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One hundred years ago, deep contradictions accumulated in Russia, and they were not peacefully resolved by the elite society of the time. The contradictions intensified both within the capitalist society and between the thriving capitalism and the huge peasant mass educated in the commune which did not stay aloof and was involved in the revolutionary flame.The paper considers the civilizational factor of the Russian revolution of 1905-1907 and 1917, which is as important as the factor of formation. Attention is drawn to the views of L. N. Tolstoy and V. I. Lenin. They characterised the Russian revolution as anti-capitalist and capable of developing into a socialist one. They also noted the peculiarities of the Russian revolution and its results in terms of the transition from the first, Eastern Orthodox, modification of the Russian idea, to the second — Soviet.The paper analyses the three main forces of the Russian revolution on three levels — natural, which became active in power vacuum, political — at the level of political coalitions and organizations, and the ideological level, represented by the capitalist and socialist ideologies and the Russian idea. The author shows the establishment of the power of a new nationhood type – the Soviets, based on principles similar to communal self-government under the dominance of the Bolshevik Party; the strengthening of new collectivist forms of life in the economy, under the hard management of a "new-type party"; the coming of socialist principles of morality and ethics which replaced Orthodox, ecclesiastic foundations of the society in the spiritual and ideological sphere.The paper points out the lessons of the Russian revolution of 1917: the seizure of power and the destruction of the old elite does not ensure the final victory of socialism as a rebirth of the newly emerged elite is possible; building socialism and retaining socialist transformations requires a fairly high level of the moral development of a society; the built socialism must correspond to the peculiarities of this civilization and to the national mentality and the nature of its representatives.The conclusions of the article can serve as material for further discussions on the events that changed the course of the Russian and world history. The Russian revolution had both positive and negative consequences. ; Сто лет назад в России накопились глубинные противоречия, которые не были мирно разрешены тогдашней элитой общества. Противоречия обострились как внутри капиталистического общества, так и между бурно развивающимся капитализмом и воспитанной в общине огромной крестьянской массой, которая не осталась безучастной и была вовлечена в революционное пламя. В работе рассматривается цивилизационный фактор русской революции 1905–1907 гг. и 1917 г., который столь же важен, как фактор формационный. Обращается внимание на взгляды Л. Н. Толстого и В. И. Ленина. Они характеризовали русскую революцию как антикапиталистическую и способную перерасти в социалистическую, а также обращали внимание на особенности протекания русской революции и ее результаты в плане перехода от первой, православной, модификации русской идеи ко второй — советской.Анализируются три основные силы русской революции на трех уровнях — стихийном, активизировавшемся в условиях вакуума власти, политическом — на уровне политических организаций и коалиций и идеологическом, представленном капиталистической и социалистической идеологиями и русской идеей. Показывается, как утверждалась власть нового типа государственности — Советов, основанных на принципах, аналогичных общинному самоуправлению, под доминированием партии большевиков; как в экономике укреплялись новые, коллективистские формы жизнеустройства при жестком управлении «партии нового типа»; как в духовно-идеологической сфере на смену православным, церковным устоям общества пришли социалистические принципы морали и нравственности.Отмечаются уроки русской революции 1917 г.: захват власти и уничтожение прежней элиты не обеспечивает окончательной победы социализма, так как возможно перерождение возникшей новой элиты; для построения социализма и удержания социалистических преобразований необходим достаточно высокий уровень нравственного развития общества; построенный социализм должен соответствовать особенностям данной цивилизации и национальному менталитету и характеру ее представителей.Выводы статьи могут служить материалом для дальнейших дискуссий, посвященных событиям, которые изменили ход русской и мировой истории. Русская революция имела положительные и отрицательные последствия.

Luck egalitarianism--the idea that justice requires correcting disadvantages resulting from brute luck--has gained ground in recent years and is now the main rival to John Rawls's theory of distributive justice. Health, Luck, and Justice is the first attempt to systematically apply luck egalitarianism to the just distribution of health and health care. Challenging Rawlsian approaches to health policy, Shlomi Segall develops an account of just health that is sensitive to considerations of luck and personal responsibility, arguing that people's health and the health care they receive are just only when society works to neutralize the effects of bad luck.

