Armed attack against ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia have occurred on a fairly regular basis over the last few years. Such attacks represent an extreme and obvious expression of anti-Vietnamese sentiment in Cambodian society. The study analyses anti-Vietnamese sentiment with the aim of identifying its roots and tracing its evolution as well as studying the effects on the domestic situation in Cambodia. (DÜI-Sen)
Abstract Migration has manifested itself to historic highs, creating divisive views among politicians, policy makers, and individuals. The present paper studies the Europeans' attitudes toward immigration, focusing particularly on the role of social capital. Based on 267,282 respondents from 22 countries and over the period 2002–2014, we find that despite the eventful past years, Europeans, on average, are positive toward immigrants with the North European countries to be the least xenophobic. A salient finding of our analysis is that regardless of the impact of other contextual factors, namely, a country's macroeconomic conditions, ethnic diversity, cultural origin, and individuals' attributes, social capital associates with positive attitudes toward all immigrants, independent of their background. Furthermore, social capital moderates the negative effects of perceived threat on people's opinions about immigrants.
Recent writings on ethnicity emphasize changes involving group boundaries & conflict relationships. Ethnic groups often assimilate with other groups or differentiate themselves from groups of which they were formerly a part. As changes of this kind occur, cultural movements commonly emerge to foster or retard them. These movements range from literary, religious, & historical revivals to full scale "crisis cults." The form they take is related to the boundary change underway. If group members fear the drifting apart of subgroups, emphasis is often placed on myths of common origin. If, however, an ethnic group is being absorbed by another group, a common reaction is to stress the distinctiveness of group history & culture. Movements of the latter kind often result in political separatism & secessionist violence. Still other cultural revivals have their origins in anticolonial sentiment. Since the cultural content & the functionaries needed to propel such movements are to be found at the ethnic-group level, these movements also end by asserting ethnic distinctiveness. Anticolonial revival movements, as well as cultural movements that aim to rectify ethnic boundaries, thus contribute to conflict between ethnic groups. Modified HA.
Abstract In this article, we explore how historical patterns of identity construction shape today's attitudes towards immigrants in Mexico. Immigrants in Mexico constitute a very small percentage of the country's population. Yet some immigrants, in particular those of Asian origin, face a strong anti-immigrant sentiment as measured in terms of opinions and opposition to their social and political incorporation. We trace contemporary anti-Chinese sentiment back to historical processes of Mexican colonisation, which resulted in a particular politics of Chinese incorporation at the turn of the 19th century. This incorporation was violently contested during and after the revolution, leading to a construction of a national identity based on openly excluding the Chinese community. Using experimental evidence, we show that anti-Asian prejudice today is well explained by looking at ethnic traits and civic norms that are endorsed by natives as being constitutive of Mexican national identity.
Somewhat paradoxically, numerous scholars in various disciplines have found that religion induces negative attitudes towards immigrants, while others find that it fuels feelings of compassion. We offer a framework that accounts for this discrepancy. Using two priming experiments conducted among American Catholics, Turkish Muslims, and Israeli Jews, we disentangle the role of religious social identity and religious belief, and differentiate among types of immigrants based on their ethnic and religious similarity to, or difference from, members of the host society. We find that religious social identity increases opposition to immigrants who are dissimilar to in-group members in religion or ethnicity, while religious belief engenders welcoming attitudes toward immigrants of the same religion and ethnicity, particularly among the less conservative devout. These results suggest that different elements of the religious experience exert distinct and even contrasting effects on immigration attitudes, manifested in both the citizenry's considerations of beliefs and identity and its sensitivity to cues regarding the religion of the target group.
