Suchergebnisse

The enactment of Presidential Decree 12/2020 concerning the Determination of Non-Natural Disasters The Spread of Corona Virus Disease 2019 (Covid-19) as a National Disaster has an impact on the termination of procurement contracts by the government. During a pandemic, it is often encountered that the Government considers itself in a state of force majeure, so that it is free from its obligations in fulfilling its contracts. This is certainly very detrimental to the contractor. Therefore, there is a need for research related to the responsibilities of the government that are bound in the contract for the procurement of goods and services after the enactment of Presidential Decree 12/2020. Presidential Decree 12/2020 does not automatically abolish the government's responsibility which is bound in the contract for the procurement of goods and services. If the Covid-19 pandemic poses a permanent obstacle to the government from carrying out its achievements (absolute force majeure), then the government can apply for a termination of the implementation of the contract to the provider. Termination of the contract may be accompanied by the provision of compensation to the provider in the form and value agreed upon by the parties. In the event that the force majeure that occurs only creates a temporary obstacle to the fulfillment of achievements (relative force majeure), the government remains responsible for fulfilling its achievements.

Address before the Am. academy of political and social science, Philadelphia, Apr. 18-19, 1952.

This research aims to study the social impact assessment (SIA)aspects from the tourism development policy by connecting the strategicpolicy and the development plan at both national and regional levels andprovincial groups in SIA to evaluate people's living conditions in the city.The research data were collected by the use of questionnaires approvedby experts. Cronbach's alpha coefficient was used to ensure contentvalidity and reliability of the questionnaire (α = 0.725). The questionnaireconsisted of questions concerning economic, social and environmentalissues. It was found that people of different races and religions visitedfor business purposes and the port was used as an industrial centre. Theproducts were improved, and the people could access local culture easily.Local people gained more income and activities. The overall examinationand evaluation of tourism-promoting policies should be done. The localscan participate in tourism development policy presentations. Not onlywould investors realise the advantages, but the community would alsobe strengthened and unity and utility would directly be created betweenprovince and the community.

AbstractSocial policies in China have expanded rapidly since the early 2000s, broadening welfare provisions aiming to improve citizens' well‐being in a context of rapid development and increasing inequality. How people see the role of the government in the provision of welfare is important to policy‐making in an authoritarian state, such as China, because regime legitimacy is tied to evaluations of government performance. To what extent have welfare attitudes changed as a new Chinese social security system has emerged? Drawing on nationally representative datasets from the China Inequality and Distributive Justice Survey Project for 2004, 2009 and 2014, this study finds that support for government provision of welfare has increased substantially within all population groups since 2004. Furthermore, traditional social cleavages, such as the urban–rural divide, seem to lose strength as a predictor of redistributive preference, possibly 'deactivating' these social cleavages as vehicles of political mobilisation.

Much scepticism is expressed about the validity of ministerial responsibility in the modem constitution, and the Scott Report has done nothing to dispel this. The time seems ripe for a general review of the role of responsibility in the political system, placing ministerial responsibility in its context as one element in a supporting structure for responsible democratic government. In a broad view of governmental responsibility in a democracy like ours we may see it as owed not only to Parliament but to the public, to the law, and to individual citizens. A closer examination requires us to identify those upon whom responsibilities actually rest and those to whom they must answer. We have to take account not only of departmental ministers but of their ministerial subordinates, officials in departments and agencies, and non-departmental public bodies. In focusing on departmental ministers we should give due weight to their legal responsibility, recognising the expansion and renewed vitality of judicial review. The responsi bility of ministers to Parliament appears as a cluster of obligations, the mainte nance of which requires continual vigilance. A ministerial obligation to resign is peripheral to the everyday striving for accountability, but is not to be dismissed as having no reality.

This article contributes to the debate about migration's impact on welfare state support by investigating the welfare opinions of migrants and their descendants. It examines whether experiences of group and individual discrimination explain the welfare attitudes of this group over and beyond classical predictors of self-interest and political ideology. Using survey data from Belgian citizens of Turkish and Moroccan descent, we show that stronger support for redistribution is associated with higher levels of perceived group discrimination, religious involvement, and belonging to the second generation. Preferences of government responsibility, however, are strongly determined by labor market position and left-right ideology.