Grande Île de l'océan Indien, Madagascar apparaît comme une véritable « île continent » avec une superficie de plus de 590 000 km² et plus de 5000 km de côtes. Ses zones marines et côtières abritent une variété d'écosystèmes et d'habitats parmi lesquels les récifs coralliens, mangroves, dunes, lagons, plages sableuses, herbiers de phanérogames, estuaires, îles et îlots auxquels sont associés de nombreuses espèces de coraux, poissons, reptiles, crustacés, mollusques, échinodermes. Les écosystèmes les plus connus sont certainement les récifs coralliens avec une superficie de près de 5000 km² et les mangroves qui s'étendent sur plus de 3000 km² principalement sur les rivages occidentaux de l'île. Ils apportent d'énormes bénéfices socio-économiques aux communautés locales grâce à la pêche et aux activités touristiques sans oublier les services écologiques que ces écosystèmes assurent pour l'équilibre de la planète et le bien-être de l'Homme. Au vu de l'importance de ces zones marines et côtières et dans le but de les préserver face aux menaces et pressions d'origine anthropique et naturelle, Madagascar s'est résolument investie dans la création et la mise en place d'aires marines protégées et de réserves marines afin de contribuer au bien-être des communautés locales qui en dépendent. Dans cette optique, le Système d'Aires Protégées de Madagascar, SAPM, a été mis en place pour offrir les outils appropriés de gestion, de gouvernance et de planification dans l'objectif de tripler la surface des aires protégées, ce qui la porterait de 1,7 à près de 6 millions d'hectares (Vision Durban). La première aire marine protégée a été officiellement créée en 1989 avec le parc marin de Nosy Antafana intégré à la Réserve de Biosphère de Mananara Nord, suivie par les trois parcelles marines du Parc National de Masoala. Vingt ans après le premier parc marin, de nouvelles aires marines protégées et réserves marines ont été créées ou sont en voie de création dans l'attente de l'obtention de leur statut définitif1. Les aires protégées sur les rivages et dans les eaux malgaches sont le fruit d'un travail réalisé dans un étroit partenariat avec les communautés locales pour assurer une bonne gestion des parcs dont le contrôle et la surveillance, le suivi écologique et l'application des régulations du parc et le développement des activités liées au tourisme. Les communautés locales, garantes du succès d'une telle entreprise, ont trouvé leur intérêt dans la protection de ces réserves comme cela a été montré pour le parc marin de Nosy Antafana ou la première aire marine protégée gérée par les communautés locales à Velondriake dans le Sud-ouest. À Velondriake les communautés locales appliquent des règles traditionnelles, les dina, pour permettre une gestion efficace de la pêche aux poulpes, grâce à un vrai partenariat entre les acteurs concernés impliquant les communautés locales, les organismes étatiques et le secteur privé comme les compagnies de pêche. Et puis, très récemment, un système de cogestion a été mis en place pour la première fois sur une île du nord ouest, Nosy Tanikely. Au sein de ce système, la responsabilité de la gestion est partagée conjointement et équitablement de sorte que chaque entité apporte sa valeur ajoutée en termes de gestion et de protection des parcs nationaux, de promotion du tourisme durable et responsable, et d'intégration dans le processus de développement local. Malgré ces efforts louables, des questions restent encore sans réponses et placent les gestionnaires face à des défis importants. (i) Le manque de ressources humaines pour assurer la gestion marine et côtière et plus particulièrement la gestion des aires marines protégées reste d'actualité malgré les différentes opportunités de formation qui se présentent dans la région. (ii) Les aires marines protégées et réserves marines existantes profitent de programmes de suivi écologique et socioéconomique, mais les connaissances scientifiques nécessaires pour répondre vraiment aux besoins de gestion restent encore à développer. (iii) L'importance, surtout dans un contexte îlien, d'inculquer à toutes les tranches d'âge, à tous les secteurs, la valeur des zones marines et côtières et des aires marines protégées en particulier, à travers des programmes d'éducation avec toutes les infrastructures appropriées. Les aires marines protégées constituent le seul outil de sensibilisation et d'éducation pour promouvoir l'importance de la biodiversité marine au niveau local. (iv) Les gestionnaires font tous face à un problème commun : l'aspect financier. À défaut de mécanisme de financement durable, ces gestionnaires sont davantage focalisés sur la recherche des meilleurs moyens possibles pour assurer la gestion quotidienne. Dès lors que le budget de fonctionnement dépasse les recettes de l'aire marine protégée, cette dernière devient extrêmement vulnérable et ne peut plus faire face aux aléas économiques et politiques. (v) Des succès ont généralement été observés dans des réalisations au niveau des premiers utilisateurs sur les impacts socioéconomiques des ressources marines, mais leur duplication à une échelle plus grande constitue un autre défi. Les aires marines protégées et les réserves marines constituent d'emblée des outils efficaces pour la conservation de la biodiversité marine, la maintenance de la productivité et des processus écologiques mais aussi pour l'amélioration des conditions de vie des communautés locales. En prenant en considération les différents projets et initiatives mis en oeuvre, et dans une perspective à long terme, il est évident qu'une approche intégrée est absolument nécessaire afin de pouvoir créer une meilleure coordination et d'assurer une synergie entre les acteurs dès le début de l'instruction d'un projet ou programme et de rassembler conjointement les idées et expériences pour élaborer un programme et définir un objectif commun. Dans ce cas, la translation des succès obtenus pourrait s'opérer à plus grande échelle et les résultats amèneraient par conséquent à une mobilisation de plus d'acteurs et de ressources financières. Madagascar occupe une place dominante dans l'ouest de l'océan Indien mais en s'alliant à un processus d'intégration régionale tourné vers la conservation et la gestion des ressources marines, la sécurité alimentaire, les échanges de connaissances et le renforcement des capacités, elle identifiera d'autres moyens pour atteindre son objectif.
This object consists of a central panel and two wings. String attaches each wing to the central panel. The central panel is painted on both sides; the two side panels are only painted on the interior. Their exterior faces feature carved wood decoration and serve as covers to the paintings on the central panel when closed. A string attached to the outer edge of each cover allows the wings to be fastened. When opened, the wings provide stability and allow the object to stand on its own. The loop at the upper end indicates that this object could also be worn or suspended. The small size suggests that it served a personal, devotional purpose. The exterior of the wing on side 1 is carved with a central, equal-armed cross with trefoil finials on the left, right, and upper arms, and a lozenge-shaped finial on the lower arm. The cross is enclosed within a beaded lozenge, and each corner of this panel features a framed-X motif. The interior of this wing features a haloed figure on a white horse, set against a background created by three horizontal registers; from top to bottom they are red, green, and red. The equestrian wears a blue long-sleeved tunic beneath a red short-sleeved tunic. He wears a yellow and red patterned mantle and matching trousers. He raises his right arm and holds a lance or spear, now badly abraded. The horse tramples a limbless reptile. This iconography depicts Ethiopia's patron saint, Saint George, on horseback killing a snake. Some depictions portray a dragon with wings and legs rather than a snake. Equestrian saints are popular talismanic images in Ethiopian religious art. The painting on the central main panel, on side 1, shows four haloed figures (cat. 29C). The Virgin is in a frontal pose with both of her arms wrapped around the Christ Child; they are flanked by two angels holding spears. The Virgin wears a red gown under a blue maphorion. Her halo is highlighted by red rays, a feature that is distinct from the other haloes. She also grasps a ropelike object in her left hand — possibly a handkerchief, or mappa — and gives the blessing gesture with her right hand, extending her first two fingers. Christ gazes at his mother as he holds up his right arm and hand with the gesture of blessing while holding a red closed book in his left hand. The pairing of the Virgin with Saint George is first associated with king Zärʾa Yaʿeqob (r. 1434–68). According to legend, they are said to have helped the king triumph in a battle against Sultan Aḥmad Badlāy (r. 1432–45), a Somali kingdom in the Horn of Africa, in 1445. Zärʾa Yaʿeqob subsequently mandated an increase in the veneration of Mary through the making of icons, the establishment of festivals in her honor, and the implementation of readings from the Miracles of Mary in every church service. The king encouraged the faithful to wear images of the Virgin on their chest. Icons of Mary became more prevalent after the rise of this Marian cult. On side 2, the cover features a carved checkered pattern with nine square frames alternating between two designs: an X motif and cross-hatching. The X motif is common in Ethiopian art, and is interpreted as "doves' eyes," which are apotropaic in function. When open, the wing features a figure standing against a background with three painted registers: (from top to bottom) red, green and red. The figure lifts both of his arms with his palms facing upward — the same direction as his gaze — and is flanked by two lions. His body is covered in hair and he wears an orange harness strapped across his chest and torso. He has long black hair, a white beard, and a halo. This is an image of the hermit saint Gäbrä Mänfäs Qəddus (fl. fifteenth century) — founder of the monasteries Däbrä Zəqwala and Mədrä Käbd, both southeast of Addis Abäba — identified by the Gəʿəz inscription in the upper left corner. Gäbrä Mänfäs Qəddus lived as a hermit who refused to wear clothes due to his ascetism.According to legend, God covered his body with hair to protect him from cold weather — portrayed in the painting as black hatching.The orange harness that he wears may represent heavy chains for mortification, emphasizing his ascetic lifestyle.In the wild, Gäbrä Mänfäs Qəddus befriended and tamed animals and is often depicted with them. The central panel on side 2 features two similarly dressed haloed saints in frontal pose standing against a green background with Gəʿəz inscriptions on the lower half of their bodies. On the left stands Abba Täklä Haymanot (ca. 1215–1313), founder of the monastery, Däbrä ʿAsbo, later renamed Däbrä Libanos in Šäwa in central Ethiopia. Abba Ewosṭatewos (ca. 1273–1352), who stands on the right, founded his own monastic community in modern Eritrea (Erətra).The two saints stare upward, holding hand crosses in their right hand, similar to the ones featured in this catalog.Both figures wear knotted white turbans with black and red stripes, yellow shawls with different patterns in red, and red tunics.Ewosṭatewos has a black beard and Täklä Haymanot has a white beard, a feature denoting him as "father of all monks." These two monastic leaders are usually depicted together.They are both recognized as being religious and political leaders. A legend credits Täklä Haymanot with helping king Yəkunno Amlak (r. 1270–85) overthrow the Zagwe dynasty and restore the Solomonic dynasty in 1270.Ewosṭatewos criticized emperor ʿAmdä Ṣəyon I (r. 1314–44) for his involvement with his father's wife and encouraged a ruler from Ḥamasen, modern Eritrea, to rebel against the emperor. Sonia Dixon, in Peregrinations: Journal of Medieval Art & Architecture 8, no. 1 (Spring 2022): 157–59. https://digital.kenyon.edu/perejournal/vol8/iss1/1/ ; https://digital.kenyon.edu/arthistorystudycollection/1636/thumbnail.jpg
Es ist bekannt, dass die Natur und ihre Bestandteile das menschliche Wohlbefinden auf positive und negative Weise beeinflusst. Die Natur kann für den Menschen nützlich sein, indem sie beispielsweise Nahrung, Erholung oder Inspiration bietet. Naturkatastrophen oder übertragene Krankheiten sind andererseits Beispiele für den schädlichen oder nachteiligen Beitrag der Natur zum menschlichen Wohlbefinden. Solche positiven wie auch negativen Auswirkungen wurden von der Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform for Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES, Deutsch: Weltbiodiversitätsrat) als Nature's Contributions to People (NCP) bezeichnet und können in drei verschiedene Kategorien von NCP eingeteilt werden: regulierende, materielle und nicht-materielle NCP. Regulierende NCP sind wichtige strukturelle und unterstützende Funktionen der Natur, die Umweltprozesse steuern oder beeinflussen (z.B. Luftreinigung, Nährstoffkreislauf). Materielle NCP sind Substanzen oder Rohstoffe aus der Natur, die die physische Existenz von Menschen direkt unterstützen und materielle Güter (z.B. Nahrung, Holz) bereitstellen. Dahingegen decken nicht-materielle NCP die immateriellen Dimensionen des menschlichen Wohlergehens ab und betreffen u.a. physische und psychische Gesundheit, Lernerfahrungen, Inspiration, Spiritualität oder die Identität des Menschen. Nicht-materielle NCP können u.a. durch verschiedene Aktivitäten und Aufenthalte in der Natur (z.B. Besuch im Park, Wald oder Naturschutzgebiet) ausgelöst werden. Während die regulierenden und die materiellen NCP umfassend untersucht wurden, ist die Forschung zu nicht-materiellen NCP im Vergleich dazu weniger verbreitet, insbesondere im Hinblick auf die nicht-materiellen NCP von Biodiversität und Wildtieren. Ziel dieser Dissertation ist es daher, die nicht-materiellen Auswirkungen von Biodiversität und Wildtieren auf das menschliche Wohlergehen besser zu beleuchten. Diese Dissertation präsentiert die Ergebnisse von drei Studien in drei einzelnen Kapiteln (K 1, 2 & 3, Englisch: CH 1, 2, & 3). Forschungsfragen und Zielstellung Im ersten Kapitel (K1) erstelle ich eine systematische Literaturübersicht (Englisch: "review") über die nicht-materiellen Auswirkungen bzw. NCP der Wildtiere. Eine umfassende Zusammenfassung der aktuellen wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisse ist entscheidend um besser zu verstehen, wie Wildtiere das menschliche Wohlbefinden beeinflussen und relevant, weil Interaktionen zwischen Menschen und Wildtieren oft zum täglichen Leben vieler Menschen gehören (z.B. Vögel füttern). Nicht-materielle NCP von Wildtieren (im weiteren Verlauf abgekürzt durch WCP) können sowohl positive als auch negative Auswirkungen auf das menschliche Wohlbefinden haben. Insgesamt gibt es jedoch nur wenige Übersichtsarbeiten, die sowohl die positiven als auch die negativen Auswirkungen von WCP in Kombination untersuchen. Hinzu kommt, dass die geringe Anzahl solcher Studien meist nur wenige Aspekte des menschlichen Wohlbefindens abdecken oder sich nur auf eine bestimmte Gruppe von Wildtierarten (z.B. Raubtiere oder Aasfresser) konzentrieren. Darüber hinaus sind die mechanistischen Pfade, die beschreiben wie Wildtiere das menschliche Wohlbefinden beeinflussen, noch wenig verstanden. Das Ziel dieses Literaturüberblicks ist es somit, eine ganzheitliche Übersicht zum aktuellen Wissensstand über WCP zu schaffen, Wissenslücken aufzudecken und die mechanistischen Pfade zu entschlüsseln. Obwohl der Schwerpunkt auf den Wildtieren liegt, umfasst die Literaturübersicht dennoch auch Studien zu Biodiversität. Folglich bildet der Inhalt des ersten Kapitels auch die Wissensgrundlage für alle weiteren Kapitel (K2 & 3) dieser Dissertation. Die Kapitel 2 und 3 (K2 & 3) bestehen aus zwei empirischen Fallstudien, in denen ich die nicht-materiellen Beiträge von Biodiversität zum menschlichen Wohlergehen untersuche. Dabei verwende ich einem Makroebenen-Ansatz, sprich, ich beleuchte den Zusammenhang zwischen Biodiversität und dem menschlichen Wohlbefinden auf einer höheren räumlichen bzw. höher-skaligen Ebene. Bisher haben nur wenige veröffentlichte Studien diesen Zusammenhang erforscht (siehe die Ergebnisse von K1) und Analysen, welche insbesondere die größeren räumlichen Zusammenhänge untersuchen, sind selten. So ist zum Beispiel wenig bekannt, ob Biodiversität auf nationaler und kontinentaler Ebene positiv mit dem menschlichen Wohlbefinden assoziiert. Jedoch sind empirische Studien auf der Makroebene, die sich mit solchen Fragestellungen auseinandersetzen, wichtig um Erkenntnisse für die Politikberatung und den Naturschutz zu gewinnen. Die beiden Fallstudien konzentrieren sich daher jeweils auf Deutschland und Europa als Modellregion um einen größeren räumlichen Maßstab der empirischen Analysen zu ermöglichen. Um empirische Analysen auf der Makroebene zu ermöglichen, kombiniere ich ökonomische und ökologische Methoden und führe sozio-ökonomische Daten mit makro-ökologischen Datensätzen zusammen. Außerdem verwende ich in jeder Studie verschiedene Indikatoren für Biodiversität (Artenvielfalt, z.B. Anzahl verschiedener Vogelarten) und konzentriere mich jeweils auf eine der folgenden Dimensionen des menschlichen Wohlbefindens: die menschliche Gesundheit (gemessen als geistige und körperliche Gesundheit) und das subjektive Wohlbefinden (gemessen als Lebenszufriedenheit). Die generierten Ergebnisse ermöglichen ein besseres Verständnis darüber, ob die biologische Vielfalt in Deutschland und Europa zum menschlichen Wohlbefinden beiträgt. Dieses neue Wissen kann auch wertvolle Informationen für politische Entscheidungsträger liefern. . ; Nature and its constituents are known to affect human well-being in positive and negative ways. Nature can be beneficial for humans by providing, for instance, food, recreation or inspiration. Natural disasters or transmitted diseases are, on the other hand, examples of nature's detrimental or harmful contributions to human well-being. Such positive as well as negative effects have been termed Nature's Contributions to People (NCP) by the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform for Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) and can be categorized into three different types of contributions: regulating, material and non-material NCP. While regulating and material NCP have been studied extensively, research on the non-material NCP is less common in comparison, especially regarding non-material NCP of biodiversity and wildlife. This dissertation therefore aims at shedding light on the non-material links between biodiversity, wildlife and human well-being. The thesis presents the results of three individual research studies in three separate chapters (CH1, 2 & 3). In the first chapter (CH1) I conduct a systematic literature review on the non-material contributions of wildlife. Several previous reviews have published overviews on the non-material contributions of wildlife. However, only a few of these reviews examine both the positive and negative effects of wildlife in combination. These reviews usually cover few aspects of human well-being (e.g. recreation, health, psychological well-being) or just focus on a specific group of wildlife species (e.g. carnivores, scavengers). In addition, the pathways determining how wildlife affects human well-being are yet little understood. The aim of this review is therefore to create a holistic overview of the current knowledge on non-material contributions of wildlife (WCP), by summarising research on positive and negative effects and disentangling potential channels of human-wildlife experiences. My results show that most studies in scientific literature report negative WCP. However, over the last decade the number of publications on positive WCP has increased, mainly in the Global North. This change in research focus, at the turn of the century, may be related to the newly emerging ideas and perspectives on nature during that time (e.g. Ecosystem Services and NCP). The results may also indicate different research interests across global regions and a focus on positive WCP (especially in the Global North). Surprisingly, the review identifies a lack of joint systematic assessments of positive and negative WCP across taxa, human well-being dimensions and ways (channels) of wildlife experiences. Studies show taxon-specific differences, with predominantly positive WCP reported for birds and predominantly negative WCP published for mammals and reptiles. Physical health was the most examined human well-being dimension, while many others, such as subjective well-being, social well-being, learning, identity or sense of place were rarely studied in comparison. The two channels of wildlife experiences that have been mainly studied or reported are Interaction and Knowing. While Interaction describes multisensory experiences in which people physically interact with wildlife. Knowing describes the metaphysical connection between humans and wildlife that arises through thinking or remembering experiences from wildlife encounters (including knowledge about wildlife). To date, only few published studies examine the relationship between biodiversity and human well-being across larger spatial scales. For instance, little is known about how biodiversity is related to human well-being on the national or continental level. The second and third chapter (CH2 & 3) are thus comprised of two empirical case studies which examine the relationship between biodiversity and human well-being across Germany and Europe, respectively. As indicator for biodiversity, I use different species diversity measures including species richness and abundance. In the second chapter (CH2) I analyse the association between species richness and human health across Germany. The results demonstrate a significant positive relationship between plant and bird species richness and mental health while controlling for a multitude of socio-economic and demographic factors as well as other nature characteristics. In the third chapter (CH3) I conduct the first study on the relationship between species diversity and subjective well-being on the continental level. The results show that bird species richness (unlike mammal, megafauna and tree richness) is positively associated with life-satisfaction, a measure for subjective well-being across Europe. These results are robust while accounting for socio-economic and macro-economic factors. The results of both empirical studies are in correspondence with previous research, conducted on the local and national level. Overall, my dissertation shows that wildlife and biodiversity greatly affect human well-being and provide substantial non-material NCP. .