Strategy 2030 underscores the commitment of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) to support state-owned enterprise (SOE) reform in its developing member countries (DMCs). This guidance note provides an overview of SOEs and explains the significance of reforms in implementing ADB's corporate strategy for its operations in DMCs. It discusses the requirements for SOE reform and provides guidance on challenges that need to be addressed and areas to focus on relative to different sector needs. Designed to help ADB staff in their work with SOEs, this guidance note is also a useful resource for officials from DMCs, and SOE board and management members.

The response to the COVID-19 pandemic has triggered an unprecedented economic crisis in Ukraine as lockdown measures involving the temporary closure of most businesses almost halting economic activity altogether except for key sectors such as transport, agriculture, food production, and pharmaceutical production. Moreover, the devastating disruption to global supply chains resulted in a sharp drop of revenues for businesses, as well as in incomes of households and the number of jobs.

The aim of the report is to help the state governments to develop regulations based on certain principles which makes the regulations predictable and transparent. The report suggests the way forward on how the state governments can learn from global best practices in creating uniformity in developing their pricing models, building transparency and creating more predictable policy environment through data driven and evidence-based policymaking. If the recommendations of this paper are implemented, it can help the state governments in meeting the objectives of earning higher revenue, addressing consumer health concerns, and creating employment. The recommendations can help India in bringing in more investments in to the sector, encourage innovation, improve ease of doing business, enable "Make in India", enhance exports and the country can be a key player in global value chains of alcoholic beverages.

Budget 2020 is called 'Rebuilding Together'. If the country is going to recover together from COVID-19, the rebuilding will need to include rural communities. The Minister of Finance's Budget speech referred to targeted support for wages, critical industries, economic sectors, students and investment. The government can also target support to the rural communities that need it most by knowing more about them. This Insight looks at two sources of differences among rural communities: the structure of local economies and community resilience. The analysis identifies places that are likely to need a greater share of support in the recovery.

The annual Asia Power Index — launched by the Lowy Institute in 2018 — measures resources and influence to rank the relative power of states in Asia. The project maps out the existing distribution of power as it stands today, and tracks shifts in the balance of power over time. The Index ranks 26 countries and territories in terms of their capacity to shape their external environment — its scope reaching as far west as Pakistan, as far north as Russia, and as far into the Pacific as Australia, New Zealand and the United States. The 2020 edition — which covers three years of data — is the most comprehensive assessment of the changing distribution of power in Asia so far. Among other things, it aims to sharpen the debate on the geopolitical consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. The project evaluates international power in Asia through 128 indicators across eight thematic measures: military capability and defence networks, economic capability and relationships, diplomatic and cultural influence, as well as resilience and future resources. Over half of our data points involve original Lowy Institute research, while the rest are aggregated from hundreds of publicly available national and international sources. This year, the Index includes three new indicators that track major ecological threats, bilateral and plurilateral defence dialogues, and perceptions of the international and domestic handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. Papua New Guinea, a Pacific country on the geographical continuum of Southeast Asia, has also been included for the first time.

This report reviews and analyzes current good practices in economic governance by subnational governments in Myanmar. Using data and metrics from the Myanmar Business Environment Index, it identifies a number of good practices at the subnational level. The report first reviews the methodology of the research and the identification of good practice. It then reviews some of the challenges associated with researching good practice and isolating the role of governance in a complex environment, as well as the limitations that subnational officials face when trying to implement good practice. The report then reviews drivers of good practice, as well as examples of good practice in the legal and regulatory framework, implementation, and consultation and transparency. It closes with recommendations for further action that subnational governments may implement to improve local economic governance in the short to medium term.

The formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967 was originally driven by political and security concerns. In the decades that followed ASEAN's scope evolved to include an ambitious and progressive economic agenda. In December 2015 the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) was formally launched. Although AEC has enjoyed some notable successes, the vision of economic integration has yet to be fully realized. This publication reviews the evolution of ASEAN economic integration and assesses the major achievements. It also examines the challenges that emerged during the past decade and provides recommendations on how to overcome them.

Malaysia's new government under Pakatan Harapan (Coalition of Hope) has unveiled its second budget since it won the May 2018 general election. Its first budget for 2019 navigated the trillion ringgit debts left by the previous government's financial scandals, the gaping fiscal hole caused by huge tax refunds owed by the previous administration, and the scrapping of the unpopular Goods and Services Tax (GST) as promised in its election manifesto. Tabled in Parliament on 11 October 2019, its second budget had to contend with a slowing global economy and an economic landscape fraught with uncertainties wrought by the US China trade war, Brexit and other geo-political as well as recession risks in 2020. Domestically, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad recently launched the Shared Prosperity Vision 2030 that will succeed his unfulfilled Vision 2020. This article focuses on the extent to which Budget 2020, in balancing the need for an expansionary budget and belt tightening to ensure fiscal sustainability, can be a catalyst for the country's new Shared Prosperity Vision 2030, and sustain the growth momentum while effecting the necessary transformation into a digital economy and helping the low and middle income groups cope with depressed wages and high cost of living.

This report examines the actors engaged in economic governance in Myanmar, the factors that shape their authority, and the ways they can contribute to improved economic governance outcomes. It connects the MBEI, which focuses on the views and experiences of Myanmar businesses, with The Asia Foundation's work on governance, particularly reports such as "State and Region Governments in Myanmar." In this report, we lay a foundation for further research into best practices in economic governance in Myanmar. This future research will outline actionable strategies that can be adopted by subnational levels of government to improve economic governance outcomes.

Context of the Presentation: To track the progress of the post-budget first quarter (Q1 of FY20); Closure of the 7thFYP (2020); End of first full year of the new elected government (2019); Follow-up on the electoral pledges.

Close to two decades after the break-up of the Soviet Union, there is still a marked difference in developmental paths, including institutional as well as economic development and performance among the states emerging from the ruins of the vast empire. Turning attention to the least successful post-Soviet region, Central Asia, and Tajikistan in particular, this thesis provides a contribution to the discussion of how to institutionalize social power and build the foundations for political community in post-colonial societies. It is argued here that increased institutional stability may be achieved through inter-organizational cooperation among main actors within an institutional setting. Through the dispersion of intra- and inter-organizational effects of cooperation beyond the action situations where they are produced, several goals may be achieved. These are increased predictability, transparency and durability in governance, a more equitable distribution of wealth, and (in relation to the kinship-foundation of Tajik society) the embracing of kin-divisions in society. The study examines how and why organizations decide to get involved in cooperative collective activities within the Tajik cotton industry, an industry infamous for its unscrupulous financing schemes to which local investors tie farmers; schemes lacking business ethics and the interconnection of the social and economic with political relations. The study, through an embedded case study of one project (the Farmers' Ownership Model), also examines the institutional implications of inter-organizational collective activities. The study's empirical base is a combination of data derived from literature, reports, reviews of official documents, as well as from interviews and an expert survey conducted among organizational representatives with expert knowledge on the Tajik cotton industry. The results suggest that it is possible to divide the forms of cooperation into three broad categories; business based cooperation, development and support-based cooperation and unilateral cooperative activity. The latter category contains interactions based on helping as well as on coercion. The motives for cooperating follow the same divisions, with profit and position-related motives dominating business-based cooperation. Development and support-based cooperation are primarily motivated by non-profit factors, such as community-(re)building and knowledge enhancement, as well as position-related motives. Within the group of unilateral interactions, the same divisions valid for business-based cooperation (unilateral cooperative activity based on coercion) and development and support-based cooperation (unilateral cooperative activity based on helping) are found. The actors approached for this study confirm that the institutional setting is "difficult" and that the social and political climate is not supportive of inter-organizational cooperative collective activities. Despite this, the actors agree that the time is right for cooperative efforts. The implications of inter-organizational cooperative collective activities within the frameworks of the examined Farmers' Ownership Model project are many and important from a stabilizing perspective. Numerous strategic effects have been identified, among which is the creation of the first open farmer-owned joint stock company in the country, providing crop financing, high quality input, and technical assistance to the farmers in the northern Sugd region. This is the most tangible effect, as is legislative change related to the marketing of cotton. The learning and knowledge-creation effects as a result of inter-organizational interactions within the project are also substantial. Client as well as non-client farmers have, through the technical assistance provided through the project company, managed to improve awareness in terms of their legal status. In addition, the technical assistance component of the project has served to improve productivity and the quality of the cotton grown. Despite indications of attitudinal changes within the action situations examined, there is no clear-cut evidence of trust effects at the institutional level. The results of empirical examination of the Tajik cotton industry to a large extent support the central thesis of the study.

