Suchergebnisse

Considers reactions to results of the US elections in 2000, particularly as conducted in Florida, focusing on harm done to the image of the US in other countries and to US credibility as a promoter of democracy in its foreign relations.

This study examined the quality of Florida county government conservation planning. To assess conservation planning quality, a theoretical model of conservation planning as prescribed by the conservation science literature was first developed. A plan evaluation coding protocol was applied to local comprehensive plan Conservation Elements to determine the extent to which county-level conservation planning met the theoretical model. A high degree of variability in conservation planning quality was found. Highest quality conservation planning occurred in the Gulf coast counties of southwest Florida. Lowest conservation planning quality occurred in the Florida Panhandle counties. The quality of conservation planning of coastal counties was significantly higher than that of inland counties. Significant regional differences were also found, where conservation planning quality in South Florida counties was significantly higher than conservation planning quality in Panhandle counties. Geographic differences in conservation planning quality were likely attributable to significant differences in socioeconomic variables among counties, including differences in education, wealth, and urbanization. Multiple regression analysis using an information theoretic approach was employed to develop a predictive model of conservation planning quality of Florida local governments. The two most plausible predictors in the model were education level of the public and total resources. Local and global spatial autocorrelation analysis were next applied to county conservation planning scores to investigate spatial patterns of conservation planning quality, which were found to be related to the policy process of diffusion. Lastly, current local government conservation planning policy was analyzed for effectiveness and policy recommendations were made. Improving the effectiveness of local conservation planning will require changes in statutory provisions of the state Florida Forever and Growth Management statutes. It will also require a greater commitment on the part of the state of Florida to protect the state's biological resources over the long term. ; 2013-12-01 ; Ph.D. ; Sciences, Biology ; Doctoral ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

Electronic version created 2011, University of Central Florida Libraries, State University System of Florida. ; The Cross-Florida Canal and the Politics of Interest-Group Democracy Catherine Prescott Lecture, 2008 by Wayne Flynt -- The Pioneer African American Jurist Who Almost Became a Bishop: Florida's Judge James Dean, 1858-1914 by Canter Brown, Jr. and Larry E. Rivers -- Doing the Job: The 1964 Desegregation of the Florida Army National Guard byThomas P. Honsa -- Designing History: An Interactive Exploration of the 1930s Florida Ship Canal by Chris Beckrnann, Steven Noll, and David Tegeder -- Book Reviews -- End Notes

We use the list-experiment methodology to address three questions raised by the presidential candidacy and election of Barack Obama. First, to what degree did white voters hold feelings of racial antipathy toward blacks as a group in 2008? Second, were those feelings manifest in their response to Obama's candidacy and subsequent election as president? Third, to what degree did whites actually take pride in the nomination and election of an African American to the nation's highest office? Our analysis of four statewide surveys in Florida shows that few white voters were upset by Obama's electoral achievements, and many took some pride in his historic candidacy and election. Nevertheless, substantial racism still appears to linger in Florida. Adapted from the source document.

Although the 1954 case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka prohibited de jure racial segregation in American public schools, de facto segregation persists in many schools around the country. There is research to suggest that one of the causes of this segregation is the school choice movement, which includes charter schools, magnet schools, vouchers, and other programs intended to allow parents more choice in the school their child attends. This project examines the effects of the school choice movement on both racial and socioeconomic segregation in Florida, a state that has fully embraced the school choice movement. I used data from the National Center for Education Statistics and the US Census to examine segregation on the school and district levels in order to gain a thorough understanding of the effects of schools of choice. The results indicate that charter and magnet schools are positively correlated with racial unbalance, but not economic unbalance. Overall this research shows that there may be unintended consequences to school choice. This is important for the state of Florida in particular to consider, since the ideological rhetoric surrounding the issue of school choice and education reform often outshines the concrete evidence of its costs. ; school choice, segregation, florida, charter schools, magnet schools, education inequality ; A Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2014. ; November 22, 2013.