The European Red List is a review of the conservation status of European species according to IUCN regional Red Listing guidelines. It identifies those species that are threatened with extinction at the regional level, so that appropriate conservation action can be taken to improve their status. This Red List publication summarises results for all hitherto described native European Orthoptera species (grasshoppers, crickets and bush-crickets). All Orthoptera species (grasshoppers, crickets and bushcrickets) native to or naturalised in Europe before AD 1500 (a total of 1,082 species), have been assessed in this Red List. The geographical scope is continent-wide, extending from Iceland in the west to the Urals in the east, and from Franz Josef Land in the north to the Canary Islands in the south. The Caucasus region is not included. Red List assessments were made at two regional levels: for geographical Europe, and for the 28 Member States of the European Union in 2016. The status of all species was assessed using the IUCN Red List Categories and Criteria (IUCN 2012a), which is the world's most widely accepted system for measuring extinction risk. All assessments followed the Guidelines for Application of IUCN Red List Criteria at Regional and National Levels (IUCN 2012b). The assessments were compiled based on the data and knowledge from a network of leading European experts on Orthoptera. The assessments were then completed and reviewed at six workshops held in Italy, Greece, France, Bulgaria, Spain and Germany as well as through email correspondence with relevant experts. More than 145 experts participated in the assessment and review process for European Orthoptera species. Assessments are available on the European Red List website and data portal: http://ec.europa.eu/environment/nature/ conservation/species/redlist and http://www.iucnredlist. org/initiatives/europe. Overall, 25.7% and 28% of Orthoptera species are assessed as threatened at the European and EU 28 levels, respectively. However, the exact proportion of threatened species is uncertain, as there are 107 (10%) Data Deficient (DD) species in Europe and 84 DD species (8.5%) in the EU 28. Estimating that a similar relative proportion of the DD assessments are likely to be threatened (IUCN 2011), the best estimate of the threatened share of Orthoptera species is thus 28.5% in Europe and 30.6% in the EU 28. Further research on DD species to clarify their status is therefore critical. A further 13.9% (149 species) and 13% (128 species) are considered Near Threatened in Europe and in the EU 28, respectively. By comparison, the best estimate of threatened species of those other groups that have been assessed comprehensively in Europe is 58% of freshwater molluscs, 40% of freshwater fishes, 23% of amphibians, 20% of reptiles, 17% of mammals, 16% of dragonflies, 13% of birds, 9% of butterflies and bees, 8% of aquatic plants and marine fishes and 2% of medicinal plants (IUCN 2015). Additional European Red Lists assessing a selection of species showed that 22% of terrestrial molluscs, 16% of crop wild relatives and 15% of saproxylic beetles are also threatened (IUCN 2015). No other groups have yet been assessed at the European level. Looking at the population trends of European Orthoptera species, 30.2% (325 species) have declining populations, 7.6% (82 species) are believed to be more or less stable and 3.2% (34 species) are increasing. However, the population trends for the majority of species (59%, 634 species) remain unknown. Out of the 739 species that are endemic to Europe (i.e., they are found nowhere else in the world), 231 (31.3%) are threatened, highlighting the responsibility that European countries have to protect the global populations of these species. Overall, the European areas with the highest diversity of species are found in southern Europe, especially in the Mediterranean region and the Balkans. Hotspots of endemic species are found in the Iberian, the Italian and the Balkan Peninsulas, and in some large mountain areas (the Alps, Pyrenees, Carpathians and Appenines). The greatest concentration of threatened species is found along some Mediterranean coasts and Mediterranean mountain blocks. Finally, the number of Data Deficient species reflects the general distribution of Orthoptera species, being highest in the Mediterranean and the Lower Volga region in southern European Russia. The main threat to European Orthoptera is the loss, degradation and fragmentation of their habitats as a consequence of agricultural land use intensification. This includes direct destruction by transformation of permanent grassland or shrubland habitats into cropland, degradation of habitat quality caused by overgrazing, abandonment, use of fertilisers or heavy machinery and direct mortality from frequent mowing or the use of pesticides. Other important threats to Orthoptera are the increasing frequency of wildfires, touristic development and urbanisation, climate change, afforestation and intensive forest management, drainage and river regulations, recreational activities, deforestation, limestone quarrying and sand excavations and invasive species.Orthoptera are a diverse group of insects with more than 1,000 species known to occur in Europe and play important roles in the ecosystem such as being part of the food chain and prey to many vertebrate species. They are also good indicators of land use intensity, which makes them one of the most important invertebrate groups for environmental monitoring and assessment. Conservation strategies for the European Orthoptera species with the highest extinction risk should be developed and implemented. The European Red List should be used to inform nature and biodiversity policies to improve the status of threatened species. The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) should be enhanced by promoting traditional low-intensity agricultural land use systems, particularly pastoralism in Europe, and committing to a long-term reduction in the use of pesticides and fertilisers, encouraging the uptake of alternative pest management. Orthoptera species should be made a standard group for inclusion in Environmental Impact Assessments to avoid negative impacts of new development projects on threatened species.Degraded habitats of threatened Orthoptera species throughout Europe should be restored and guidelines for the optimal management of Orthoptera habitats should be developed. The protection of Orthoptera habitats throughout Europe should be improved, so that each threatened and endemic European species is present in at least one protected area with an adequate adaptive management scheme and monitoring for threatened Orthoptera species. Orthoptera inventories in protected areas should be made mandatory to identify priority species for the respective area and develop strategies for their protection. A pan-European monitoring programme for Orthoptera species should be developed, by merging all existing recording schemes. Specific research on those species that have not been recently recorded in Europe to clarify if they may be Extinct or Regionally Extinct, or have been assessed as Data Deficient should be conducted and funding mechanisms should be put in place to support this research. The effects of the lesser understood threats (e.g., wildfires, pesticides, climate change) on Orthoptera should be studied. The European Red List of Grasshoppers, Crickets and Bush-crickets should be revised at regular intervals of ten years, and whenever new data becomes available.
Informations de base sur la République du Cap Vert L'archipel du Cap Vert est constitué par dix îles et huit îlots situés à environ 500 km de la côte occidentale africaine. Sa superficie est de 4033 km2. Les îles sont d'origine volcanique et sont implantées sur la zone sud-ouest de la plate-forme sénégalaise sur la croûte océanique d'âge comprise entre 140 et 120 millions d'années. Le relief est très accidenté dans les îles les plus jeunes (Fogo, Santiago, Santo Antão et S. Nicolau), mais relativement plat dans les îles plus anciennes (Maio, Boavista e Sal). Les sols sont peu évolués, avec des horizons pédologiques peu différenciés. Par sa situation géographique, dans une zone d'aridité météorologique, le climat du Cap Vert est sahélien du type tropical sec, soumis aux vents alizés du nordest, avec des températures modérées (environ 24ºC) et une faible amplitude thermique dû à l'environnement atlantique. Les précipitations sont généralement faibles sur l'ensemble du pays, ne dépassant pas les 300 mm de moyenne annuelle pour les 65% du territoire situé à moins de 400 m d'altitude. Les zones sous l'influence des alizés étant encore plus sèches (150 mm de moyenne annuelle). Sur les versants situés à plus de 500 m d'altitude faisant face aux alizés, on peut atteindre ou dépasser les 700 mm. Les pluies sont irrégulières et généralement mal distribuées dans le temps et dans l'espace. Le peuplement et son influence sur la biodiversité Après leur colonisation par les humains au cours du XVème siècle, les îles du Cap Vert ont été soumises à une forte exploitation des ressources biologiques. Des facteurs anthropiques avec conséquences directe et indirecte sur la végétation, tels que l'agriculture pluviale, dans la plupart des cas pratiquée sur les fortes pentes des versants, l'utilisation du bois de feu, le surpâturage et l'introduction des espèces exotiques ont contribué à la dégradation graduelle de la végétation et des habitats de l'archipel. Le rôle de ces facteurs a été encore accentué par l'action passif des facteurs intrinsèques tels que l'insularité et la fraction importante du territoire occupée par des zones arides et semi-arides. La végétation des zones arides et semi-arides qui occupent, au Cap Vert, plus de 70% du sol arable du territoire, a un faible pouvoir de régénération. Sa flore insulaire est sensible par le fait d'avoir évolué en l'absence de prédateurs et d'être issues de petites populations avec une diversité génétique limitée et par une aire de dissémination très limitée. La diversité des espèces Il existe au Cap Vert, 110 espèces de bryophytes dont 15 sont endémiques. Du total, 36% sont extinctes ou menacées. Parmi les endémiques 40% sont menacées. Les espèces d'angiospermes sont en nombre de 240 dont 45 sont endémiques. A noter que 27% du total sont extinctes ou menacées. Parmi les endémiques, 54% sont en danger de disparition. La biodiversité animale cours des risques majeures de survie. Des 37 espèces de gastéropodes existantes, 15 sont endémiques dont 67% sont menacées. Les arachnides sont au nombre de 111 dont 46 sont endémiques. Parmi les endémiques, 78% sont menacées. Il existe 470 espèces d'insectes (coléoptères) dont 155 sont endémiques. 84% des taxa endémiques sont menacées. On suppose que du total des 470 espèces, 64% sont disparues ou en danger. L'état actuel de la faune et de la flore a été donné par la Première Liste Rouge du Cap Vert, publiée en 1996 et qui indique un certain nombre de statistiques effrayantes : sont menacées plus de 26% des angiospermes, plus de 40% des bryophytes, plus de 65% des ptéridophytes et plus de 29% des lichens ; plus de 47% des oiseaux, 25% des reptiles terrestres, 64% des coléoptères, plus de 57% des arachnides, plus de 59% des mollusques terrestres. L'archipel du Cap Vert est situé dans la zone tropicale où, selon Nunan (1992), si on exclue les espèces migratoires on peu compter environ 273 espèces de poissons, dont 70% sont endémiques. La liste des espèces de poissons des îles du Cap Vert est assez diversifiée et compte environ une centaine d'espèces appartenant à différentes familles. En matière de diversité biologique marine l'exploitation des ressources dans la ZEE (Zone Economique Exclusive) sont encore loin d'atteindre le potentiel estimé. Néanmoins, il existe quelques espèces qui sont en danger, notamment les tortues et les langoustes. Dans les eaux capverdiennes il existe 5 espèces de tortues : Dermocelys coriacea, Chelonia mydas, Eretmochelys imbricata, Caretta caretta et Lepidochelys olivacea. Les tortues sont d'une façon générale soumises à une exploitation irrationnelle depuis des décades. La viande et les oeufs, surtout de la tortue mâle sont très appréciés. La carapace est utilisée dans la bijouterie (boucles, bagues, colliers, etc.). Parmi les quatre familles de langoustes connues, l'archipel du Cap Vert recèle deux : la Palinuridae (langouste rose, verte et marron) et la Scyllaride (langouste de pierre). A signaler également une espèce endémique, le Palinuris charlestoni. Toutes les espèces existantes au Cap Vert sont exploitées, souvent à la limite de la durabilité. La République du Cap Vert et la Convention sur la Biodiversité Le Cap Vert a signé la Convention sur la biodiversité en juin 1992 et l'a ratifié en mars 1995. Pour remplir les obligations découlant de l'adoption de la Convention, le pays a complété sa Stratégie Nationale et Plan d'Action sur la Biodiversité en février 1999. Une institution responsable pour la mise en oeuvre de la politique nationale en matière de l'environnement a été créée, le Secrétariat Exécutif pour l'Environnement (SEPA). Le Plan d'Action National a identifié 21 objectifs divisés en huit groupes thèmatiques et contient des activités jusqu'à l'an 2010. Parallèlement à ces actions, la Loi de Base pour l'Environnement, le Code de l'Environnement, le Code de l'Eau et le Code Forestier ont été adoptés. Ce nouveau Code Forestier a été élaboré afin d'actualiser les normes pour une gestion durable des ressources et le transfert des compétences aux régions et communautés. Au niveau stratégique le Cap Vert a élaboré son Programme d'Action National pour l'Environnement (PANA) et a développé le Programme d'Action National de Lutte Contre la Désertification (PAN-LCD) en utilisant l'approche participative faisant appel à tous les acteurs de la société civile y inclus les associations et ONG. Au niveau international le Cap Vert a adhéré aux conventions telles que la biodiversité, les changements climatiques et le contrôle de la désertification. Le pays a également signé les conventions suivantes : Convention des Nations Unies sur le Droit de la Mer, Convention relative à la Protection du Patrimoine Mondial Culturel et Naturel, Convention de Bâle sur les mouvements trans-frontaliers, Convention internationale pour la Prévention de la pollution par des bateaux, Convention de Vienne sur la protection de la couche de l'ozone, Protocole de Montréal sur les substances qui appauvrissent la couche de l'ozone. La mise en oeuvre de la stratégie nationale sur la Diversité Biologique permettra une meilleure gestion de l'eau, des ressources naturelles et des espaces, l'introduction de nouvelles espèces et de nouvelles technologies alternatives pour l'agriculture et l'élevage ainsi que la création de nouveaux emplois alternatifs, à partir des activités génératrices de revenus, et de diminuer ainsi, la pression sur les ressources naturelles. ; GEF/PNUD