Using bivariate correlations derived from interviews with 52 Nigerian students attending Indiana State U 1984/85, focus is on correlates of 3 indicators: Nigerian unity optimism, African unity salience, & Third World solidarity. The strongest associations with Nigerian unity optimism centered on traditional outlooks, complementary religious & regional background variables, pessimism about democratic prospects in Nigeria, & a lack of enthusiasm for eliminating government corruption there. African unity salience & Third World solidarity were strongly associated with each other, but the meaning of their other correlates is elusive. Negative experience in the US was related to both of these variables, as well as to time. A number of relationships suggested the impact of cross-cultural contacts. Country-specific associations with other international students were of unexpected strength, with Malaysian friends reinforcing the culturally conservative correlates of country unity optimism. Having Saudi friends was notably associated with both of the transnational affiliations. Indicators of cross-national contact tended to be more strongly associated with one or more of the variables of primary concern than were indicators of cross-ethnic contact among Nigerians. The perception that international students have a good deal in common was strongly related to the variety of international student contacts the interviewees had experienced. 6 Figures. Modified AA
Introduction : nationalizing the North -- Denmark : from multi-ethnic and supra-national empire to Little Denmark -- Finland : nation building while manoeuvring through big powers conflicts -- Iceland : ever-lasting independence struggle -- Norway : from the poor periphery to top of the world -- Sweden : far right sentiments simmering underneath the model democratic welfare society -- Conclusion : dual Nordic nationalism
AbstractNation is as much a sentimental community as an imagined community. This paper is an attempt to study the role of sentiment as a motor of ethnopolitics in China. Using as a heuristic device the recent Mongolian cadres' protest at 'Mongol Doctor' – a Chinese ethnic slur against the Mongols, the paper examines the formation of the Mongol sentimental community vis-à-vis the Chinese sentimental community historically and especially in the twentieth century.
There is a new emphasis on change emerging in writings on ethnicity. Some of the most important changes involve group boundaries and conflict relationships. Ethnic groups often assimilate with other groups or differentiate themselves from groups of which they were formerly a part. As changes of this kind occur, cultural movements com monly emerge to foster or retard them. These movements range from literary; religious, and historical revivals to full- scale "crisis cults." The form they take is related to the boundary change underway. If group members fear the drift ing apart of subgroups, emphasis is often placed on myths of common origin. If, however, an ethnic group is being ab sorbed by another group, a common reaction is to stress the distinctiveness of group history and culture. Movements of the latter kind often result in political separatism and secessionist violence. Still other cultural revivals have had their origins in anti-colonial sentiment. Since the cultural content and the functionaries needed to propel such move ments are to be found at the ethnic-group level, these move ments also end by asserting ethnic distinctiveness. Anti- colonial revival movements, as well as cultural movements that aim to rectify ethnic boundaries, thus contribute to con flict between ethnic groups.
Examines the process by which Soviet power created distinct national identities for the purpose of dividing & ruling non-Russian populations. Cultural autonomy was regarded as a threat to the Marxist vision of a worldwide proletarian state without borders, in which all workers aspired to the same ideals. Stalin, recognizing this problem, introduced the policy of korenizatsiya (indigenization), in which every nationality had its own national communist cadres. This policy, in turn, required industrialization of non-Russian territories, education in the national language, & a dismantling of the Russian national heritage. Stalin's indigenization policy was later condemned as "bourgeois nationalism," & the effort to create a new international culture continued long after WWII. Eventually, the nationality problems surfaced & the Soviet Union collapsed. Although the Bolsheviks tried to eliminate nationalism, in the long run their policy created new nations. J. R. Callahan
Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Introduction: The Problem with Ethnicity and 'Tribal' Politics -- 2 Theories of Ethnicity, Tribalism and Nationalism -- 3 Minority Nationalism or Tribal Sentiments? The Cases of Scotland, Quebec and Catalonia -- 4 Ethnic Conflict in the Balkans: Comparing ex-Yugoslavia, Romania and Albania -- 5 Ethnic Conflict in China: The Case of Tibet -- 6 Tribalism and Elites in a Demotic State: the Case of Sri Lanka -- 7 Ethnic Conflict in Post Cold War Africa: Four Case Studies (Rwanda, Liberia, Somalia and Kwazulu-Natal) -- 8 Tribalism and Nationalism in Turkey: Reinventing Politics -- Index.
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
We empirically examine the relationship between shares of foreigners in a district and the share of votes cast in that district for the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), the major anti-immigrant party in the 2017 German parliamentary election. The classic theory on the political economy of migration supposes that immigration fosters opposing sentiments among the natives due to fiercer competition for jobs, housing and public goods. Notably, the vote distribution in the 2017 election suggests that AfD vote shares are higher in districts with fewer foreign inhabitants. We exploit administrative data on election results and district-specific features to study a potentially causal effect. As the share of foreigners in a district may be endogenous, we apply an IV approach, using the number of working permits as an instrument for the share of foreign residents. Our results corroborate the Contact Theory, which states that more intensive exposure to and contact with immigrants reduce the propensity for anti-immigrant voting. We find that a 10 % increase in the population share of foreigners is associated with a 2.6 % lower vote share for the AfD. By contrast, a strong increase in the number of asylum seekers positively adds to AfD support.
