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Based on ethnographic research on Islamist buzzers – social media political operators tasked with making particular online conversation subjects trend – in Indonesia, this article details the process of how the proliferation of insensitive message in both the online and offline realms plays a role in mobilizing those sympathetic to religious fundamentalism. As this research shows, the interviewed buzzers were one of the driving forces behind the massive success of the fundamentalist Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI) as they mobilized people to participate in the organization's political rallies between 2016 and 2017. Driven by altruistic volunteerism and sense of community, these actors go beyond their duty as click-farmers. They maintain regular contact with sympathizers and convincing them to revive broken weblinks, hang banners on streets as part of astroturfing campaigns and gather masses to attend offline events. Detailing the activity and spatiality of buzzers in crafting new online and offline spaces as part of their innovative bottom-up propaganda management, this research concludes that right-wing political mobilization and radicalization are not simply the product of ideology but are catalyzed by technically and socially tedious, mediated messaging campaigns. (ASEA(GIGA)

Indonesia selected as a host of the beauty pageant contest which is the oldes in the world, called Miss World. Various rallies to protest against the suspension of the holding of Miss Wolrd emerged. The extrimists, which are Forum Umat Islam, Front Pembela Islam, Majelis Mujahiddin Indonesia considers this beauty pageant as the pornography event. Researchers want to see how presentation of the news content by two media, namely Kompas.com and The New York Times Online in preaching the controversy of Miss World 2013. Researcher used concepts and theories that associated with this research, which are event, mass media, news, framing, and agenda setting.Researchers conducting the framing analysis by Robert N. Entman by doing the five stages of framing. Through framing analysis, the proclamation can be viewed as an attempt to influence the audiences.Conclusions from this research revealed that the news on Kompas.com and The New York Times Online against the holding of the Miss World controversy in Indonesia tends to be negative. Each of the media see that there is a fear from Government of Indonesia against the extrimists and also the extrimists are keep fighting against the decision that has been made by Government of Indonesia. Key Words: Controversy, Media, Framing, Communication

AbstractThe research shows that Reformation era has brought a great transformation in the development of politics in Indonesia. The transition a long with political freedom has given anychance for the emergence of Islamic movement like Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), Front Pembela Islam ( FPI), Laskar Jihad, etc. This emergenceinquires some petitions, and one of them is the implementation of Shariah as a positive law in Indonesia. Even, HTI has broader petition i.e. the realization of Khilafah Islamiyah that makes the world united in the frame of Khilafah State. Moreover, Reformation era has given chance forthe establishment of Islamic Parties. In this Reformation era, PPP stands up for the implementation of Jakarta Charter in the constitution but it always faces obstacles. Oppositewith PKS that doesn't mention if their program relates with the implementation of Shariah as a positive law in Indonesia. Therefore, PPP and PKS still put it base in Pancasila and maintain Unitary State Republic of Indonesia as the final form of national system.Key Words : : the implementation of Shariah, Khilafah Islamiyah, Islamic movement

The first quarter of the twenty-first century has witnessed the rise of populism around the world. While it is widespread it manifests in its own unique ways in each society, nation, and region. Religious populism, once rarely discussed, has come to take a more prominent role in the politics of a diverse range of societies and countries, as religious discourse is increasingly used by mainstream and peripheral populist actors alike. This paper examines the rise of religious populism in Indonesia through a study of the widely talked about, but little understood, Islamic Defenders Front (FPI—Front Pembela Islam). The case study method used to examine the FPI provides a unique insight into a liminal organization which, through populist and pro-violence Islamist discourse and political lobbying, has had an outsized impact on Indonesian politics. In this paper, we identify the FPI as an Islamist civilizationist populist group and show how the group frames Indonesian domestic political events within a larger cosmic battle between faithful and righteous Muslims and the forces that stand against Islam, whether they be "unfaithful Muslims" or non-Muslims. We also show how the case of the FPI demonstrates the manner in which smaller, liminal, political actors can instrumentalise religion and leverage religious rhetoric to reshape political discourse, and in doing so, drive demand for religious populism. The paper makes two arguments: First, the FPI is an example of a civilizationist populist movement which instrumentalises religion in order to create demand for its populist solutions. Second, that as Islamic groups and organisations in Indonesia increasingly rely on religio-civilizational concepts of national identity, they become more transnational in outlook, rhetoric, and organisation and more closely aligned with religious developments in the Middle East.

Watching the Indonesian Elections 2014 -- CONTENTS -- FOREWORD -- INTRODUCTION -- 1. THE GUBERNATORIAL RACE IN JAKARTA: BACKGROUND AND IMPLICATIONS -- 2. INDONESIAN PARTIES STRUGGLE FOR ELECTABILITY -- 3. WHO WILL BE INDONESIAN PRESIDENT IN 2014? -- 4. INDONESIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION FORCING REJUVENATION OF PARTIES -- 5. RESISTING DEMOCRACY: FRONT PEMBELA ISLAM AND INDONESIA'S 2014 ELECTIONS -- 6. GETTING TO KNOW THE CONTESTANTS OF THE 2014 INDONESIAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS -- 7. A SNAPSHOT OF THE CAMPAIGNING IN INDONESIA'S 2014 LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS -- 8. UNPACKING THE RESULTS OF THE 2014 INDONESIAN LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS -- 9. INDONESIA'S 2014 LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS: THE DILEMMAS OF "ELEKTABILITAS" POLITICS -- 10. THE ISLAMIC FACTOR IN THE 2014 INDONESIAN ELECTIONS -- 11. VOTE-BUYING IN INDONESIA'S 2014 ELECTIONS: THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN -- 12 GAP NARROWS BETWEEN CANDIDATES IN INDONESIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS -- 13. ANALYSING THE ECONOMIC PLATFORMS IN THE INDONESIAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION -- 14. INDONESIAN ISLAMIC PARTIES AFTER THE 2014 ELECTIONS: DIVIDED AND SELF-CENTRED -- 15. SAFEGUARDING INDONESIA'S PLURALISM: AN ESSENTIAL TASK FOR JOKO WIDODO -- 16. JOKOWI'S KEY ECONOMIC CHALLENGE: IMPROVING FISCAL POLICY FOR EQUITABLE GROWTH -- 17. CROSSING THE RIVER WHILE AVOIDING THE STONES: JOKOWI'S RUN-UP TO THE PRESIDENCY -- 18. POST-ELECTIONS INDONESIA: TOWARDS A CRISIS OF GOVERNMENT? -- EPILOGUE. JOKOWI'S FIRST MONTHS: COMPROMISE CABINET, SUBSIDY CUTS, AND CORRUPT COALITION.