Conjunto de 38 fichas formado por 1 separador y 37 fichas que forman unidad. El separador lleva por título "Vocabulario XVIII fin". El vuelto tiene, además, un fragmento pegado en vertical con una acepción para la voz "Despejar" (era una papeleta procedente del proyecto del "Diccionario Calpe" que ha sido reutilizada). La voz "Despejar" está escrita de mano de María Goyri. En el conjunto se recogen voces relacionadas con el automovilismo ("berlina", "simón"), con el comercio y el mercantilismo ("fonda", "compañía") y con la milicia ("maniobra"), con indicación de las obras donde se documentan estas voces y con referencias a las ediciones del diccionario académico en las que fueron introducidas algunas de ellas. También se incluyen otras voces como: "personalizarse" (con el significado de 'ofender a uno') y "bolero". El conjunto trata sobre las reflexiones de Rufino José Cuervo acerca del lenguaje empleado por los restauradores de las letras españolas del XVIII quejándose del uso de "sendos" y de la forma verbal en "-ara" con sentido de pretérito, y sobre la desaparición de muchas palabras consideradas anticuadas en el siglo XVIII como consecuencia de una conciencia general de que una nueva edad lingüística había comenzado. Se transcriben fragmentos extraídos del "Comentario con glosas críticas y joco serias sobre la nueva traducción de 'Las aventuras de Telémaco'" escrito por Capmany en los que el autor censura el uso de voces familiares, anticuadas o inventadas por el traductor. El conjunto recoge un listado de voces y expresiones que fueron introducidas en el apéndice del diccionario académico de 1780, así como otro listado con vocabulario de finales del siglo XVIII y con neologismos. Se recogen cultismos introducidos a finales del siglo XVIII ("contraproducente", "reptil", "aproximar"), y el caso de la voz "pontificar" que había entrado en el "Diccionario de Autoridades" bajo la nota de "voz inventada". El conjunto trata sobre la preferencia por los vocablos de las lenguas clásicas frente a los calcos de lenguas germánicas, como el inglés, en el siglo XIX, y sobre las reflexiones en torno a la preocupación de los escritores del siglo XVIII por la pureza del lenguaje castellano, recogidas en el discurso de entrada en la RAE pronunciado por Miguel Artigas el 13 de enero de 1935. Se transcriben los versos de la tonadilla "El nuevo diccionario" con música compuesta por Isidro Laporta en los que se hace una sátira del lenguaje moderno de finales del siglo XVIII. El conjunto también recoge neologismos de la historiografía española con referencias a la edición del diccionario académico en la que fueron introducidos: "Reconquista" (se mencionan, además, voces o expresiones antiguas para designar esta idea empleadas en los siglos XVIII y XIX), "califato" y "Edad Media" (se mencionan también sus derivados "medioeval" y "medieval" con indicaciones de cuándo fueron introducidos en el diccionario académico, y otras expresiones empleadas por escritores de finales del siglo XVIII para designar este periodo histórico). Se incluyen voces nuevas utilizadas por José Cadalso en la carta XXXV, latinismos recogidos en "Declamación contra los abusos introducidos en el castellano" de Vargas Ponce, y voces que datan del siglo XVIII ("cutó", "verdó", "biricú"). El conjunto recoge apuntes explicativos sobre la estética clasicista o racionalista, según la cual la poesía debía tener una utilidad práctica. Se añade un resumen explicativo sobre el proceso de introducción de voces nuevas en las tres primeras ediciones del diccionario académico y en sus respectivos apéndices o suplementos. El conjunto recoge un listado de voces y expresiones que fueron introducidas en el suplemento del diccionario académico de 1783, y de neologismos que datan del siglo XVIII, con autoría reconocida y documentados en "Apuntaciones lexicográficas" de Miguel Luis Amunátegui. Por último, se incluye una lista de voces cuyo uso censuró Joaquín Ezquerra en su "Tentativa de aprovechamiento de la Lección crítica" ya que le parecían inventadas por Huerta. La ficha 3 tiene un tamaño menor que una octavilla. Las fichas 6 (con anotaciones de don Ramón sobre cuándo se introdujo la voz "personalizarse" en el diccionario académico), 9 (por las dos caras y con una anotación a lápiz de don Ramón tachada en el margen superior), 14 (por las dos caras) y 36 (por las dos caras) están escritas por mano no identificada. Las fichas 10 (por las dos caras), 11 (por las dos caras), 12, 13, 15, 16, 20, 22 (por las dos caras) y 37 están escritas por María Goyri. La ficha 21, que tiene una longitud mayor que la de una octavilla y cuya parte saliente ha sido doblada para que coincida en altura con el resto de fichas, es una página de un texto impreso por las dos caras. Se trata de Artigas Ferrando, M. (1935): "Sobre la preocupación de la pureza de la lengua en la historia literaria española", en "Discursos leídos ante la Academia Española en la recepción pública del Ilmo. Sr. D. Miguel Artigas, el día 13 de enero de 1935". Las fichas 23, 24 y 25 están pegadas por la esquina inferior izquierda. Las fichas 27, 28 y 29 están pegadas por la esquina inferior derecha. La ficha 28 contiene una anotación a lápiz de don Ramón en la que indica que María Goyri no encontró en la obra de José Cadalso ninguna alusión a la Edad Media. La ficha 31 contiene información tachada. La ficha 32, con información tachada en el vuelto, contiene una anotación escrita por María Goyri. Referencias bibliográficas: Morel-Fatio, A. (1902): "'Simón' et 'Birlocho'", en "Bulletin Hispanique", tomo 4, n°4, p. 360 – Fernández de Moratín, L. (1760-1828): "Obras póstumas", tomo II (ed. Rivadeneyra, M., 1867) – Alarcón, P.A. de (1882): "La Alpujarra", p. 77 – Masdeu, J.F. (1783): "Historia crítica de España, y de la cultura española", tomo I (Discurso preliminar) – Cadalso, J. (1741-1782): "Cartas marruecas", en Ochoa, E. de (ed.lit.): "Epistolario español. Colección de cartas de Españoles ilustres antiguos y modernos. Recogida y ordenada con notas y aclaraciones Históricas, Críticas y Bibliográficas, I" (en Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, XIII) – "Diccionario de Autoridades" (1726-1739) - "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1803) - "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1791) - "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1817) - "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1843) – Rheinfelder, H. (1928): "Das Wort 'Persona'", en "Beihefte zur 'Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie'", 77 – Cuervo, R.J. (1903): "El castellano en América (fin de la polémica)", en "Bulletin Hispanique", tomo 5, n.º 1, p. 69 – Brunot, F. (1905-1943): "Histoire de la langue française des origines à 1900" – Vossler, K. (1929): "Frankreichs Kultur und Sprache" – Capmany y Montpalau, A. (1798): "Comentario con glosas críticas y joco serias sobre la nueva traducción de 'Las aventuras de Telémaco' publicada en la 'Gazeta de Madrid' de 15 de mayo del presente año" – Cuervo, R. J. (1885): "Apuntaciones críticas sobre el lenguaje bogotano" – "Enciclopedia universal ilustrada europeo-americana", tomo XXXVIII (1919) (ed. Espasa-Calpe) – Jespersen, O. (1935): "Growth and structure of the English Language" – Artigas Ferrando, M. (1935): "Sobre la preocupación de la pureza de la lengua en la historia literaria española", en "Discursos leídos ante la Academia Española en la recepción pública del Ilmo. Sr. D. Miguel Artigas, el día 13 de enero de 1935" – Subirá, J. (1932): "Tonadillas teatrales inéditas: libretos y partituras con una descripción sinóptica de nuestra música lírica" – Mariana, J. de (1536-1624): "Historia general de España", tomo VIII (ed. Valencia, 1795) – Coroleu é Inglada, J. (1886) (ed.lit.): "Crónica d'en Ramon Muntaner", p. 478 (edit. La Renaixensa) – "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1822) – Menéndez Pelayo, M. (1891): "Antología de poetas líricos castellanos: desde la formación del idioma hasta nuestros días", vol. II – Flórez, E. (1761): "Memorias de las reynas catholicas", tomo II, p. 811 – Forner, J.P. (1786): "Oracion apologética por la España y su merito literario: para que sirva de exornacion al discurso leido por el abate Denina en la Academia de Ciencias de Berlin, respondiendo á la qüestion Qué se debe á España?", p. 56 – "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1780) – "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1884) – Schnürer, G. (1927): "Kirche und Kultur im Mittelalter", tomo I – "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1899) – "Diccionario de la lengua castellana" (1914) – Hatzfeld, A. y Darmesteter, A. (1895-1900): "Dictionnaire général de la langue française du commencement du XVIIe siècle jusqu'à nos jours: précédé d'un traité de la formation de la langue" – Bescherelle, L.-N. (1802-1883): "Dictionnaire national ou Dictionnaire universel de la langue française", tomo II – Bloch, O. y Wartburg, W. von (1932): "Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française" – Bretón de los Herreros, M. (1796-1873): "Obras de Don Manuel Bretón de los Herreros", tomo V (Poesías) (ed. Ginesta, M., 1884) – Castillo, H. Del (1511): "Cancionero general" (Sociedad de Bibliófilos Españoles, 1882, tomo II, p. 128) – Littré, É. (1874): "Dictionnaire de la langue française", tomo III – Forner, J.P. (1756-1797): "Discurso sobre el modo de escribir y mejorar la historia de España", en "Obras de don Juan Pablo Forner", tomo I (ed. lit. Villanueva y Cañedo, Luis, 1843) – Vargas Ponce, J. (1793): "Declamación contra los abusos introducidos en el castellano presentada y no premiada en la Academia Española: síguela una disertación sobre la lengua castellana, y la antecede un diálogo que explica el designio de la obra" – Croce, B. (1929): "Poesia 'popolare' e poesia 'd'arte' – Considerazioni teorico-storiche. II. La poesia popolare in quanto simbolo estetico, politico e morale", en "La Critica. Rivista di Letteratura, Storia e Filosofia", vol. 27, p. 331 – Amunátegui, M.L. (1828-1888): "Apuntaciones lexicográficas", tomos I (1907) y III (1909) – Cotarelo y Mori, E. (1897): "Iriarte y su época", p. 338
Alongside the destruction of habitat, the impact of invasive alien species (IAS) is considered as one of the most important threats to global biodiversity. Therefore, international directives as well as national legislation call for measures to prevent the further spread of already established IAS as well as to limit their negative effects on native flora and fauna. This study deals with one of these non-native species – the American mink (Neovison vison). In order to get information about ecology and behaviour of this semiaquatic carnivore, a small population in a north German fishpond area, where mink has been spreading since the 1970s, was investigated. During the years 2003 to 2006 data about annual and circadian activity patterns, space use, territorial system as well as feeding habits and their variations during different seasons were collected. For this purpose, altogether 14 individuals (nine males, five females) were monitored using radio-telemetry. Based on the results, the potential impact of American mink on indigenous species was discussed and implications for mink control and management were deduced. American mink are difficult to radio tag. The small difference between their head and neck circumferences mean that the radio collars must be worn tightly to prevent loss. A methodological evaluation of conventional collar transmitters revealed that in six out of eight cases serious skin injuries on the necks were the consequences. Therefore, all radio collars were removed and radio transmitters were surgically implanted in the peritoneal cavity of mink by veterinarians. One male bit open the sutures and died after emergency surgery, but in 13 cases implantation did not affect survival or reproduction of the mink. With reference to animal welfare, intraperitoneal implantation of radio transmitters (in combination with observation and quarantine for several days after operation) instead of external radio collars were recommended for long term telemetry studies of American mink. Analyses of annual activity patterns revealed significant differences in seasonal activity rates. Both sexes reduced their average activity rates in cold winter months (October to February) to about 23 %. This energy-saving strategy is possible because of sufficient food availability, especially of fish, at this time. In March, male as well as female mink considerably increased their activity to almost 40 % due to the mating season. In summer months, during the pup-raising period (May to August), female activity continued to be high (between 40 and 50 %). However, male mink which are not involved in rearing the young, were less active (about 30 %) until July. But in August and September, the time of juvenile dispersal followed by changes in the territorial system and intraspecific aggression, activity rates of males increased again up to 43 %. Circadian activity rhythms differed markedly between sexes. All investigated females exhibited a perennial diurnal pattern. Three of five investigated male mink showed typical nocturnal activity throughout the year. Two males displayed arrhythmic behaviour; they did not prefer any time of the day for activity. On the one hand, gender differences in annual as well as circadian activity patterns of American mink reflect the diversity in ecological constraints, primarily the investment into reproduction. On the other hand, the different temporal strategies of sexes may have the potential to reduce intraspecific, especially intersexual competition. Investigating territorial systems and space use of mink, in comparison to other European studies, relatively large home ranges combined with a quite low population density were observed. In summer months male mink used on average 15.4 km length of waterway and female mink used on average 9.3 km length of waterway. In accordance with the trend of activity rates, male and female mink reduced their large summer home ranges by more than half during the cold winter period. But all-season male mink used significantly larger areas than female mink. High intersexual overlapping rates of home ranges and low levels of intrasexual overlapping of neighbouring home ranges confirm intrasexual territoriality of American mink. Probably, the low population density (0.6-0.7 individuals/km2) allows such high variations in seasonal and sexual home range size. During the mating season males considerably enlarged their home ranges and roamed nearly through the entire study area in search of receptive females. The shifting of stable temporary home ranges observed within one season or between the same seasons of consecutive years demonstrates the highly dynamic nature of spatial behaviour among American mink. The recorded characteristic features of spatial and temporal behaviour should be considered when planning monitoring- and management measures of this invasive carnivore. For instance, the reduced home ranges and activity rates during winter months should be taken into account in mink trapping projects. Analyses of more than 2500 scatsamples of radio tracked mink show that investigated animals principally prey on fish, small mammals and birds (eggs inclusive). There were significant seasonal variations of diet composition. In spring, the three categories of prey - fish, mammals and birds (eggs inclusive) - were hunted in similar amounts. During summer, birds and their eggs made up the main part of the diet followed by mammals. In autumn, the proportion of birds in the mink diet decreased, whereas fish gained in importance. This trend continued during the winter period, when mink preyed almost exclusively on fish. Throughout the entire year amphibians, crustaceans, insects, molluscs and reptiles were found only occasionally in scatsamples. Among birds, the mink preyed mainly on the Eurasian Coot (Fulica atra) followed by the Mallard (Anas platyrhynchos). Mammalian prey was clearly dominated by the water vole (Arvicola terrestris) and among fish, mink hunted especially perch (Perca fluviatilis), roach (Rutilus rutilus) and carp (Cyprinus carpio). Results clearly demonstrate that mink is an opportunistic predator, which hunts its prey according to availability and vulnerability, respectively. Despite the high portions of fish in the autumn and winter diet, the economic damage to fishery caused by mink seems to be low. Perch and roach were preyed on in higher frequencies than the carp which is economically relevant. However, high predation on birds and their eggs during the breeding season indicates a potential negative impact of mink on waterfowl. To summarise, it can be noted that characteristic features of the anthropogenically influenced study area affect feeding habits, activity patterns, space use and density of local mink population. In this regard the management of fishponds, which influences seasonal availability of habitat- and food resources for mink, plays an important role. American mink is regarded as "invasive", because a negative impact on native species has been proved by several European studies. Consequently, this study recommends management with a focus on effective monitoring and, if necessary, control or exclusion measures adapted to the specific local requirements. Furthermore, to prevent additional introductions into the wild, the still existing farms have to be protected against outbreaks and liberations. In the long term, a general ban on the trade and keeping of American mink would be desirable.:1 Summary 1 2 Zusammenfassung 4 3 General Introduction 8 4 Study Area and Methods 12 5 Radio tagging American mink (Mustela vison) – experience with collar- and intraperitoneal implanted transmitters 14 6 Gender differences in activity patterns of American mink Neovison vison in Germany 15 7 Dynamics in space use of American mink (Neovison vison) in a fishpond area in Northern Germany 16 8 Feeding habits of invasive American mink (Neovison vison) in northern Germany—potential implications for fishery and waterfowl 17 9 Concluding Discussion 18 9.1 Activity patterns, Space use and Feeding habits as well as the potential ecological and economic Impact 18 9.2 Prevention and Management 22 10 References 27 Acknowledgement 34 ; Der Einfluss invasiver, gebietsfremder Arten wird neben der Habitatzerstörung als eine der größten Gefährdungen der Biodiversität weltweit angesehen. Sowohl internationale Umweltvereinbarungen als auch die nationale Gesetzgebung fordern daher Maßnahmen, die eine weitere Ausbreitung bereits etablierter invasiver Neozoen verhindern und deren negative Einflüsse minimieren. Die vorliegende Studie befasst sich mit einer dieser Neozoen - dem Amerikanischen Nerz bzw. Mink (Neovison vison). Um Erkenntnisse zu Ökologie und Verhalten des semiaquatischen Musteliden in Deutschland zu gewinnen, wurden Daten zu tages- und jahreszeitlichen Aktivitätsmustern, zu Raumnutzung und Territorialsystem sowie zur Nahrungswahl und den jahreszeitlichen Unterschieden im Beutespektrum der Art erhoben. Dafür konnten in den Jahren 2003 bis 2006 in einem Fischteich-Gebiet