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Lignite Basins in Poland after 1945
In: Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego studia i prace, Heft 2, S. 107-130
Lignite mining in Poland started after World War Two, as a result of the change ofwestern borders. Until the 1970 s, the Lower Silesian Turoszów Basin played the primary role, despite competition from the Konin Basin in Greater Poland. In 1978 both basins, together with several smaller mines, provided 41 m tonnes of lignite. Ten years later the number rosę to 73,5 m tonnes, mostly thanks to investments in the centrally located Bełchatów Basin, which has sińce dominated the sector. Overall production never recovered after 1989, with Poland falling from the 5th, to the 8th place among the largest lignite extractors between 1989 and the beginning of the 21st century. Recently about one third of the energy in Poland has been based on lignite, similarly to Bułgaria, Romania and Turkey (while in the Czech Republic, Serbia, and Montenegro it has amounted to 69%).
Swedish Strategic Culture after 1945
In: Cooperation and conflict: journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 25-44
ISSN: 1460-3691
This article examines the evolution of Swedish strategic culture during the twentieth century and up to the present.Although Sweden is the only Scandinavian country that has stayed out of war since the age of Napoleon, it still has proud military traditions stemming from Sweden's age of empire (1561–1721) and from the Cold War period, when this nonaligned country became partly self-sufficient in modern military technology, producing its own fighter-jets, tanks and submarines, even planning to acquire nuclear weapons in the 1950s. On paper, Sweden maintained an impressive number of armed forces (850,000 men after mobilization), although at the end of the Cold War their equipment and training left much to be desired. Only around the year 2000 did this huge Cold War defence complex begin to be dismantled. In line with the Swedish administrative-political culture (which is often traced back to the seventeenth-century statesman Axel Oxenstierna), the military enjoyed a high degree of autonomy compared with most other Western countries. This made it possible for the Army, the most influential of the services, to preserve its size rather than modernize gradually. Also, like other sectors of Swedish society, national defence was adopted by wellorganized popular movements with corporatist traits, movements such as voluntary defence organizations with hundreds of thousands of members and by defence industry. Sweden was the first country in the world to abolish the system of professional NCOs in the 1980s, creating a unified corps of enlisted officers. The tension between the ideals of popular defence and broad democratic participation – hailed in Swedish society at large – and the demands of military professionalism, and Sweden's national self-image as an advanced industrial country, increased towards the end of the Cold War. Only after the end of the Cold War did academization of officers' training, the adoption of an official military doctrine and advanced thinking about network-centric warfare bring about much-needed modernization of the Swedish armed forces. Today, however, the mental gap is wide between the military elite on the one hand — which sees international operations as the primary mission in the future — and public opinion and large segments of the officers' corps, on the other, which still consider defence as defending national territory.
Swedish Strategic Culture after 1945
In: Cooperation and conflict: journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 25-44
ISSN: 1460-3691
This article examines the evolution of Swedish strategic culture during the twentieth century & up to the present. Although Sweden is the only Scandinavian country that has stayed out of war since the age of Napoleon, it still has proud military traditions stemming from Sweden's age of empire (1561-1721) & from the Cold War period, when this nonaligned country became partly self-sufficient in modern military technology, producing its own fighter-jets, tanks & submarines, even planning to acquire nuclear weapons in the 1950s. On paper, Sweden maintained an impressive number of armed forces (850,000 men after mobilization), although at the end of the Cold War their equipment & training left much to be desired. Only around the year 2000 did this huge Cold War defence complex begin to be dismantled. In line with the Swedish administrative-political culture (which is often traced back to the seventeenth-century statesman Axel Oxenstierna), the military enjoyed a high degree of autonomy compared with most other Western countries. This made it possible for the Army, the most influential of the services, to preserve its size rather than modernize gradually. Also, like other sectors of Swedish society, national defence was adopted by well-organized popular movements with corporatist traits, movements such as voluntary defence organizations with hundreds of thousands of members & by defence industry. Sweden was the first country in the world to abolish the system of professional NCOs in the 1980s, creating a unified corps of enlisted officers. The tension between the ideals of popular defence & broad democratic participation -- hailed in Swedish society at large -- & the demands of military professionalism, & Sweden's national self-image as an advanced industrial country, increased towards the end of the Cold War. Only after the end of the Cold War did academization of officers' training, the adoption of an official military doctrine & advanced thinking about network-centric warfare bring about much-needed modernization of the Swedish armed forces. Today, however, the mental gap is wide between the military elite on the one hand -- which sees international operations as the primary mission in the future -- & public opinion & large segments of the officers' corps, on the other, which still consider defence as defending national territory. 57 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2005 NISA.]
Ireland After History
In: A Companion to Postcolonial Studies, S. 377-395
on Aft History
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 50
ISSN: 0265-4881
History after Lacan
In: Constellations: an international journal of critical and democratic theory, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 429-430
ISSN: 1351-0487
History after Lacan
In: Economy and society, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 277-313
ISSN: 1469-5766
BOOKREVIEWS: PRIMOZ STERBENC: Denmark's Policy Towards Europe After 1945: History, Theory and Options
In: Journal of international relations and development: JIRD, official journal of the Central and East European International Studies Association, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 212-216
ISSN: 1408-6980
Rural inventions: the French countryside after 1945
The peasantry is dead, long live the peasantry! -- Second homes: peasant dwellings as rural retreats -- Back to the land: rural utopias in 1970s France -- Progress and nostalgia: memoirs of French peasant life -- Disrupted landscapes: Raymond Depardon's visual memoir.
After apartheid
In: Social Identities South Africa Series
Vol. 1: Social identities in the new South Africa. / Ed. by Abebe Zegeye. - 360 S. : zahlr. Lit. - ISBN 0-7957-0133-0.; Vol. 2: Culture in the new South Africa. / Ed. by Robert Kriger ... - 334 S. : Ill., zahlr. Lit. - ISBN 0-7957-0134-9
World Affairs Online
New States in Decolonization After 1945
In: Recognizing States, S. 147-169
Music after Hitler, 1945-1955
In: German politics: Journal of the Association for the Study of German Politics, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 539-540
ISSN: 0964-4008
Swedish Strategic Culture after 1945
In: Cooperation and conflict: journal of the Nordic International Studies Association, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 25-44
ISSN: 0010-8367