Tulisan ini menyoroti adanya potensi praktis politik identitas Islam yang tampil melalui aksi kontroversi oleh pemimpin organisasi Front Pembela Islam Habib Rizieq Shihab dan aksi-aksi perlawanan terhadap pemerintahan berbasiskan agama di era pandemi. Kontroversi kepulangan Habib Riziq Shihab yang dikaji melalui ilmu politik. Sebab itu, tulisan ini berusaha untuk mengkaji beberapa hal, yaitu: (1) Melacak berbagai potensi bentuk politik identitas yang didasarkan pada kontroversi; (2) potensi lunturnya multikultral di NKRI. (3). Solusi dalam mencegah politik Identitas melalui Pancasila. Metode yang digunakan studi pustaka untuk menganalisa agar memperoleh hasil secara ilmiah yang bisa dipertanggungjawabkan. Hasil penelitian menemukan potensi simbol kontroversi politik dari Habib Rizieq Shihab dengan politik agama melalui fanatisme dan kasus kerumunan, yang secara kasat mata mengaburkan penghargaan terhadap realitas keberagaman sekaligus mereduksi peran penting Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara Indonesia. Kasus kepulangan Habib Rizieq Shihab, sikap fanatisme dan pertentangan yang lain ini tak jarang berujung pada pengerahan massa untuk mengekspresikan identitas yang ingin dianggap berbeda dari mayoritas itulah salah satu bentuk potensi dari politik identitas islam. Situasi dan potensi yang seperti itu dapat mencabik pluralitas keagamaan yang dipupuk bangsa ini sejak lama dan bhinneka tunggal ika merupakan solusinya. Simpulan dari situasi sosial yang seperti kepulangan Habib Riziieq Shihab dapat mencabik pluralitas keagamaan yang dipupuk bangsa ini sejak lama. (1) Adanya berbagai potensi bentuk politik identitas (2) potensi lunturnya multikultral di NKRI. (3). Politik Identitas dapat dicegah melalui Nilai-nilai Pancasila.Kata Kunci : Pancasila, Politik Identtas, Potensi

'In der Russischen Föderation bildet der Islam die zweitgrößte Glaubensgemeinschaft nach der russisch-orthodoxen Kirche. Prognosen über die Bevölkerungsentwicklung im 21. Jahrhundert gehen davon aus, daß die muslimische Komponente bei gleichzeitiger Abnahme der russischen noch an Gewicht gewinnen wird. In Rußland selber weist man darauf hin, daß heute dort mehr 'Muslime' leben als im Ursprungsland des Islam, in Saudi-Arabien, und in manchen anderen arabischen Staaten. Allerdings ist die Zahl der 'rußländischen Muslime' ebenso wie der Terminus 'Muslim' selber unbestimmt. Angaben schwanken zwischen 8,5 und 21 Mio. Der Terminus 'Muslim' ist eher ethnisch als religiös determiniert und umfaßt viele Angehörige islamischer Nationalitäten (Tataren, Baschkiren, Kaukasier), die sich persönlich nur bedingt als 'Gläubige' identifizieren würden. Dennoch vollzieht sich in Rußland seit 1990 eine sichtbare Wiedergeburt islamischer Gemeinden und Institutionen.' (Autorenreferat)

In 1988, when most of the research for this article was conducted, Sudanese were still permitted by the state to debate strategies for democratic change. An air of intellectual and political excitement generated by the 1985 intifada (the overthrow by civilians of the oppressive Nimieri military dictatorship) still prevailed and debate over the advantages and disadvantages of an Islamic state and accompanying sharia was intense. Dozens of newspapers were active, as were both radio and television; unions, professional associations, political parties and interest groups assembled frequently. Two women were elected to the People's Assembly, and the long‐dormant Sudanese Women's Union was once again active. These were heady times, not dissimilar to the immediate post‐independence atmosphere or of the 1964 democratic era following the overthrow of the Abboud military regime. But the atmosphere changed abruptly with the demise of democratic processes in 1989 and the establishment of a right‐wing Islamic military government. Though the brief democratic era from 1985 to 1989 may have ended, the nature of debate within it remains of considerable significance, not just for Sudan, but for other settings where Islam is or may become a factor in the political process, figuring in discussions about both democracy and gender relations. The concern here is to focus on one group active in Sudan during the democratic era — the National Islamic Front (NIF) — in order to explore the gender dynamics that both brought it to power and are sustaining it. It is argued that the NIF was an integral part of the political forces set in motion during that period, the consummation of which is an Islamist regime that trained women for the 'revolution' and is now betraying them.