in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, wo sich Minke bereits seit den 1970er Jahren etabliert haben, insgesamt 14 Individuen (neun Männchen, fünf Weibchen) radiotelemetrisch überwacht werden. Anhand der Ergebnisse wird einerseits der potentielle Einfluss des gebietsfremden Raubsäugers auf einheimische Arten abgeschätzt und diskutiert. Andererseits werden die Ergebnisse herangezogen, um effektive Monitoring- und Managementmaßnahmen abzuleiten. Eine methodische Evaluation von Halsbandsendern zeigte, dass in sechs von acht Fällen die getesteten Halsbänder, die aufgrund des sehr ähnlichen Hals-Kopf-Umfanges der Individuen relativ eng angelegt werden müssen, Hautverletzungen verursachten. Infolgedessen wurden die Halsbandsender gegen durch Tierärzte operativ in die Bauchhöhle eingesetzte Implantationssender ausgetauscht. Auch bei allen nachfolgend gefangenen Tieren wurden die Sender implantiert. Bei insgesamt 14 durchgeführten Erstimplantationen beeinflussten mit Ausnahme eines Falles (Tod durch Aufbeißen der Naht) die Implantate weder das Überleben, noch die Reproduktion der Minke. Daher ist v.a. in Hinblick auf Tierschutzaspekte die Senderimplantation (in Kombination mit einer Mehrtages-Quarantäne) anstatt der Verwendung von externen Halsbandsendern zu empfehlen. Die Analyse der circannuellen Aktivitätsmuster ergab signifikante Unterschiede der saisonalen Aktivitätsraten. Während der kalten Wintermonate (Oktober bis Februar) zeigten beide Geschlechter mit durchschnittlich etwa 23 % eine vergleichsweise geringe Aktivität. Diese energiesparende Verhaltensweise war möglich, da auch im Winter ein ausreichend hohes Nahrungsangebot, vor allem an Fisch, vorhanden war. Im März kam es sowohl bei den Männchen als auch bei den Weibchen zu einem durch die Paarungszeit verursachten, beträchtlichen Anstieg der mittleren Aktivitätsraten auf fast 40 %. In den Sommermonaten (Mai bis August) waren die weiblichen Tiere, durch die Anforderungen der Jungenaufzucht bedingt, anhaltend häufig aktiv (zwischen 40 und 50 %). Die Aktivitätsraten der nicht an der Jungenaufzucht beteiligten Männchen dagegen nahmen im April wieder ab, um bis zum Juli auf einem vergleichsweise geringen Niveau von etwa 30 % zu bleiben. Sie stiegen jedoch während der Monate August und September erneut auf etwa 43 % an. Zu dieser Zeit wandern gewöhnlich die Jungtiere ab und suchen sich ein eigenes Streifgebiet (= Aktionsraum), dadurch kommt es zu Änderungen im Territorialsystem und damit einhergehenden innerartlichen Auseinandersetzungen. Beide Geschlechter unterscheiden sich stark in ihren tageszeitlichen Aktivitätsrhythmen. Alle Weibchen waren ganzjährig tagaktiv. Von den fünf untersuchten Männchen zeigten drei typische Nachtaktivität im gesamten Jahresverlauf. Die beiden anderen männlichen Tiere verhielten sich in ihren Aktivitätsrhythmen indifferent, sie zeigten das ganze Jahr über keine Präferenzen für eine bestimmte Tageszeit. Die geschlechtsspezifischen Unterschiede sowohl in den circannuellen als auch in den circadianen Aktivitätsmustern spiegeln zum einen die verschiedenen Anforderungen an die Geschlechter wieder, vor allem die Investitionen in die Fortpflanzung. Zum anderen können die geschlechtsspezifisch unterschiedlichen Zeitnutzungs-Strategien zu einer Minimierung der innerartlichen, vorzugsweise der intersexuellen Konkurrenz führen. Die Analyse der Telemetriedaten hinsichtlich Raumnutzung und Territorialsystem ergab im Vergleich zu anderen europäischen Studien relativ große individuelle Aktionsräume verbunden mit einer geringen Populationsdichte im Untersuchungsgebiet. So erstreckten sich die durchschnittlich genutzten Sommerstreifgebiete der Männchen auf 15,4 km und die der Weibchen auf 9,3 km Flusslauf bzw. Teichufer. Entsprechend dem Trend der saisonalen Aktivitätsmuster, reduzierten beide Geschlechter ihre großen Sommerstreifgebiete während der Winterhalbjahre um mehr als die Hälfte der Fläche. Allerdings nutzten die Männchen zu allen Jahreszeiten wesentlich größere Aktionsräume als die weiblichen Minke. Große Streifgebietsüberlappungen zwischen den Geschlechtern sowie verhältnismäßig niedrige Überlappungsraten der benachbarten Streifgebiete von Tieren des gleichen Geschlechts bestätigen die intrasexuelle Territorialität der Art. Die erheblichen Unterschiede der saisonalen und geschlechtsspezifischen Aktionsraumgrößen werden vermutlich durch die ermittelte, vergleichsweise geringe Populationsdichte (0,6-0,7 Individuen/km2) ermöglicht. Die ausgedehnte und sich fast über das gesamte Untersuchungsgebiet erstreckende Raumnutzung der Männchen während der Paarungszeit ist durch die Suche nach fortpflanzungsbereiten Weibchen bedingt. Die Raumnutzung der untersuchten Minke unterliegt einer hohen Dynamik, dies wird durch die häufige räumliche Verschiebung temporär stabiler Streifgebiete innerhalb einer Jahreszeit oder auch zwischen den gleichen Jahreszeiten aufeinanderfolgender Jahre verdeutlicht. All diese ermittelten charakteristischen Besonderheiten im Raum-Zeit-Verhalten der Art sollten bei der Entwicklung von Monitoring- und Managementkonzepten berücksichtigt werden. So müssen beispielsweise bei der Fallenjagd im Winter die zu dieser Zeit stark verkleinerten Streifgebiete und die reduzierten Aktivitätsraten Beachtung finden. Die Analyse der über 2500 Losungsproben telemetrierter Minke zeigte, dass sich die untersuchten Tiere hauptsächlich von Fisch, Kleinsäugern und Vögeln (inklusive deren Eiern) ernährten. Dabei traten allerdings signifikante saisonale Unterschiede in der Nahrungs-zusammensetzung auf. So wurden im Frühjahr die drei Beutekategorien Fisch, Kleinsäuger sowie Vögel und deren Eier in ähnlichen Anteilen erbeutet. Während des Sommers bildeten Vögel und Vogeleier die Hauptbeute, gefolgt von Kleinsäugern. Im Herbst verringerte sich der Vogel- und Kleinsäugeranteil im Beutespektrum zugunsten von Fisch. Dieser Trend setzte sich bis in den Winter fort; in dieser Jahreszeit ernährten sich die Minke fast ausschließlich von Fisch. Amphibien, Reptilien, Krebstiere, Insekten und Mollusken wurden im gesamten Jahresverlauf nur gelegentlich gefressen. Innerhalb der Gruppe der Vögel prädierten die Minke vor allem Blässhühner (Fulica atra), gefolgt von Stockenten (Anas platyrhynchos). Das Kleinsäuger-Beutespektrum wurde eindeutig von der Schermaus (Arvicola terrestris) dominiert und unter den Fischen erbeuteten die Minke vorzugsweise Flussbarsche (Perca fluviatilis), Plötzen (Rutilus rutilus) und Karpfen (Cyprinus carpio). Die Ergebnisse der Nahrungsanalyse bestätigen den Mink als einen opportunistischen Prädator, der seine Beutetiere je nach Verfügbarkeit bzw. dem erforderlichen Jagdaufwand nutzt. Trotz des hohen Fischanteils in der Herbst- und Winternahrung ist der durch den Mink verursachte ökonomische Schaden schätzungsweise relativ gering. Flussbarsch und Plötze wurden in höheren Frequenzanteilen erbeutet als der wirtschaftlich relevante Karpfen. Die starke Prädation von Wasservögeln und deren Eiern besonders in den Frühjahrs- und Sommermonaten weist allerdings auf einen potentiell negativen Einfluss des invasiven Raubsäugers auf diese Tiergruppe hin. Zusammenfassend lässt sich festhalten, dass die spezifischen Charakteristika des anthropogen geprägten Untersuchungsgebietes sowohl Nahrungsökologie und Aktivitätsmuster als auch Raumnutzung und Populationsdichte der lokalen Minkpopulation beeinflussen. Eine besondere Rolle hierbei spielt die Bewirtschaftung der Fischteiche, denn vor allem daraus resultiert für die Minke eine saisonal unterschiedliche Verfügbarkeit an Lebensraum und Nahrung. Negative Auswirkungen des Amerikanischen Nerzes auf die einheimische Tierwelt wurden in anderen europäischen Ländern belegt und rechtfertigen die Einstufung dieser Art als "invasiv". Demzufolge wird in der vorliegenden Arbeit ein Management empfohlen, bei dem der Focus auf einem effektiven Monitoring und gegebenenfalls auf zweckmäßigen, an die lokalen Bedingungen angepassten Fang- oder Abwehrmaßnahmen liegt. Zudem sollten, um einer weiteren Ausbringung in das Freiland vorzubeugen, die wenigen noch existierenden Minkfarmen besser gegen Ausbrüche bzw. Freilassungsaktionen gesichert werden. Langfristig ist ein generelles Besitz- und Vermarktungsverbot für die Art wünschenswert.:1 Summary 1 2 Zusammenfassung 4 3 General Introduction 8 4 Study Area and Methods 12 5 Radio tagging American mink (Mustela vison) – experience with collar- and intraperitoneal implanted transmitters 14 6 Gender differences in activity patterns of American mink Neovison vison in Germany 15 7 Dynamics in space use of American mink (Neovison vison) in a fishpond area in Northern Germany 16 8 Feeding habits of invasive American mink (Neovison vison) in northern Germany—potential implications for fishery and waterfowl 17 9 Concluding Discussion 18 9.1 Activity patterns, Space use and Feeding habits as well as the potential ecological and economic Impact 18 9.2 Prevention and Management 22 10 References 27 Acknowledgement 34
This report reviews and recommends strategies to regulate the trade of wildlife through Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar is an ideal site to launch an effort to support improved enforcement of wildlife trade regulations. The city is the seat of Mongolia's government, media markets, and civil society, as well as the center of the wildlife trade. Some of the country's largest raw materials markets are located to the east and west of the city. Ulaanbaatar's many road inspection points, its train station, and its airport are all strategic sites for enforcing trade regulation. Responsibility for enforcement of wildlife trade regulations is distributed among half a dozen different agencies. This report focuses specifically on Mongolia's existing legal framework for controlling the wildlife trade, and on strategies for improving enforcement, particularly in Ulaanbaatar. Before turning to those subjects, the next section provides a brief overview of the Mongolian wildlife trade.
Der Schutz der biologischen Vielfalt ist eine gesellschaftlich sehr wichtige Aufgabe, deren Bedeutung in den letzten Jahrzehnten zunehmend auch politisch erkannt wird. Nationale wie globale Zielsetzungen, den Verlust der biologischen Vielfalt aufzuhalten und eine positive Trendwende zu erreichen, wurden bislang allerdings verfehlt. Als wichtige Ursachen für den Verlust der Artenvielfalt werden sowohl der Landnutzungswandel als auch Klimaveränderungen gesehen. Landnutzungsintensivierungen haben insbesondere seit der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts zu einem zunehmenden Rückgang der Artenvielfalt in der Agrarlandschaft geführt. Die Ursachen für diesen Rückgang sind vielfältig. Sie umfassen eine Abnahme der Nahrungsgrundlage vieler Arten, u.a. durch den Einsatz von Herbiziden und Insektiziden, und den Verlust von geeigneten Fortpflanzungs- und Nahrungshabitaten durch einen Rückgang der Strukturvielfalt und des Anteils naturnaher Habitate. Seit Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts rückt zunehmend auch der Klimawandel als Einflussgröße für den Rückgang der Artenvielfalt in den Fokus. Einhergehend mit steigenden Temperaturen wurden bereits Verschiebungen von Verbreitungsgrenzen und Veränderungen in der Phänologie von Arten beobachtet. Bis zum Ende des 21. Jahrhunderts werden neben weiter steigenden Temperaturen die Zunahme von Hitzewellen und extremen Niederschlagsereignissen, eine Veränderung der Niederschlagsverhältnisse und ein weiterer Anstieg des Meeresspiegels erwartet. Zwischen Klima und Landnutzung gibt es vielfältige Wechselwirkungen und sich gegenseitig verstärkende Effekte - auch in ihrer Wirkung auf einzelne Arten und die biologische Vielfalt. Hier gilt es, Methoden zur Erfassung und Bewertung von Auswirkungen landnutzungs- und klimawandelbedingter Umweltveränderungen zu entwickeln und aufzuzeigen, durch welche Maßnahmen negative Auswirkungen auf die Artenvielfalt vermieden oder vermindert werden können. Akteure zur Umsetzung solcher Maßnahmen sind einerseits der behördliche und ehrenamtliche Naturschutz. Andererseits ist gerade in der Agrarlandschaft auch die Einbindung von Landwirten entscheidend, um möglichst dauerhafte und großflächige Wirkungen zu erzielen. Ein Weg der Einbindung von Landwirten in naturschutzfachliche Maßnahmenprogramme führt über die lebensmittelerzeugenden Unternehmen, die Abnehmer ihrer Produkte sind. Solche Unternehmen, gerade aus der Biobranche, suchen zunehmend nach Möglichkeiten, ihren Kunden transparent und glaubwürdig zu kommunizieren, was ihre Zulieferlandwirte für den Erhalt und die Förderung der Artenvielfalt leisten. Flächendeckende Vor-Ort-Erfassungen von Arten sind dabei aber sowohl aus Kosten- als auch aus Zeitgründen unrealistisch. Einfache Modelle bzw. Indikatorensets, die die Artenvielfalt auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen valide abbilden und dabei zeiteffizient und praxisnah in der Datenerhebung und Anwendung sind, werden daher dringend benötigt, fehlen aber bislang. Auf Basis solcher Modelle können auch Maßnahmen für die Betriebsebene und deren Potenzial zur Steigerung der Artenvielfalt abgeleitet werden. Im Hinblick auf Auswirkungen des Klimawandels auf Tierarten fehlen derzeit vor allem auf regionaler Ebene Einschätzungen über die Empfindlichkeit von Artengemeinschaften gegenüber den projizierten Klimaänderungen und darüber, wie sich klimabedingte Arealverschiebungen auf die Zusammensetzung regionaler Artengemeinschaften auswirken könnten. Solche Einschätzungen braucht es aber, um den naturschutzfachlichen Handlungsbedarf für Anpassungsstrategien und -maßnahmen zu identifizieren und zu konkretisieren. Zu entsprechenden Anpassungsmaßnahmen gibt es bereits eine Reihe von Empfehlungen, die allerdings häufig unspezifisch bleiben, so dass vielen Praktikern unklar ist, welche Maßnahmen Priorität haben und wie diese konkret umgesetzt werden sollen und können. Daher ist es erforderlich, solche allgemeinen Maßnahmenempfehlungen für die jeweilige regionale Ebene unter Berücksichtigung der Empfindlichkeit der dort vorkommenden Arten und möglicher klimabedingter Ein- und Abwanderungsprozesse zu konkretisieren. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Wissenslücken war das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit, einen Beitrag dazu zu leisten, Auswirkungen landnutzungs- und klimawandelbedingter Umweltveränderungen auf Tierarten auf der regionalen bzw. lokalen Ebene zu ermitteln und zu bewerten, um darauf aufbauend geeignete und für die jeweilige Ebene hinreichend konkrete naturschutzfachliche Maßnahmen zur Verminderung negativer Auswirkungen ableiten zu können. Dazu wurde exemplarisch für einzelne Regionen, Lebensräume und Tierartengruppen untersucht, 1) anhand welcher Indikatorensets und Modelle sich die Artenvielfalt auf der Ebene landwirtschaftlicher Betriebe praxistauglich, zeiteffizient und valide abbilden lässt, 2) an welchen Kriterien eine Empfindlichkeit von Tierarten gegenüber klimatischen Veränderungen auf naturräumlicher Ebene festgemacht werden kann, 3) wie sich ein klimawandelbedingter Turnover in Artengemeinschaften eines Naturraums abschätzen lässt, 4) welche Maßnahmen zum Erhalt und zur Förderung der Artenvielfalt basierend auf den Ergebnissen solcher Analysen auf lokaler und regionaler Ebene abgeleitet werden können, 5) welche Synergien sich im Hinblick auf Maßnahmen zur Verringerung negativer Auswirkungen von Klimawandel und Landnutzung ergeben und welche Grenzen die entwickelten Methoden zur Einschätzung solcher Auswirkungen aufweisen. Hinsichtlich der Auswirkungen landnutzungsbedingter Umweltveränderungen auf Tierarten wurde untersucht, ob und wie sich die Artenvielfalt und mögliche Veränderungen durch die Landnutzung oder durch Naturschutzmaßnahmen auf der Ebene landwirtschaftlicher Betriebe mit Hilfe von einfach handhabbaren Modellen und Indikatorensets abbilden lassen. Dazu wurden in umfangreichen Literaturstudien mögliche Einflussvariablen identifiziert, die für die Artenvielfalt von Tagfaltern auf Rainen und die Artenvielfalt von Vögeln in Hecken sowie auf Äckern von Bedeutung sein können. Auf sieben über Deutschland verteilten landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben wurden sowohl Daten zu diesen möglichen Einflussvariablen erhoben als auch Erfassungen der Artengruppen Tagfalter und Vögel durchgeführt. Durch multiple lineare Regressionsanalysen wurden aus dem Set der möglichen Einflussvariablen anhand der auf den Betrieben erhobenen Daten diejenigen identifiziert, die die Artenvielfalt von Tagfaltern und Vögeln am besten vorhersagen. Bei Tagfaltern auf Rainen sind dies die Heterogenität der umgebenden Landschaft, der Mahdzeitpunkt, die Breite, Länge und das Gräser-Kräuter-Verhältnis des Rains sowie die Bewirtschaftungsart angrenzender Felder. Für die Artenvielfalt von Vögeln in Hecken wurden die Variablen Länge und Breite der Hecke, die Anzahl der Gehölzarten, das Vorkommen von Höhlen/Totholz, das Vorhandensein von Dornsträuchern sowie die Breite des angrenzenden Krautsaums als wichtigste Einflussfaktoren zur Vorhersage der Artenvielfalt