DPRD DKI Jakarta yang menggunakan hak angket kepada Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama pada permasalahan pengiriman draf APBD 2015 dengan alasan Basuki Tjahaja Purnama telah melakukan hal yang diduga bertentangan dengan peraturan perudang-undangan karena mengirim draf APBD 2015 ke Mendagri yang bukan hasil persetujuan bersama pada sidang paripurna dan juga dikarenakan etika dan norma. Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama melakukan hal itu karena menemukan anggaran fiktif senilai 12,1triliun dalam hasil persetujuan APBD 2015. Kedua belah pihak saling tuduh dengan alasan mereka masing-masing yang belum terbukti kebenaranya. Permasalahannya, hak angket yang digunakan oleh DPRD DKI Jakarta sesuai atau tidak dengan peraturan perundang-undang yang berlaku dan akibat hukumnya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis penggunaan hak angket DPRD DKI Jakarta terhadap Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama sesuai atau tidak dengan peraturan perundang-undangan dan untuk menganalisis akibat hukum dari penggunaan hak angket oleh DPRD DKI Jakarta kepada Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif, dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan, pendekatan kasus, pendekatan sejarah dan pendekatan konsep. Sumber bahan hukum yang digunakan berupa bahan hukum primer, sekunder, dan tersier. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dan pembahasan dapat disimpulkan bahwa dasar alasan DPRD DKI Jakarta lemah untuk menggunakan hak angket kepada Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama. Selain itu dalam penggunaan hak angket tersebut mekanisme yang digunakan oleh DPRD DKI Jakarta tidak sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang ada khususnya pada PP Nomor 16 Tahun 2010 tentang Pedoman Penyusunan Peraturan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah tentang Tata Tertib Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. Hal tersebut berdampak pada akibat hukum yang timbul dari penggunaan hak angket. Penggunaan hak angket DPRD DKI Jakarta kepada Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama cacat secara hukum, oleh karena itu hak angket tidak bisa untuk dilanjutkan. Kata Kunci: Hak angket, APBD DKI Jakarta 2015, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama Abstract DPRD Jakarta that using the right of inquiry to the Governor of DKI Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama on the problem of sending the draft of APBD 2015 with a reason that Basuki Tjahaja Purnama had done things that allegedly contrary to the rules of law for sending the draft of APBD 2015 to the Minister of Home Affairs which was actually not the result of mutual agreement at the plenary session and also due to the ethics and norms. The Governor of DKI Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama did it because he found a fictitious budget valued 12,1 trillion in APBD 2015. Both sides, DPRD and the Governor, accused each other with their respective reasons that had not been proven. The problem is, whether the right of inquiry used by DPRD Jakarta was in conformity with the applicable law and how the consequences were. The purpose of this study is to analyze whether the use of the right of inquiry DPRD DKI Jakarta to the Governor of DKI Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama are in accordance with the regulations and to analyze the legal consequences of the use of the right of inquiry by DPRD DKI Jakarta to the Governor of DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama. This study is normative, using the approach of legislation, case approach, historical approach and conceptual approaches. Sources of legal materials which used are the primary legal materials, secondary, and tertiary. According to results and discussion of the study can be result, the ground of the DPRD Jakarta is weak to use the right of inquiry to the Governor of DKI Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama. Besides, the mechanism used by DPRD in the use of the right inquiry was not match with the laws and regulations that exist in PP Nomor 16 Tahun 2010 tentang Pedoman Penyusunan Peraturan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah tentang Tata Tertib Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. It affects the legal consequences arising from the use of the right inquiry. The use of the right inquiry by DPRD Jakarta to Basuki Tjahaja Purnama was legally flawed, and therefore it was not able to be continued. Keyword:Right of inquiry, APBD DKI Jakarta 2015, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama

Much current literature on management and strategy still describes strategy work as a linear, top-down, management-based, rational, logical, structured and planned change activity with clear and predictable goals. It is described as an activity in which individual managers are addressing key questions and implementing an important, management-based plan. By using the right tools and techniques, skilled managers can transform plans into reality through good leadership and systematic rollout. This way of thinking about leadership is based on an understanding of leaders as rather powerful, knowing, heroic individuals who can stand outside of their organization to plan an ideal future, and who are equipped to make employees follow their instructions in order to reach desired goals. In this thesis I research into my experiences of what is happening in an organization, taking seriously the experience of developing a new strategy. It is an organization working in the public sector in Denmark which is right now trying to find a strategy and its way through a series of 'wicked problems' not easily handled. Through the use of autobiographical narrative-based inquiry and a focus on everyday local interactions between people working together, I research into what is 'really' going on in strategy work. Drawing on the theory of complex responsive processes of relating and reflexivity, I describe and analyse the interactions in our leadership team's efforts to change the organization's strategy. In doing so themes of power, power games and power differentials, politicking and some of the paradoxes in management – such as inclusion/exclusion, local interaction and global patterning, unpredictable predictability, and conflict and cooperation – are investigated. The complex responsive process perspective views organizations as patterns of interaction and conversations between people working together. By analogy from complex adaptive systems models, sociology, psychology and philosophy, it argues that generalizable population-wide patterns emerge in unpredictable ways through exactly these local complex interaction and interplays of peoples' intentions, thoughts and actions. This leads me to propose generalizable new contributions to knowledge about strategy work. Examining my own experience, I problematize the 'heroic', individualistic, view of what leaders do when working with strategy, preferring to see strategy as a co-created activity that emerges in complex and paradoxical interactions between people in the organization, in the leadership team, in daily cooperation with employees, and through the interface with customers. The understanding of co-creation here being that together we co-create our social life and our social life is co-creating us, our selves, our personalities at the same time. This inseparable paradox of the individual and the group, of the one and the many is investigated. Finally, I suggest that strategy work is inseparable from the everyday messy conflictual power games of organizational life, and that leaders – through actively engaging in ongoing conversations and co-creating meaning – participate in developing new understandings of identity and culture. In talking with one another about what it is we are doing, in influencing and being influenced, and reflecting on this, we are already changing what is going on; this itself is strategy work. The narratives show that to work with strategy effectively, we need to negotiate our intentions in convincing ways through forming strong power alliances. Taking experience seriously also demonstrates a close connection between power, ethics and action, and that it is impossible to decide the 'good' thing to do before acting. Developing reflexivity, both as an individual and in collaborative work, is a prerequisite for working in an ethical way, aware of our mutual interdependence. Finally, the thesis describes some of the consequences of taking experience seriously as a strategy. It has changed the way our staff understand what they are doing, and is beginning to change the kind of assignments we take on, and how we deal with them. One spin-off has been producing two books (with more to come). We also have new and more reflexive contacts in business and knowledge-creating environments, such as universities and business schools. The thesis shows a number of results from working with strategy in this way. This indicates that the act of taking your experience seriously in itself implies a kind of transforming causality, and hereby a strategy of change.