The laws of local governments are called ordinances. These local laws have the authority of the state behind them and you can be prosecuted for violating them, much the same as state laws. Local governments have procedural protections similar to those of the state, but these may vary among the local governments. The legislature can also affect local policy and issues through the passage of special laws that apply only to a certain locale.This is EDIS document FE456, a publication of the Department of Food and Resource Economics, Florida Cooperative Extension Service, UF/IFAS, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL. Published December 2003. https://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/fe456

Electronic version created 2011, University of Central Florida Libraries, State University System of Florida. ; Cuban Exiles in Key West during the Ten Years' War, 1868-1878 by Antonio Rafael de la Cova -- "Secrecy Has No Excuse": The Florida Land Boom, Tourism, and the 1926 Smallpox Epidemic in Tampa and Miami by Eric Jarvis -- Administrative Recalcitrance and Government Intervention: Desegregation at the University of Florida, 1962-1972 by Jessica Clawson -- Documents and Notes -- Book Reviews -- End Notes

"Florida governor Reubin Askew memorably characterized a leader as "someone who cares enough to tell the people not merely what they want to hear, but what they need to know." It was a surprising statement for a contemporary politician to make, and, more surprising still, it worked. In The Politics of Trust: Reubin Askew and Florida in the 1970s, Gordon E. Harvey traces the life and career of the man whose public service many still recall as "the Golden Age" of Florida politics. Askew rose to power on a wave of "New South" leadership that hoped to advance the Democratic Party beyond the intransigent torpor of southern politics since the Civil War. He hoped to replace appeals to white supremacy with a vision of a more diverse and inclusive party. Following his election in Florida, other New South leaders such as Georgia's Jimmy Carter, Arkansas's Dale Bumpers, and South Carolina's John C. West all came to power. Audacious and gifted, Askew was one of six children raised by a single mother in Pensacola. As he worked his way up through the ranks of the state legislature, few in Florida except his constituents knew his name when he challenged Republic incumbent Claude R. Kirk Jr. on a populist platform promising higher corporate taxes. When he won, he inaugurated a series of reforms, including a new 5 percent corporate income tax; lower consumer, property, and school taxes; a review of penal statutes; environmental protections; higher welfare benefits; and workers' compensation to previously uncovered migrant laborers. Touting honesty, candor, and transparency, Askew dubbed his administration "government in the sunshine." Harvey demonstrates that Askew's success was not in spite of his penchant for bold, sometimes unpopular stances, but rather because his mix of unvarnished candor, sober ethics, and religious faith won the trust of the diverse peoples of his state."--

Foundation of Florida's political history -- Foundations of emerging Republicanism -- Planting local Republican roots -- Organizing to spread the influence -- A statewide two-party reality -- Republican Senate -- Republican House -- Washington and the Florida Republicans -- Politics, policy, and contributions -- Challenges in an ever-changing political environment.

The political history of antebellum Florida has long been overlooked in southern historiography. Florida was a state for just sixteen years before secession set it apart from the rest of the Union, but Florida's road to secession was as unique as any of its southern counterparts. From the territorial days in the early nineteenth century, Florida's political culture centered on the development and protection of slavery throughout the state. The bank wars in the pre-statehood and early statehood periods reflected differing views on how best to support the spread of the plantation economy, and the sectional strife of the 1850s instigated Floridians to find the best way to protect it. By the end of the antebellum period amidst increasing sectional strife and a sense that secession and disunion were acceptable courses of action, Florida's population pulled together under the banner of protecting slavery (-) and by extension, their way of life (-) by whatever means necessary. Northern infringement into slavery affected not just the planters, but every free man who called Florida his home. ; 2012-08-01 ; M.A. ; Arts and Humanities, History ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

We use the list-experiment methodology to address three questions raised by the presidential candidacy and election of Barack Obama. First, to what degree did white voters hold feelings of racial antipathy toward blacks as a group in 2008? Second, were those feelings manifest in their response to Obama's candidacy and subsequent election as president? Third, to what degree did whites actually take pride in the nomination and election of an African American to the nation's highest office? Our analysis of four statewide surveys in Florida shows that few white voters were upset by Obama's electoral achievements, and many took some pride in his historic candidacy and election. Nevertheless, substantial racism still appears to linger in Florida.

Drawing primarily from personal interviews, Susan MacManus recounts the stories of fifty-one trailblazers--the first minority men and women, both Democrat and Republican--who were elected or appointed to state legislative, executive, and judicial offices and to Congress since the 1960s

Cover -- MAKING MODERN FLORIDA -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Illustrations and Tables -- Foreword -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Florida Constitution Timeline -- Introduction -- 1. The Old Constitutions -- 2. The U.S. Supreme Court Reapportionment Cases -- 3. The 1966 Constitution Revision Commission -- 4. Building a Constitution's Foundation -- 5. Putting It Together, Part I -- 6. Drafting a Constitution, Drafting a Legislature -- 7. The CRC Debates: November and December 1966 -- 8. Putting It Together, Part II