ermittelt. Ein Modell zur Vorhersage der Artenvielfalt von Vögeln auf Äckern wurde verworfen, da die Ergebnisse deutlich von der Datenlage der Stichprobe geprägt waren und nur zum Teil den Erkenntnissen aus der zuvor durchgeführten Literaturstudie entsprachen. Die aus den Modellergebnissen ableitbaren Maßnahmen für die Betriebsebene beziehen sich auf die jeweils bedeutsamen Einflussfaktoren - z.B. das Mahdregime bzw. den Mahdzeitpunkt bei Rainen und die Anlage oder Verbreitung von Krautsäumen zwischen Hecken und den an diese angrenzenden Feldern - und betreffen sowohl die Optimierung vorhandener Strukturen als auch die Neuanlage von Landschaftselementen. Diese stellen einen Baustein im Spektrum sinnvoller Maßnahmen auf landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben dar und sollten durch weitere flankiert werden. Dazu ist eine gesamtbetriebliche Perspektive wichtig, die die betriebs- und landschaftsraumspezifischen Voraussetzungen einbindet. Zur Unterstützung hierbei kann einerseits landwirtschaftliche Beratung, andererseits aber auch eine vom Landwirt selbst bedienbare naturschutzfachliche Managementsoftware dienen. In eine solche Software (MANUELA - Managementsystem Naturschutz für eine nachhaltige Landwirtschaft) wurden die in der vorliegenden Arbeit entwickelten Modelle bereits implementiert und ergänzen dort bereits vorhandene Tools, zum Beispiel zur Ermittlung und Bewertung der Pflanzenartenvielfalt auf Äckern, aber auch zum Landschaftsbild und zum Biotopverbund. Hinsichtlich der Auswirkungen klimawandelbedingter Umweltveränderungen wurde untersucht, an welchen Kriterien sich eine Empfindlichkeit von Tierarten gegenüber solchen Umweltveränderungen auf naturräumlicher Ebene festmachen lässt und welche Eigenschaften eine Anpassung an sich ändernde Umweltbedingungen erschweren. Mit Hilfe einer auf solchen Kriterien basierenden Empfindlichkeitsanalyse wurde ermittelt, wie viele Tierarten in den naturräumlichen Regionen "Harz" und "Lüneburger Heide und Wendland" eine erhöhte Empfindlichkeit gegenüber klimawandelbedingten Umweltveränderungen aufweisen. Dabei wurden Vertreter der Artengruppen Brutvögel, Amphibien, Reptilien, Heuschrecken, Tagfalter und Libellen mit einbezogen. Eine voraussichtlich erhöhte Empfindlichkeit gegenüber spezifisch klimawandelbedingten Umweltveränderungen lässt sich bei jeweils ca. 39% der untersuchten Tierarten in den naturräumlichen Regionen "Harz" und "Lüneburger Heide und Wendland" feststellen. Dabei scheinen insgesamt mehr Arten negativ von einer Abnahme der Sommerniederschläge betroffen zu sein als von einer Erhöhung der Temperaturen. Weiterhin wurde ermittelt, wie klimabedingte Veränderungen der Zusammensetzung von Vogellebensgemeinschaften in einem Naturraum abgeschätzt und Prognosen über mögliche klimabedingte Zu- und Abwanderungen von Arten getroffen werden können. Dazu wurde der Artenpool des Naturraums Lüneburger Heide mit den Artenpools zukünftig klimaanaloger Räume verglichen. Zukünftig klimaanaloge Räume sind Gebiete, die gegenwärtig klimatische Verhältnisse aufweisen, die zukünftig für das Untersuchungsgebiet projiziert werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Mehrzahl der Vogelarten die für den Zeitraum 2071-2100 erwarteten Klimabedingungen im Naturraum Lüneburger Heide vermutlich tolerieren kann, die Artenvielfalt insgesamt aber möglicherweise abnehmen wird. Viele der potenziell aus dem Naturraum abwandernden Arten sind an Feuchtgebiete als Lebensraum gebunden. Zur Verringerung negativer klimawandelbedingter Auswirkungen auf Tierarten können zum einen derzeitige Gefährdungsursachen und Stressoren minimiert werden, um die Habitatverfügbarkeit und qualität zu erhöhen und die Resilienz sowie das Anpassungspotenzial von Arten zu stärken. Als prioritäre Maßnahmen sind je nach naturräumlicher Region die folgenden anzusehen: Maßnahmen zum Schutz und zur Wiederherstellung von Feuchtlebensräumen, Maßnahmen zur Verhinderung von Nährstoffeinträgen bzw. Eutrophierung und zur Extensivierung landwirtschaftlicher Nutzung, Maßnahmen zur Erhöhung der Konnektivität in der Landschaft und zur Verringerung des Landschaftsverbrauchs, Maßnahmen zur Offenhaltung von Lebensräumen und Maßnahmen zur naturnahen Waldrandgestaltung bzw. Waldbewirtschaftung. Zum anderen kann zur Verringerung negativer klimawandelbedingter Auswirkungen auf Tierarten die Konnektivität in der Landschaft gefördert und der Erhalt und die Schaffung von Biotopverbundstrukturen gestärkt werden, um den Arten eine Anpassung durch die Verschiebung ihrer Verbreitungsareale zu ermöglichen. Besonders auf überregionale Biotopverbundmaßnahmen zur Anpassung an den Klimawandel angewiesen sind in beiden naturräumlichen Regionen Arten des Offenlandes, in der naturräumlichen Region "Lüneburger Heide und Wendland" zusätzlich auch Arten der Gewässer. Da viele der derzeitigen Gefährdungsursachen potenziell klimaempfindlicher Arten nutzungsbezogen sind und auch direkte oder indirekte Folge landwirtschaftlicher Nutzung sein können, sind Synergien zwischen Maßnahmen zur Verminderung negativer Auswirkungen von Landnutzungs- und Klimawandeleinflüssen offenkundig. Dies betrifft auch die Stärkung des Biotopverbunds. Hier spielen Raine und Hecken in der Agrarlandschaft eine wichtige Rolle - auch vor dem Hintergrund des Klimawandels, da viele der auf Biotopverbund als Anpassungsmaßnahme angewiesenen Arten Bewohner des Offenlandes sind. Ein besonderes Gewicht kommt im Hinblick auf den Klimawandel dem Schutz bzw. der Renaturierung und Schaffung von Feuchtlebensräumen zu. Diese werden bislang nur zum Teil durch die Modelle zur Abschätzung der Artenvielfalt auf landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben abgedeckt, so dass in der Erweiterung der Modelle um die Lebensräume Feuchtgrünland und Grünland im Allgemeinen eine mögliche Weiterentwicklung der vorliegenden Arbeit zu sehen ist. Da ein Großteil der Fläche Deutschlands landwirtschaftlich genutzt wird, kommt der Landwirtschaft bei der Bewahrung der Artenvielfalt eine Schlüsselrolle zu. Die vermehrte Integration naturschutzfachlicher Ziele in die Landbewirtschaftung kann daher wesentlich zum Erhalt und zur Förderung der Artenvielfalt beitragen, nicht nur im Hinblick auf landnutzungsbezogene sondern auch auf klimawandelbezogene Einflüsse. Die vorliegende Arbeit liefert dazu wichtige Ansätze. ; The conservation of biodiversity is a task of great importance for society. In recent decades, political awareness for biodiversity issues has risen, yet, global as well as national objectives to halt the loss of biodiversity have failed. Important causes of biodiversity loss include land use change as well as climatic changes. From the second half of the twentieth century, agricultural intensification has increasingly led to a decline of farmland biodiversity. This decline is caused by a multitude of factors, particularly a loss of semi-natural habitats and structural diversity as well as a shortage of food supply due to a usage of herbicides and insecticides. Since the end of the twentieth century, climatic changes have increasingly become apparent as another threat to biodiversity. Along with increasing temperatures, shifts of distribution ranges as well as in the phenology of species have already been observed. By the end of the 21st century, further increasing mean temperatures, an increase of hot extremes, a decrease of cold periods, a shift in annual precipitation regimes and a further rise of sea levels can be expected. Climate and land use interact in a variety of ways - as do their effects on species and overall biodiversity. Thus, methods to capture and evaluate the effects of land use and climatic changes on species, and measures to prevent or mitigate the impacts, are greatly needed. Important stakeholders for the implementation of such measures are nature conservation authorities and organisations. However, protecting farmland biodiversity also requires the involvement of farmers to ensure sustainable and long-term effects. One way to involve farmers in nature conservation programs is to address the food companies they supply their products to. Food companies, especially from the organic sector, are increasingly looking for ways to transparently and credibly communicate to their customers how farmers (the suppliers) preserve and enhance biodiversity on their land. As company-wide biodiversity surveys of species in the field are not feasible, easy-to-use models and indicator sets projecting biodiversity on farmland, in both a sound and time-efficient way, are greatly needed. Such models could also help to identify and allocate nature conservation measures for a given farm and assess what biodiversity enhancement potentials are associated with which measure. Regarding climate change impacts on animals, assessments on regional levels evaluating the sensitivity of animals towards such changes are largely missing. So too are estimations on how distribution shifts might alter regional species communities. However, such information is greatly needed to identify and specify appropriate adaptation strategies and measures. While recommendations for such adaptation strategies and measures already exist, they are mostly vague making it difficult for stakeholders to prioritise and implement them. Thus, it is necessary to specify general recommendations for given regions that take into account the climate sensitivity of the region's species as well as alterations in the region's species community. Considering these knowledge gaps, the objective of this dissertation was to contribute to the assessment and evaluation of impacts of land use and climate change on animals on a regional and local level and, based on these assessments, derive measures suitable to aid in the mitigation of negative impacts. Single regions, habitats and animal species groups were therefore investigated in order to assess; 1. which indicator sets and models are suitable to project biodiversity on a farm level in a practical, time-efficient and sound way; 2. which criteria indicate a sensitivity of animals towards climatic changes within an ecoregion; 3. how climate change induced turnovers in species communities within an ecoregion can be estimated; 4. which measures to preserve and enhance biodiversity can be derived based on such analyses for the local and regional level; 5. which synergies exist between measures for mitigating the negative impacts of land use and climate change and what are the limitations of the methods for the assessment of such impacts. With respect to the impacts of land use on animals, I investigated if and how biodiversity and possible changes caused by land use or nature conservation measures can be projected with farm level based easy-to-use models and indicator sets. Therefore, I identified possible predictor variables effecting the species numbers of butterflies on field margins and birds in hedgerows and on arable fields. This was accomplished on the basis of an extensive literature review. Subsequently, the possible predictor variables, as well as butterflies and birds, were recorded on seven farms throughout Germany. By means of multiple linear regression analyses based upon the data recorded on the farms, variables were identified that best predicted the species numbers of butterflies and birds. In terms of butterflies, these variables included the landscape heterogeneity of the surroundings, the time of mowing, the width, length and the grass-herb-ratio of the margin as well as the management of the adjacent field. For birds in hedgerows, the variables length and width of a hedgerow, the number of woody species, the presence of tree holes, the presence of thorny shrubs, and the width of the herbaceous margin bordering the hedgerow were identified as the best predictors for species numbers. The model for predicting bird species numbers on arable fields was rejected as the results were significantly influenced by the examined sample and were only partly compatible with the results of the literature review. Measures for the farm level are related to the predictor variables of the models in question, e.g. recommendations for the time of mowing of field margins or, for hedgerows, the establishment or extension of herbaceous margin strips between the hedgerow and bordering fields. These measures concern the improvement of existing landscape elements as well as the establishment of new ones. They should be seen as one component within a set of adequate measures for farms that ought to be accompanied by others. Therefore, a whole-farm perspective is needed which integrates farm specifics as well as specific landscape preconditions. To support this process, assistance by farm consultants may be reasonable but so too is GIS-based management software which aids farmers in addressing nature conservation issues. The models of this dissertation have already been implemented in such management software, MANUELA (Managementsystem Naturschutz für eine nachhaltige Landwirtschaft - Management System Nature Conservation for a Sustainable Agriculture). Within this software, the models complement other nature conservation tools, e.g. one that assesses the diversity of plant species on arable fields and others that evaluate landscape aesthetics or the connectivity of habitats. With respect to the impacts of climatic changes on animals, I examined which criteria are relevant for evaluating the sensitivity of species towards these changes. Based on these criteria, I investigated how many animal species from the 'Harz' and 'Lüneburger Heide und Wendland' ecoregions are probably sensitive towards climatic changes projected for the end of the 21st century. These sensitivity analyses included Red List species of breeding birds, reptiles, amphibians, dragonflies and damselflies, grasshoppers and crickets, and butterflies. About 39% of the examined species are probably sensitive towards these climatic changes. Overall, more species seem to be affected by a decrease of summer precipitation than by an increase of mean temperatures. In addition, I assessed how climate change induces turn-overs in bird communities of a given region can be estimated. Hence, the species pool of the 'Lüneburger Heide' ecoregion was compared to species pools of future climatically analogous regions. Future climatically analogous regions are regions which currently have similar climatic conditions to the ones projected for the study area in the future. The results of these analyses show that the majority of species in the 'Lüneburger Heide' are probably able to tolerate the climatic conditions projected for 2071-2100 but that bird species richness, in general, may decline. Species that might potentially leave the regional species community in the course of climate change were often associated with inland wetland habitats. To mitigate negative climate change induced impacts on animals, current non-climatic stressors can be reduced in order to increase habitat availability and quality and to strengthen the resilience and adaptation potential of species. Measures of high priority in this regard - depending on the respective region - include: measures for maintaining and promoting wetlands, measures for reducing eutrophication and for the extensification of agriculture, measures for increasing habitat connectivity and reducing land consumption, measures for the preservation of open landscapes, and measures for a nature-oriented forest management. In addition to reducing non-climatic stressors, habitat connectivity should be increased in order to help species to adapt to climatic changes by shifting their distribution ranges. In both examined ecoregions, most of the potential climate-sensitive species, which depend on an increased habitat connectivity for the adaptation to climatic changes, live in open land. Within the 'Lüneburger Heide und Wendland' ecoregion, additional emphasis in this regard should be put on waterbodies. As many of the current non-climatic stressors impacting potentially climate-sensitive species are related to land use, synergies between measures mitigating negative impacts of land use and climate change are obvious. This is also true for the strengthening of habitat connectivity. Here, field margins and hedgerows play an important role - especially as many of the species that depend on habitat connectivity to adapt to climatic changes live in open land. In light of climate change, a special emphasis has to be put on the maintenance and restoration of grassland and wetlands. So far, grassland and wetlands are only partly covered by the models for the assessment of biodiversity on farmland. An inclusion of these habitats into the MANUELA model toolbox is, therefor, a possible future development. As a large part of Germany is covered by agriculture, farmers have a key role in preserving biodiversity. Integrating nature conservation objectives into farm management is therefore very beneficial not only with regard to mitigating possible impacts of land use but also of climate change. This dissertation provides important approaches for this task.
