

The COVID-19 pandemic demonstrates the critical need to reimagine and repair the broken systems of global health. Specifically, the pandemic demonstrates the hollowness of the global health rhetoric of equity, the weaknesses of a health security-driven global health agenda, and the negative health impacts of power differentials not only globally, but also regionally and locally. This article analyses the effects of these inequities and calls on governments, multilateral agencies, universities, and NGOs to engage in true collaboration and partnership in this historic moment. Before this pandemic spreads further - including in the Global South - with potentially extreme impact, we must work together to rectify the field and practice of global health.

Il lavoro intende dimostrare che lo sviluppo giurisprudenziale del principio di equilibrio istituzionale, il rapporto tra detto principio e il principio di leale cooperazione, il riconoscimento istituzionale e giurisprudenziale dell'importanza della scelta della base giuridica nella tutela dell'equilibrio istituzionale hanno concorso a determinare la dinamicità dell'evoluzione dell'assetto interistituzionale della Comunità e dell'Unione. Focalizzata l'attenzione sulle nuove basi giuridiche introdotte dal Trattato di Lisbona, sono stati definiti gli assetti del nuovo equilibrio istituzionale analizzando, da un lato, il nuovo quadro istituzionale definito dal titolo III del Trattato sull'Unione europea e, in particolare la "costituzionalizzazione" del principio orizzontale di leale cooperazione. In conclusione, si rileva che con l´entrata in vigore del Trattato di Lisbona le dimensioni politica e giuridica dell'equilibrio istituzionale sono state interessate da due mutamenti di ampia portata. In primo luogo, il completamento del processo di revisione dei trattati apertosi con la dichiarazione di Laeken ha definito un nuovo quadro istituzionale, che si è riflesso in rinnovati meccanismi di funzionamento dell'architettura istituzionale. In secondo luogo, la risposta dell'Unione alla crisi economica e finanziaria ha messo al centro dell'agenda il suo bilancio, la programmazione pluriennale e l'Unione economica. Nel primo caso un'analisi dell'articolo 295 TFUE ha costituito la base di una riflessione sulle modalità di codificazione delle relazioni istituzionali attraverso accordi e sul rapporto tra questi ultimi e il titolo III TUE. Si è rilevata, in particolare, un'incongruenza tra gli obblighi di leale cooperazione orizzontale sanciti dall'articolo 13(2) TUE e gli strumenti finalizzati alla loro istituzionalizzazione. Nel secondo caso, invece, è stato evidenziato come il preminente ruolo del Consiglio europeo, al quale il Trattato di Lisbona ha riconosciuto lo status d'istituzione, abbia modificato gli equilibri, determinando un ritorno del ricorso all'integrazione differenziata rispetto a politiche disciplinate dai Trattati. ; The institutional balance can be envisaged in two different ways. On one hand, as a general principle of EU law, developed by the Court of justice since the Meroni ruling; on the other, as a dynamic concept, depicting the inter-institutional relations connected with the implementation of the treaties and the treaty changes concerning the institutional framework and the legal basis governing legislative and budgetary procedures. The thesis is aimed at analysing the evolution of the institutional balance in both judicial and practical spheres and it has been organized in two main parts composed respectively of 4 chapters. In the first part the most relevant principle governing the interinstitutional relations have been assessed considering their evolution from the beginning of the integration process until the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. After having defined the new institutional framework set-up by the title III of the TEU, the second part focused on the new legal basis of the TFUE modifying the EU decision-making process. The study was conducted through the analysis of the European Court of justice case-law, treaty' s reforms and institutional practice, including the evolution of the interistitutional agreements. The thesis concludes that the institutional balance is in a permanent state of evolution and this process did not come to an end after the entry into force of the Lisbon treaty. Despite the fact that the Lisbon Treaty was adopted after fifteen years of debate and reflection on institutional reforms, not only the legal instrument provided in order to implement the interinstitutional cooperation are inadequate, considering the high-level interaction required to achieve the objectives of the Treaty, but also the reforms failed to eliminate the structural tension which intrinsically characterized the institutional interaction in the past.

Religion and politics have depended on and influenced one another since the origins of what we know as Latin America. Their relation is both mutual and multifaceted; mutual because religion and politics have evolved together over the years, taking material and symbolic support from one another, and multifaceted because it embraces interinstitutional conflict and accommodation (e.g., the "church-state" relations which dominated earlier scholarship) as well as more subtle and elusive exchanges whereby religious and political orders gave legitimacy and moral authority to one another. In this process, religious notions of hierarchy, authority, and obedience reflected and reinforced the pattern of existing social and political arrangements to such an extent that the two orders often seemed indistinguishable.