The economic value of the Upper Tuul ecosystem in Mongolia reports on a study carried out under the auspices of the World Bank and the Government of Mongolia. The goal of the study was to improve understanding about the economic value of the Upper Tuul ecosystem for Ulaanbaatar's water supplies and how this might be affected by different land and resource management options in the future. The study also aims to develop and apply ecosystem valuation methods that can be used more widely in the country, to generate information about the contribution of the environment to the Mongolian economy, and to make the case for improved budget allocations for the conservation of the Upper Tuul. Integrating eco-hydrological and economic valuation techniques, the study traces through the biophysical effects and socioeconomic impacts of future land and resource degradation, and ecosystem conservation, in the upper watershed.
2006/2007 ; Inventario dei luoghi di culto della zona falisco-capenate. Sunto. La raccolta delle fonti relative alla vita religiosa della zona falisco-capenate è stata finalizzata, in primo luogo, all'individuazione di luoghi di culto sicuramente identificabili come tali. Dove questo non fosse stato possibile, soprattutto in presenza di documenti epigrafici isolati e di provenienza non sempre determinabile, si è comunque registrata la presenza del culto. Attraverso la documentazione raccolta si intende cercare di delineare una storia dei culti dell'area considerata, a partire dalle prime attestazioni fino all'età imperiale. La zona presa in esame, inserita nella Regio VII Etruria nel quadro dell'organizzazione territoriale dell'Italia augustea, è compresa entro i confini naturali del lago di Bracciano e del lago di Vico a ovest, del corso del Tevere a est, mentre i limiti settentrionale e meridionale possono essere segnati, rispettivamente, dai rilievi dei Monti Cimini e dei Monti Sabatini. I centri esaminati sono quelli di Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutri e Nepi. La comunità capenate occupava la parte orientale del territorio, un'area pianeggiante, dominata a nord dal massiccio del monte Soratte, e delimitata a est dall'ansa del Tevere. Il suo fulcro era costituito dall'abitato di Capena, l'odierno colle della Civitucola, cui facevano capo una serie di piccoli insediamenti, ancora poco indagati, dislocati in posizione strategica sul Tevere, o in corrispondenza di assi stradali di collegamento al fiume. Il principale di essi risulta essere localizzabile nel sito della moderna Nazzano, occupato stabilmente a partire dall'VIII sec. a.C., e posto in corrispondenza dell'abitato sabino di Campo del Pozzo, sull'altra sponda del Tevere. Il comparto falisco si articola, invece, attraverso una paesaggio di aspre colline tufacee, incentrato attorno al bacino idrografico del torrente Treia, affluente del Tevere, che percorre il territorio in direzione longitudinale. Lungo il corso del fiume si svilupparono i due più antichi e importanti centri falisci di Falerii Veteres e Narce, un sito nel quale la più recente tradizione di studi tende a riconoscere, sempre più convincentemente, la Fescennium nota dalle fonti, l'altro abitato falisco, oltre a Falerii, di cui sia tramandato il nome; lungo affluenti del Treia sono ubicate Nepi e Falerii Novi. Pur nella specificità culturale progressivamente assunta da Falisci e Capenati, la collocazione geografica del territorio da essi occupato lo rende naturalmente permeabile a influenze etrusche e sabine, rilevabili attraverso la documentazione archeologica, e rintracciabili in alcune notizie delle fonti antiche, rivalutate dalla più recente tradizione di studi. Una posizione differente era, invece, maturata dopo le prime indagini condotte nella regione, tra la fine dell''800 e l'inizio del '900, che avevano portato a enfatizzare i caratteri culturali specifici delle popolazioni locali, sottolineando la sostanziale autonomia di queste rispetto agli Etruschi, soprattutto sulla base delle strette analogie tra la lingua falisca e la latina. Tale percezione fu dominante fino alla seconda metà degli anni '60 del '900, quando la pubblicazione dei primi dati sulle necropoli veienti mise in luce gli stretti rapporti con le aree falisca e capenate, tra l'VIII e il VII sec. a.C. Gli studi sul popolamento dell'Etruria protostorica condotti a partire dagli anni '80 del '900 hanno sempre più focalizzato l'attenzione su un coinvolgimento di Veio nel popolamento dell'area compresa tra i Monti Cimini e Sabatini e il Tevere nella prima età del Ferro, trovando conferma anche dalle recenti analisi dei corredi delle principali necropoli falische, che hanno evidenziato, nell'VIII e all'inizio del VII sec. a.C., importanti parallelismi con usi funerari veienti, ma anche aspetti specifici della cultura locale. Il corpus di iscrizioni etrusche proveniente dalle necropoli di Narce dimostra, per tutto il VII e VI sec. a.C., la continuità stanziale di etruscofoni, che utilizzano un sistema scrittorio di tipo meridionale, riconducibile a Veio, di cui Narce sembra costituire un avamposto in territorio falisco. Già dall'inizio del VII sec. a.C., tuttavia, si fanno evidenti i segni di una più specifica caratterizzazione culturale delle aree falisca e capenate, anche attraverso la diffusione di un idioma falisco, affine a quello latino, documentato epigraficamente per il VII e VI sec. a.C. soprattutto a Falerii Veteres. Un ulteriore elemento di contatto culturale col mondo latino è rappresentato, in questo centro, dal rituale funerario delle inumazioni infantili in area di abitato. Tale uso, che trova numerosi confronti nel Latium vetus, mentre risulta estraneo all'Etruria, è documentato a Civita Castellana, in località lo Scasato, da due sepolture di bambini, databili tra la fine dell'VIII e la prima metà del VII sec. a.C. A Capena sono state rilevate, a partire dal VII sec. a.C., notevoli influenze dall'area sabina, soprattutto attraverso la documentazione archeologica fornita dalle necropoli, mentre, da un punto di vista linguistico, un influsso del versante orientale del Tevere è stato colto, in particolare, attraverso un'analisi del nucleo più nutrito delle iscrizioni epicorie, che risale al IV-III sec. a.C. La ricettività nei confronti degli apporti delle popolazioni limitrofe e la capacità di elaborazioni originali, attestate archeologicamente sin dalle fasi più antiche della storia dei popoli falisco e capenate, possono offrire un supporto documentario alla percezione che già gli scrittori antichi avevano dell'ethnos falisco, trovando riscontro, in particolare, nelle tradizioni che definivano i Falisci come Etruschi, oppure come ethnos particolare, caratterizzato da una propria specificità anche linguistica, un dato, quest'ultimo, che tradisce il ricordo di contatti col mondo latino. Un terzo filone antiquario, che si intreccia a quello dell'origine etrusca, rivendica ai Falisci un'ascendenza ellenica, e più propriamente, argiva, e sembra, invece, frutto di un'elaborazione erudita maturata in un momento successivo. La notizia dell'origine argiva risale, per tradizione indiretta, alle Origines di Catone, e si collega a quella della fondazione di Falerii da parte dell'eroe Halesus, figlio di Agamennone, che avrebbe abbandonato la casa paterna dopo l'uccisione del padre. Ovidio e Dionigi di Alicarnasso attribuiscono all'eroe greco l'istituzione del culto di Giunone a Falerii, il cui originario carattere argivo sarebbe conservato nel rito celebrato in occasione della festa annuale per la dea. L'importanza accordata al culto di Giunone nell'ambito di tale tradizione ha portato a ipotizzare che questa possa essersi sviluppata proprio a partire dal dato religioso della presenza a Falerii di una divinità assimilabile alla Hera di Argo. Dall'esame linguistico del nome del fondatore, il quale non ha combattuto a Troia e non ha avuto alcun ruolo nel mondo ellenico, si è concluso che dovesse trattarsi di un eroe locale, e che la formazione dell'eponimo sia precedente alla metà del IV sec. a.C., quando è documentata l'affermazione del rotacismo in ambiente falisco. L'elaborazione della leggenda di Halesus deve essere collocata, dunque, in un momento precedente a questa data, che, si è pensato, possa coincidere con la presenza a Falerii di maestranze elleniche o ellenizzate, attive nel campo della ceramografia e della coroplastica, a partire dalla fine del V sec. a.C. Questa tradizione si collega a quella sull'origine etrusca attraverso la notizia di Servio, secondo cui Halesus sarebbe il progenitore del re di Veio Morrius. Il ricordo di una discendenza dalla città etrusca è comune anche a Capena, dove, secondo una notizia di Catone, riportata da Servio, i luci Capeni erano stati fondati da giovani veienti, inviati da un re Properzio, nel cui nome, peraltro, è stata ravvisata un'origine non etrusca, ma italico-orientale. A livello storico, l'accostamento tra Veio, Falisci e Capenati sarà documentato dalle fonti attraverso la costante presenza dei due popoli, al fianco della città etrusca, nel corso degli scontri con Roma tra la seconda metà del V e l'inizio del IV sec. a.C. Di tale complesso sistema di influenze partecipa anche la sfera religiosa dell'area in esame. È interessante notare, a questo proposito, che la massima divinità maschile del pantheon falisco-capenate, il dio del Monte Soratte, Soranus Apollo, costituisca l'esatto corrispettivo dell'etrusco Śuri, come da tempo dimostrato da Giovanni Colonna. La particolarità del culto del Soratte, tuttavia, è determinata dalla cerimonia annua degli Hirpi Sorani, che camminavano indenni sui carboni ardenti e il cui nome, nel racconto eziologico sull'origine del rito, tramandato da Servio, è spiegato in relazione a hirpus, il termine sabino per indicare il lupo, in perfetta coerenza col carattere "di frontiera" di questo territorio. Di origine sabina è la divinità venerata nell'unico grande santuario noto nell'agro capenate, il Lucus Feroniae. La diffusione del culto a partire dalla Sabina, già sostenuta da Varrone, è largamente accolta dalla critica recente, sia sulla base dell'analisi linguistica del nome della dea, sia per la presenza, in Sabina, dei centri principali del culto (Trebula Mutuesca, Amiternum), da cui questo si irradia, oltre che presso Capena, in Umbria e in area volsca. Le attestazioni di Feronia in altre zone, come la Sardegna, il territorio lunense, Aquileia, Pesaro sono generalmente da collegare con episodi di colonizzazione romana. Il carattere esplicitamente emporico del Lucus Feroniae, affermato da Dionigi di Alicarnasso e Livio, che lo descrivono come un luogo di mercato frequentato da Sabini, Etruschi e Romani già dall'epoca di Tullo Ostilio, rende perfettamente conto della varietà di frequentazioni e di influenze, che caratterizzano il santuario almeno dall'età arcaica. Pur in assenza di documentazione archeologica relativa alle fasi più antiche, sembra del tutto affidabile la notizia della vitalità del culto capenate già in età regia. Feronia, infatti, a Terracina, risulta associata a Iuppiter Anxur, divinità eponima della città volsca, il che sembra far risalire l'introduzione del suo culto all'inizio della presenza volsca nella Pianura Pontina, cioè ai primi decenni del V sec. a.C., fornendo, inoltre, un possibile indizio di una provenienza settentrionale, da area sabina, dell'ethnos volsco. È ipotizzabile, dunque, che la dea fosse venerata nel santuario tiberino, prospiciente la Sabina, ben avanti il suo arrivo nel Lazio tirrenico. Al di là della semplice frequentazione del luogo di culto e del mercato, un ruolo di primo piano rivestito dalla componente sabina presso il Lucus Feroniae, in epoca arcaica, sembra suggerito dall'episodio del rapimento dei mercanti romani, riferito da Dionigi di Alicarnasso. I rapitori sabini compiono una ritorsione nei confronti dei Romani, che avevano trattenuto alcuni di loro presso l'Asylum, tra il Capitolium e l'Arx, il che fa pensare che i Sabini esercitassero una sorta di protettorato sul santuario tiberino, e avessero, su di esso, una capacità di controllo analoga a quella che i Romani avevano sull'Asylum romuleo. La vocazione emporica del Lucus Feroniae è naturalmente legata alla sua collocazione topografica, nel punto in cui i percorsi sabini di transumanza a breve raggio attraversano il Tevere, tra i due grandi centri sabini di Poggio Sommavilla e Colle del Forno, per dirigersi verso la costa meridionale dell'Etruria. La dislocazione presso il punto di arrivo dei principali tratturi dell'area appenninica, popolata da genti sabelliche, è, peraltro, una caratteristica comune ai più antichi luoghi di culto di Feronia, come Trebula Mutuesca e Terracina, che condividono col Lucus Feroniae capenate anche la collocazione all'estremità di un territorio etnicamente omogeneo. È stato osservato come, in questi santuari, l'attività emporica marittima si intrecciasse con quella legata allo scambio del bestiame, e, nell'ottica di un'apertura verso l'economia pastorale dei Sardi, è stata inquadrata la fondazione romana, nel 386 a.C., di una Pheronia polis in Sardegna, presso Posada. Da questa località proviene, inoltre, una statuetta bronzea, databile tra la fine del V e i primi decenni del IV sec. a.C., raffigurante un Ercole di tipo italico, divinità di cui è noto il legame con la sfera dello scambio, anche in rapporto agli armenti. L'epoca dell'apoikia sarda ha portato a ipotizzare un collegamento col Lucus Feroniae capenate, dato che già tra il 389 e il 387 a.C. nel territorio di Capena erano stanziati coloni romani, misti a disertori Veienti, Capenati e Falisci. La filiazione del culto sardo da quello tiberino sembra, inoltre, perfettamente compatibile con le pur scarne attestazioni relative a una presenza di Ercole nel santuario capenate. A questo proposito è interessante notare che su una Heraklesschale, ancora sostanzialmente inedita, proveniente dalla stipe del santuario, il dio è rappresentato con la leonté e la clava nella mano sinistra, e lo scyphus di legno nella mano destra. Questi due ultimi attributi di Ercole erano conservati nel sacello presso l'Ara Maxima del Foro Boario, a Roma, e lo scyphus, usato dal pretore urbano per libare nel corso del sacrificio annuale presso l'ara, compare anche nella statua di culto di Alba Fucens, nella quale, per vari motivi, si è proposto di riconoscere una replica del simulacro del santuario del Foro Boario. Il richiamo iconografico a questi elementi, in un santuario-mercato ubicato lungo percorsi di transumanza, come era il Lucus Feroniae, non sembra casuale, ma potrebbe, in un certo senso, evocare il culto dell'Ara Maxima, e, in particolare, un aspetto fondamentale di esso, rappresentato dal collegamento con le Salinae ai piedi dell'Aventino. Queste, ubicate presso la porta Trigemina, e dunque prossime all'Ara Maxima, erano il luogo di deposito del sale proveniente dalle saline ostiensi, e destinato alla Sabina, e, in generale, alle popolazioni dell'interno dell'Italia centrale, dedite a un'economia pastorale. L'Ercole del Foro Boario, che tutelava le attività economiche collegate allo scambio del bestiame, sovrintendeva anche all'approvvigionamento del sale, e in questo senso va spiegato anche l'epiteto di Salarius, attestato per il dio ad Alba Fucens, dove, come è stato visto, il santuario di Ercole aveva la funzione di forum pecuarium. La dislocazione di santuari-mercati lungo i tratturi garantiva, dunque, ai pastori, dietro necessario compenso, la possibilità di rifornirsi di sale, e lo stesso doveva verificarsi presso il Lucus Feroniae. Questo sembra confermato dal fatto che, come è stato di recente dimostrato, la via lungo cui sorge il santuario, l'attuale strada provinciale Tiberina, vada, in realtà, identificata con la via Campana in agro falisco, menzionata da Vitruvio, in relazione a una fonte letale per uccelli e piccoli rettili. Il nome della via va spiegato, infatti, in relazione al punto di arrivo, costituito dal Campus Salinarum alla foce del Tevere, dove erano le saline. Nel comparto falisco, l'analisi della documentazione relativa ai luoghi di culto ha evidenziato una più marcata influenza di Veio rispetto all'area capenate. Questa risulta particolarmente rilevante in un centro come Narce, segnato, sin dall'inizio della sua storia, da una netta impronta veiente, e il cui declino coinciderà con gli anni della conquista della città etrusca. Per limitarci alla sfera del sacro, già da un primo esame dei materiali rinvenuti nel santuario suburbano di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote, di cui si attende la pubblicazione integrale, è stata segnalata, dall'inizio del V sec. a.C., epoca in cui comincia la frequentazione dell'area sacra, la presenza di prototipi veienti, che sono all'origine di una produzione locale di piccole terrecotte figurate. A un modello veiente sono riconducibili le cisterne a cielo aperto, che affiancavano l'edificio templare in almeno due dei principali santuari di Falerii Veteres, quello di Vignale e quello dello Scasato I, da identificare entrambi come sedi di un culto di Apollo. Più problematico risulta, invece, l'accostamento ad esse degli apprestamenti idrici rinvenuti presso un'area sacra urbana, recentemente individuata presso la moderna via Gramsci, nella parte meridionale del pianoro di Civita Castellana, e solo da una vecchia notizia d'archivio della Soprintendenza sappiamo di un'analoga cisterna rinvenuta presso Corchiano all'inizio del '900. Nei casi meglio documentati di Vignale e dello Scasato, tali impianti idrici risultano coevi alla fase più antica del santuario, e rispondono a uno schema che, a Veio, ricorre presso il santuario di Apollo al Portonaccio, presso il tempio a oikos di Piazza d'Armi, nel santuario di Menerva presso Porta Caere, e nel santuario in località Casale Pian Roseto. Non è facile determinare l'esatto valore da attribuire, di volta in volta, a tali cisterne, ma l'enfasi topografica ad esse accordata nell'ambito dei santuari non pare permetta di prescindere da un collegamento con pratiche rituali. Per gli impianti di Falerii si è pensato a un collegamento col santuario del Portonaccio, anche sulla base della corrispondenza cultuale incentrata sulla figura di Apollo, e la piscina è stata spiegata, dunque, in relazione a rituali di purificazione, legati a un culto oracolare. Dopo la sconfitta di Veio Falerii si trovò non solo a tener testa a Roma sul piano militare, ma dovette dimostrarsi non inferiore anche per prestigio e capacità autorappresentativa, essendo l'altro grande centro della basse valle del Tevere. Questo aspetto è stato colto, in particolare, sulla base della decorazione templare della città falisca, che conosce, intorno al secondo-terzo decennio del IV sec. a.C., un rinnovamento generalizzato, dovuto alla nascita di un'importante scuola coroplastica, la cui attività si riconosce anche nel frammento isolato di rilievo fittile rappresentante una Nike, da Fabrica di Roma. Una diversa reazione alla presa di Veio è attestata per l'altro importante centro falisco, quello di Narce, anche attraverso la documentazione fornita dal santuario di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote. Il luogo di culto continua a essere frequentato anche dopo la crisi dell'insediamento urbano, riscontrata attraverso una consistente contrazione delle necropoli a partire dal IV sec. a.C., ma nella prima metà del III sec. a.C. è attestata una contrazione del culto in vari settori del santuario, contestualmente all'introduzione di nuove categorie di ex-voto, quali i votivi anatomici, i bambini in fasce, le terrecotte raffiguranti animali. Questi mutamenti sono stati messi in relazione con la vittoria romana sui Falisci nel 293 a.C., mentre un secondo momento di contrazione del culto sembra coincidere con la definitiva conquista romana del 241 a.C. Dall'inizio del III sec. a.C. anche nei depositi di Falerii vengono introdotti nuovi tipi di votivi, cui si è fatto cenno precedentemente, e, come anche nel santuario di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote, si registra la presenza di monetazione di zecca urbana, che entra a far parte delle offerte. Tale dato diventa ancora più eloquente, se si considera l'assenza di monetazione locale nei contesti di epoca preromana, che sembra tradire l'indifferenza delle popolazioni falische verso tale tipo di offerta. È evidente, dunque, anche per Falerii, un'influenza del mercato romano dopo gli eventi bellici che segnarono la vittoria di Spurio Carvilio sui Falisci. La città, tuttavia, sembra fronteggiare la crisi, tanto da non mettere in pericolo le sue istituzioni, come dimostrano le dediche falische poste, nel Santuario dei Sassi Caduti, a Mercurio, dagli efiles, l'unica carica attestata per la città. Del resto, anche con la costruzione del nuovo centro di Falerii Novi, la documentazione relativa alla sfera religiosa attesta la conservazione, a livello pubblico, della lingua e della grafia falisca, tramite la dedica a Menerva posta dal pretore della città, nella seconda metà del III sec. a.C. (CIL XI 3081). Quanto sappiamo sui culti di età repubblicana di Capena e del suo territorio si limita al santuario di Lucus Feroniae, dove praticamente quasi tutti i materiali e le fonti epigrafiche sono inquadrabili nel corso del III sec. a.C., e a un paio di dediche di III sec. a.C. La capitolazione di Capena subito dopo la presa di Veio (395 a.C.) rende, in questa fase, la presenza romana ormai stabile da circa un secolo, dunque non sorprende che le iscrizioni sacre utilizzino un formulario specificamente latino, anche con attestazioni piuttosto precoci di espressioni che diventeranno correnti nel corso del II sec. a.C. Uno dei primi esempi attestati di abbreviazione alle sole iniziali della formula di dedica d(onum) d(edit) me(rito) è in CIL I², 2435, provenente dalla necropoli capenate delle Saliere. La documentazione archeologica più antica riguardo alla vita religiosa dell'area presa in esame proviene da Falerii Veteres. In ordine cronologico, la prima divinità attestata epigraficamente è Apollo, il cui nome compare inciso in falisco su un frammento di ceramica attica dei primi decenni del V sec. a.C. dal santuario di Vignale. È notevole che si tratti in assoluto della più antica attestazione conosciuta del nome latinizzato del dio, che indica la sua precoce assimilazione nel pantheon falisco, dove, già da quest'epoca, bisogna riconoscere come avvenuta l'identificazione con Apollo del locale Soranus. Il culto del dio del Soratte, attestato per via epigrafica solo in età imperiale, attraverso due dediche a Soranus Apollo, può essere coerentemente collocato tra le più antiche manifestazioni religiose del comprensorio falisco-capenate, e probabilmente la sede cultuale del Monte Soratte doveva fungere da tramite tra le due aree. Nel territorio falisco la presenza del dio lascia tracce più consistenti, attraverso la duplicazione del culto di Apollo a Falerii Veteres, e una dedica di età repubblicana da Falerii Novi, mentre sembra affievolirsi in area capenate, dove ne resta traccia solo in due dediche ad Apollo della prima età imperiale da Civitella S. Paolo, e in una controversa notizia di Strabone, che, apparentemente per errore, ubica al Lucus Feroniae le cerimonie in onore di Sorano, che si svolgevano, invece, sul Soratte. Anche questa notizia, tuttavia, si inserisce in un sistema di corrispondenze cultuali, che associa a una dea ctonia, della fertilità, un paredro di tipo "apollineo", cioè una divinità maschile, giovanile, con aspetti inferi e mantici. Non sembra casuale, in questo contesto, che il santuario per cui è attestata una più antica frequentazione a Falerii Veteres sia quello di Giunone Curite, una divinità che sembra rispondere allo schema di dea matronale e guerriera (era una Giunone armata, ma anche protettrice delle matrone) per la quale, pure, è attestata l'associazione cultuale con un giovane dio, della stessa tipologia di Sorano. Anche se non sono attestati direttamente rapporti tra Iuno Curitis e Sorano Apollo non sembra da trascurare il dato che l'unica statuetta di Apollo liricine, di IV sec. a.C., rinvenuta a Falerii Veteres provenga proprio dal santuario della dea; inoltre quando essa fu evocata a Roma dopo la presa di Falerii nel 241 a.C., insieme al suo tempio, in Campo, fu costruito quello di Iuppiter Fulgur, una divinità parimenti evocata dal centro falisco, e per la quale, pure, si possono istituire dei parallelismi con Soranus, attraverso l'assimilazione con Veiove. Nell'agro falisco, come in quello capenate, le più antiche attestazioni cultuali si riferiscano, dunque, a una coppia di divinità che, pur nelle differenze maturate in aspetti specifici del culto, sembra rispondere a esigenze cultuali piuttosto omogenee. Con l'età imperiale, infine, il panorama dei culti della zona considerata sembra diventare più omogeneo, inserendosi, peraltro, in una tendenza piuttosto generale. La manifestazione più appariscente è costituita, naturalmente, dal culto imperiale, attestato molto presto in Etruria meridionale. Da Nepi proviene la più antica testimonianza nota in Etruria, costituita da una dedica in onore di Augusto da parte di quattro Magistri Augustales (CIL XI, 3200). L'iscrizione è databile al 12 a.C., anno della fondazione del collegio di Nepi, e dell'istituzione, a Roma, del culto del Genius di Augusto e dei Lares Augusti, venerati nei compita dei vici della città. Altri esempi di una piuttosto precoce diffusione del culto imperiale vengono da Falerii Novi (CIL XI, 3083, databile tra il 2 a.C. e il 14 d.C.; CIL XI, 3076, età augustea); da Lucus Feroniae, dove intorno al 31 d.C. è attestato per la prima volta l'uso della formula in honorem domus divinae (AE 1978, n. 295). Il fatto che la diffusione del culto imperiale in agro falisco-capenate avvenga praticamente negli stessi anni che a Roma, sembra legato anche ai rapporti che legarono Augusto e la dinastia giulio-claudia a questo territorio. Dopo Anzio veterani di Ottaviano ottennero terre nell'Etruria meridionale, lungo il corso del Tevere, e non è un caso che l'Augusteo di Lucus Feroniae, l'unico in Etruria meridionale, che sia noto, oltre che epigraficamente, anche attraverso i suoi resti, sia stato eretto tra il 14 e il 20 d.C. da due membri della gens senatoria, filoagustea, dei Volusii Saturnini. Augusto stesso e membri della dinastia parteciparono direttamente alla vita civile dei centri della regione: Augusto fu pater municipii a Falerii Novi, Tiberio e Druso Maggiore furono patroni della colonia a Lucus Feroniae, tra l'11 e il 9 a.C. Inoltre la presenza, nel territorio capenate, di liberti imperiali incaricati dell'amministrazione del patrimonio dell'imperatore, fa pensare all'esistenza di fundi imperiali. La documentazione di età imperiale è costituita, inoltre, da una serie di iscrizioni che difficilmente possono farci risalire a specifici luoghi di culto, e dalle quali, in molti casi, si evince soprattutto una richiesta di salute e di fertilità alla divinità, come avveniva in età repubblicana, tra il IV e il II sec. a.C., attraverso l'offerta nei santuari di votivi anatomici. Sono note anche alcune attestazioni di culti orientali (Mater Deum e Iside, anche associate, da Falerii Novi e dal suo territorio; una dedica alla Mater Deum da Nazzano, in territorio capenate), che rientrano nell'ambito della devozione privata, tranne nel caso del sacerdozio di Iside a Mater Deum attestato a Falerii Novi. ; Inventaire des lieux de culte de la zone falisco-capenate. Résumé. Le recueil des sources historiques relatives à la vie religieuse de la zone falisco-capenate a eut comme but, tout d'abord, la localisation des lieux de culte identifiables avec certitude comme tels. Lorsque cela s'est avéré impossible, particulièrement en présence de documents épigraphiques isolés et d'origine incertaine, on a tout de même enregistré l'existence du culte. On veut reconstruire, au moyen de la documentation récoltée, une histoire des cultes de la zone considérée depuis les premières apparitions jusqu'à l'âge impérial. La zone considérée, insérée dans la Regio VII Etruria dans le cadre de l'organisation territoriale de l'Italie augustéenne, est comprise dans les limites naturelles du lac de Bracciano et du lac de Vico à l'ouest, du cours du Tibre à l'est, tandis que les limites septentrionale et méridionale sont délimitées, respectivement, par les reliefs des Monts Cimini et des Monts Sabatini. Les centres examinés sont ceux de Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutri et Nepi. La communauté capenate occupait la partie orientale du territoire, un zone de plaine, dominée au nord par le massif du Mont Soratte, et délimitée à l'est par l'anse du Tibre. Son centre était constitué par l'habitat de Capena, l'actuel Col de la Civitucola, dont dépendaient une série de petits sites, encore peu étudiés, disséminés en position stratégique sur le Tibre, ou en correspondance d'axes routiers de liaison au fleuve. Le principal de ces derniers est localisé sur le site de l'actuelle Nazzano, occupé de manière permanente à partir du VIIIème siècle av. J.-C., et situé en correspondance de l'habitat sabin de Campo del Pozzo, sur l'autre rive du Tibre. La zone falisque s'articule, par contre, sur un paysage d'âpres collines de tuf, disposées autour du bassin hydrographique du torrent Treia, affluent du Tibre, qui parcourt le territoire en direction longitudinale. Le long du cours d'eau se développèrent les deux plus antiques et importants centres falisques de Falerii Veteres et Narce, un site que les plus récentes recherches tendent à reconnaître, et de manière toujours plus convaincante, comme la Fescennium connue dans les sources historiques, le deuxième habitat falisque, outre à Falerii, dont on reporte le nom; le long d'affluents du Treia sont situées Nepi et Falerii Novi. Malgré la spécificité culturelle progressivement développée par falisques et capenates, la situation géographique du territoire occupé le rend naturellement perméable aux influences étrusques et sabines, aspect relevé par la documentation archéologique et par quelques informations dans les sources antiques, réévaluée par les plus récentes études. Une position différente s'était par contre imposée après les premières recherches effectuées dans la région entre la fin du XIXème et le début du XXème siècle : celles-ci avaient mis l'accent sur les caractères culturels spécifiques des populations locales, en soulignant la substantielle autonomie de ces populations par rapport aux Etrusques, surtout sur la base des grandes similitudes entre les langues falisque et latine. Une telle perception fut dominante jusqu'à la deuxième moitié des années Soixante du Vingtième siècle, lorsque la publication des premières données sur les nécropoles de Véies mirent en lumière les rapports étroits avec les zones falisque et capenate entre le VIIIème et le VIIème siècle av. J.-C. Les études sur le peuplement de l'Etrurie protohistorique, conduites à partir des années '80 du XXème siècle ont focalisé l'attention sur une implication de Véies dans le peuplement de la zone comprise entre les Monts Cimini et Sabatini d'une part et le Tibre d'autre part, et cela au début de l'Âge du Fer, études confirmées par les récentes analyses des trousseaux des principales nécropoles falisques, qui ont prouvé qu'il existait au VIIIème et au début du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. d'importants parallèles avec les habitudes funéraires de Véies, bien que certains aspects spécifiques de la culture locale y fussent conservés. Le corpus d'inscriptions étrusques provenant de la nécropole de Narce démontre, pour tout le VII et le VIème siècle ac. J.-C., la présence continue de populations parlant la langue étrusque, qui utilisent un système d'écriture de type méridional, reconductible à Véies, dont Narce semble avoir constitué un avant-poste en territoire falisque. Déjà au début du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. cependant, on remarque les signes évidents d'une plus spécifique caractérisation culturelle des zones falisques et capenates, et cela au travers, entre autre, de la diffusion d'un idiome falisque, semblable au latin, documenté par des épigraphes au VIIème et au VIème siècle av. J.-C., surtout à Falerii Veteres. Ultérieur élément de contact culturel avec le monde latin est représenté, dans ce centre, par le rituel funéraire des inhumations infantiles dans la zone habitée. Une telle habitude, qui trouve de nombreuses comparaisons dans le Latium vetus, est étrangère à l'Etrurie, alors qu'elle est documentée à Cività Castellana, en localité «lo Scasato», par deux sépultures d'enfants datables entre la fin du VIIIème siècle et la première moitié du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. A Capena a été remarqué, à partir du VIIème siècle av. J.-C., une grande influence provenant de l'aire sabine, surtout à travers la documentation archéologique fournie par les nécropoles, tandis que du point de vue linguistique un influence du versant oriental du Tibre a été remarquée, en particulier par une analyse du noyau plus consistant des inscriptions relatifs aux nouveaux-nés, qui remonte au IV – IIIème siècle av. J.-C. La réceptivité vis-à-vis des nouveautés des populations limitrophes et la capacité d'élaborations originales, prouvées archéologiquement déjà depuis les phases les plus antiques de l'histoire des peuples falisques et capenates, peuvent offrir une aide documentaire à la perception que les écrivains antiques avaient de l'ethnos falisque, en trouvant un équivalent dans les traditions qui définissaient les Falisques comme des Etrusques, ou bien comme un peuple à soi, caractérisé par une spécificité propre, aussi linguistique. Cette dernière donnée trahit la mémoire de contacts avec le monde latin. Un troisième filon antique, qui se mêle à celui d'origine étrusque, revendique pour les falisques une ascendance grecque, plus précisément de l'Argolide et semble le fruit d'une construction d'érudits élaborée successivement. L'information de l'origine argolide remonte, par tradition indirecte, aux Origines de Caton, et se relie à celle de la fondation de Falerii de la part du héros Halesus, fils d'Agamemnon, qui aurait abandonné la maison paternelle après l'assassinat de son père. Ovide et Denys d'Halicarnasse attribuent au héros grec l'institution du culte de Junon à Falerii, dont le caractère originel argolide serait conservé dans le rite célébré en occasion de la fête annuelle de la déesse. L'importance accordée au culte de Junon au sein d'une telle tradition a amené à supposer que celui-ci se soit développé précisément à partir de la donnée religieuse de la présence à Falerii d'une divinité semblable à Héra d'Argos. Grâce à l'examen linguistique du nom du fondateur, qui n'a pas combattu à Troie et qui n'a eut aucun rôle dans le monde grec, on a conclu qu'il devait s'agir d'un héros local, et que la formation de l'éponyme ait été précédent à la moitié du IVème siècle av. J.-C., lorsque l'affirmation du rhotacisme est documenté dans la culture falisque. L'élaboration de la légende de Halesus doit donc être située à un moment précédent cette date qui, comme on l'a pensé, puisse coïncider avec la présence à Falerii d'artistes grecs ou hellénisés, actifs dans la céramographie et dans la choroplastique, à partir de la fin du Vème siècle av. J.-C. Cette tradition se relie à celle sur l'origine étrusque, par l'information de Servius, selon lequel Halesus serait le grand-père du roi de Véies Morrius. Le souvenir d'une descendance de la ville étrusque est commune aussi a Capena où, d'après une nouvelle de Caton, rapportée par Servius, les luci Capeni avaient été fondés par des jeunes de Véies, envoyés par un roi Properce, dans le nom duquel a été identifié une origine non étrusque, mais bien italico-orientale. Du point de vue historique, le rapprochement entre Véies, falisques et capenates sera documenté dans les sources par la présence constante des deux peuples au flanc de la ville étrusque au cours des luttes contre Rome entre la deuxième moitié du Vème et le début du IVème siècle av. J.-C. D'un tel système complexe d'influences participe aussi la sphère religieuse de la zone en question. Il est intéressant de noter, à ce propos, que la principale divinité masculine du panthéon falisco-capenate, le dieu du Mont Soratte, Soranus Apollon, constitue le correspondant exact de l'étrusque Śuri, comme l'a démontré Giovanni Colonna. La particularité du culte de Soratte, toutefois, est déterminée par la cérémonie annuelle des Hirpi Sorani, qui marchaient indemnes sur des charbons ardents et dont le nom, dans le récit étiologique sur l'origine du rite transmis par Servius, est expliqué en relation à hirpus, le nom sabin pour «loup», parfaitement cohérent avec la caractéristique frontalière de ce territoire. D'origine sabine est aussi la divinité vénérée dans le seul grand sanctuaire connu dans le territoire capenate, le Lucus Feroniae. La diffusion du culte à partir de la Sabine, version soutenue déjà par Varron, est largement acceptée par la critique récente, sur la base d'une part de l'analyse linguistique du nom de la déesse et d'autre part vu la présence sur le territoire sabin des principaux centres de culte (Trebula Mutuesca, Aminternum), d'où ceux-ci se diffusent, outre à Capena, vers l'Ombrie et le territoire volsque. Les attestations de Feronia dans d'autres zones, comme en Sardaigne, en territoire de Luni, à Aquilée et à Pesaro sont généralement à mettre en relation avec des épisodes de colonisation romaine. Le caractère explicitement commercial du Lucus Feroniae, affirmé par Denys d'Halicarnasse et par Tite-Live, qui le décrivent comme un lieu de marché fréquenté par les sabins, les étrusques et les romains déjà à l'époque de Tullius Ostilius, rend parfaitement compte de la variété des fréquentations et des influences qui caractérisent le sanctuaire à partir de l'Âge archaïque. Bien que n'ayant pas de documentation archéologique relative aux phases les plus antiques, l'information sur la vitalité du culte capenate déjà à l'époque royale semble fiable. Feronia, en effet, est couplée, à Terracina, à Iuppiter Anxur, divinité éponyme de la ville volsque, ce qui semble faire remonter l'introduction de son culte au début de la présence volsque dans la plaine pontine, c'est-à-dire vers les premières décennies du Vème siècle av. J.-C. Cela fournit, en plus, un indice possible d'une provenance septentrionale de l'ethnos volsque depuis la zone sabine. Il est donc envisageable que la déesse ait été adorée dans le sanctuaire tibérien, en face de la Sabine, bien avant son arrivée dans le Latium tyrrhénien. Au-delà de la simple fréquentation du lieu de culte et du marché, un rôle de premier plan joué par l'élément sabin pour le Lucus Feroniae en époque archaïque semble suggéré par l'épisode de l'enlèvement de marchants romains relaté par Denys d'Halicarnasse. Les ravisseurs sabins effectuent une rétorsion contre les romains, qui avaient enfermé certains des leurs sur l'Asylum, entre le Capitole et l'Arx, ce qui fait penser que les sabins exerçaient une sorte de protectorat sur le sanctuaire tibérien et qu'ils avaient sur celui-ci une capacité de contrôle semblable à celui que les romains avaient sur l'Asylum romuléen. La vocation commerciale du Lucus Feroniae est naturellement liée à son emplacement topographique, à l'endroit où les parcours sabins de transhumance à courte distance traversent le Tibre, entre les deux grands centres sabins de Poggio Sommavilla et Colle del Forno, pour se diriger vers la côte méridionale de l'Etrurie. La dislocation près du lieu d'arrivée des principaux sentiers de la zone apennine, habitée de peuplades sabelliques, est, en outre, une caractéristique commune aux plus anciens lieux de culte de Feronia, comme par exemple Trebula Mutuesca et Terracina, qui partagent avec le Lucus Feroniae capenate l'emplacement à l'extrémité d'un territoire ethniquement homogène. Il a été observé combien, dans ces sanctuaires, l'activité commerciale maritime était liée à l'échange du bétail et il faut prendre en compte l'ouverture à l'économie pastorale sarde pour comprendre la fondation romaine en 386 av. J.-C. d'une Pheronia polis en Sardaigne, près de Posada. De cette localité provient, en outre, une statuette en bronze, datable entre la fin du Vème et les premières décennies du IVème siècle av. J.-C., qui représente un Hercule de type italique, divinité dont on connaît le lien avec la sphère de l'échange, et surtout son rapport avec les troupeaux. L'époque de l'apoikia sarde a amené à envisager une relation avec le Lucus Feroniae capenate, vu que déjà entre 389 et le 387 av. J.-C. dans le territoire de Capena des colons romains s'étaient établis, unis à des déserteurs provenant de Véies, Capena et Falerii. La filiation du culte sarde à partir du culte tibérien semble, en outre, parfaitement compatible avec les rares attestations relatives à une présence d'Hercule dans le sanctuaire capenate. A ce sujet il est intéressant de remarquer que sur une Heraklesschale, encore inédite, provenant du dépôt votif du sanctuaire, le dieu est représenté avec la leonté et la massue dans la main gauche, et le skyphos en bois dans la main droite. Ces deux derniers attributs d'Hercule étaient conservés dans le sacellum près de l'Ara Maxima du Forum boarium, à Rome, et le skyphos, utilisé par le préteur urbain pour faire les libations au cours du sacrifice annuel auprès de l'Ara, apparaît aussi dans la statue de culte d'Alba Fucens, dans laquelle, en raison de nombreuses similitudes, on a proposé de reconnaître une réplique du simulacre du sanctuaire du Forum boarium. La répétition iconographique de ces éléments dans un sanctuaire-marché situé le long des voies de la transhumance, comme était le Lucus Feroniae, ne semble pas un hasard et pourrait d'ailleurs, dans un certain sens, évoquer le culte de l'Ara Maxima et en particulier un aspect fondamental de celui-ci, représenté par la liaison avec les Salinae aux pieds de l'Aventin. Celles-ci, situées près de la porta Trigemina, et donc proches de l'Ara Maxima, étaient le lieu de dépôt du sel provenant des salines d'Ostie destiné à la Sabine, et en général aux populations établies à l'intérieur de l'Italie centrale et vouées à l'économie pastorale. L'Hercule du Forum boarium, qui protégeait les activités économiques liées aux échanges de bétail, gouvernait aussi à l'approvisionnement du sel, et c'est en ce sens que doit aussi s'expliquer l'épithète de Salarius, attesté pour le dieu à Alba Fucens où, comme on l'a vu, le sanctuaire d'Hercule avait la fonction de forum pecuarium. La dislocation de sanctuaires-marchés le long des voies de transhumance garantissait donc aux pasteurs, après compensation nécessaire, la possibilité de se pourvoir en sel, et la même chose devait advenir au Lucus Feroniae. Ceci semble confirmé par le fait que, comme il a été démontré récemment, la route le long de laquelle se dresse le sanctuaire, l'actuelle route provinciale Tiberina, doive en réalité être identifiée comme la via Campana en territoire falisque, mentionné par Vitruve, en relation avec une source mortelle pour les oiseaux et les petits reptiles. Le nom de la route s'explique, en effet, en relation à son point d'arrivée, le Campus Salinarum situé à l'embouchure du Tibre, où se trouvaient les salines. Dans la zone falisque, l'analyse de la documentation relative aux lieux de culte a mis en évidence une influence majeure de Véies par rapport à la zone capenate. Cela résulte particulièrement important dans un centre comme Narce, marqué, depuis le début de son histoire, par une nette influence de Véies, et dont le déclin coïncidera avec les années de la conquête de la ville étrusque. Pour nous limiter à la sphère du sacré, déjà à partir d'un premier examen du matériel retrouvé dans le sanctuaire suburbain de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote, dont on attend la publication intégrale, on a signalé, à partir du Vème siècle av. J.-C., époque à laquelle commence la fréquentation de l'aire sacrée, la présence de prototypes provenant de Véies, qui sont à l'origine d'une production locale de petites terre cuites figurées. A un modèle de Véies sont reconductibles les citernes à ciel ouvert, qui flanquaient l'édifice templier dans au moins deux des principaux sanctuaires de Falerii Veteres, celui de Vignale et celui de Scasato I, tous deux à identifier comme lieux de culte dédiés à Apollon. Plus difficile est par contre le rapprochement de celles-ci aux citernes fermées retrouvées proche d'une aire sacré urbaine, récemment identifiée dans la moderne rue Gramsci, dans la partie méridionale du plateau de Civita Castellana, tandis que c'est seulement grâce à une vieille note des archives de la Surintendance que nous savons de l'existence d'une citerne semblable retrouvée près de Corchiano au début du Vingtième siècle. Dans les cas mieux documentés de Vignale et de Scasato, de tels systèmes hydrauliques résultent contemporains à la phase la plus antique du sanctuaire, et correspondent à un schéma qui revient à Véies dans le sanctuaire d'Apollon au Portonaccio, proche du temple à oikos de la Piazza d'Armi, dans le sanctuaire de Menerva près de la Porta Caere, ainsi que dans le sanctuaire situé en localité Casale Pian Roseto. Il n'est pas facile de déterminer la valeur exacte à attribuer, selon les cas, à de telles citernes, mais l'emphase topographique qu'on leur accorde dans le cadre des sanctuaires ne semble pas permettre de pouvoir exclure une relation avec les pratiques rituelles. Pour le site de Falerii on a pensé à une relation avec le sanctuaire de Portonaccio, entre autre sur la base d'une correspondance des cultes centrée sur la figure d'Apollon, et la piscine a ainsi été expliquée en relation à des rituels de purification liés à un culte oraculaire. Après la défaite de Véies, Falerii dut faire face non seulement à Rome du point de vue militaire, mais elle dut aussi se montrer non inférieure par prestige et capacité d'autoreprésentation, étant l'autre grand centre de la basse vallée du Tibre. Cet aspect a été noté, en particulier, sur la base de la décoration des temples de la ville falisque, qui connaît vers la deuxième – troisième décennie du IVème siècle av. J.-C. un renouveau général dû à la naissance d'une importante école choroplastique, dont l'activité se reconnaît aussi dans le fragment isolé de relief d'argile représentant une Nike, provenant de Fabrica di Roma. Une autre réaction à la prise de Véies est attestée dans l'autre important centre falisque, celui de Narce, aussi grâce à la documentation fournie par le sanctuaire de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote. Le lieu de culte continue à être fréquenté après la crise de la ville, comme le démontre une consistante contraction des nécropoles à partir du IVème siècle av. J.-C., mais dans la première moitié du IIIème siècle une ultérieure réduction du culte est prouvée dans de nombreux secteurs du sanctuaire, en parallèle à l'introduction de nouvelles catégories d'ex-voto, comme les ex-voto anatomiques, les nouveaux-nés enveloppés dans des bandes, les terre cuites représentant des animaux. Ces changements ont été mis en relation avec la victoire romaine sur les Falisques en 293 av. J.-C., alors qu'un deuxième moment de contraction du culte semble coïncider avec la définitive conquête romaine de 241 av. J.-C. Depuis le début du IIIème siècle av. J.-C., on assiste aussi dans les dépôts votifs de Falerii à l'introduction de nouveaux types d'ex-voto, dont on a parlé précédemment, et, comme pour le sanctuaire de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote, on enregistre la présence de pièces de monnaie romaines, qui commencent à constituer des offrandes. Une telle donnée devient encore plus éloquente lorsqu'on considère l'absence de monnaies locales dans les contextes préromains, qui semble trahir l'indifférence des populations falisques envers un tel type d'offrande. Il est donc évident aussi pour Falerii une influence du marché romain après les évènements belliqueux qui marquèrent la victoire de Spurius Carvilius sur les Falisques. La ville semble toutefois réussir à affronter la crise, au point de ne pas mettre en danger ses institutions, comme le démontrent les dédicaces falisques adressées à Mercure, dans le Sanctuaire dei Sassi Caduti, par les efiles, seuls magistrats attestés en ville. Par ailleurs, aussi avec la construction du nouveau centre de Falerii Novi, la documentation relative à la sphère religieuse prouve la conservation, au niveau public, de la langue et de la graphie falisque, par exemple dans la dédicace à Menerva effectuée par le préteur de la ville, pendant la deuxième moitié du IIIème siècle av. J.-C. (CIL XI 3081). Ce que nous savons sur les cultes de l'époque républicaine se limite au sanctuaire de Lucus Feroniae, où pratiquement tout le matériel et les sources épigraphiques peuvent être situés durant le IIIème siècle av. J.-C., et à deux dédicaces du IIIème siècle av. J.-C. La capitulation de Capena immédiatement après la chute de Véies (395 av. J.-C.) rend, à cette période, la présence romaine stable depuis environ déjà un siècle, et on ne se surprend donc pas du fait que les inscriptions sacrées utilisent un formulaire spécifiquement latin, avec même une présence plutôt précoce d'expressions qui deviendront courante au cours du IIème siècle av. J.-C. Un des premiers exemples attestés d'abréviations aux seules initiales de la formule de dédicace d(onum) d(edit) me(rito) se trouve dans CIL I, 2435, et provient de la nécropole capenate de Saliere. La plus antique documentation archéologique sur la vie religieuse de la zone prise en examen provient de Falerii Veteres. En ordre chronologique, la première divinité présente épigraphiquement est Apollon, dont le nom apparaît gravé en langue falisque sur un fragment de céramique attique remontant aux premières décennies du Vème siècle av. J.-C., qui provient du sanctuaire de Vignale. Il est intéressant de noter qu'il s'agit dans l'absolu de la plus antique attestation connue du nom latinisé du dieu, ce qui indique son assimilation précoce dans le pantheon falisque où, déjà à partir de cette époque, il faut reconnaître comme déjà effectuée l'identification entre Apollon et le dieu local Soranus. Le culte du dieu de Soratte, attesté épigraphiquement seulement à l'époque impériale, à travers deux dédicaces à Soranus Apollo, peut être situé de manière cohérente parmi les plus antiques manifestations religieuses du territoire falisco-capenate, et probablement le centre du culte du Mont Soratte devait servir de point de jonction entre les deux zones. Dans le territoire falisque la présence du dieu laisse des traces plus consistantes, à travers la duplication du culte d'Apollon à Falerii Veteres et une dédicace d'époque républicaine venant de Falerii Novi, tandis qu'elle semble s'affaiblir dans l'aire capenate, où on en trouve trace seulement dans deux dédicaces à Apollon, datant de la première époque impériale à Civitella S. Paolo, et dans un passage controversé de Strabon qui, apparemment par erreur, situe au Lucus Feroniae les cérémonies en l'honneur de Sorano, qui étaient au contraire célébrées sur le Mont Soratte. Cette information toutefois s'insère dans un système de correspondances cultuelles qui, associées à une déesse chtonienne, de la fertilité, et à un parèdre de type « apollinien », c'est-à-dire une divinité masculine, jeune, d'aspect infernal et mantique. Ce n'est pas un hasard, dans ce contexte, que le sanctuaire pour lequel est attestée une plus antique fréquentation à Falerii Veteres soit celui de Iuno Curitis, une divinité qui semble répondre au schéma de déesse matronale et guerrière (il s'agissait d'une Junon armée, mais aussi protectrice des matrones) pour laquelle, en outre, on a la preuve de l'association cultuelle avec un jeune dieu, de la même typologie que celle présente à Sorano. Même si on n'a pas d'attestations directes de l'existence de rapports entre Iuno Curitis et Sorano Apollo, il semble qu'il ne faille pas délaisser le fait que l'unique statuette d'Apollon jouant de la lyre, du IVème siècle av. J.-C., retrouvée à Falerii Veteres provienne justement du sanctuaire de la déesse; en outre lorsqu'elle fut évoquée à Rome après la prise de Falerii en 241 av. J.-C., en même temps que son temple situé in Campo, un autre temple fut construit, celui de Iuppiter Fulgur, une divinité du centre falisque pareillement évoquée, et pour laquelle on peut établir des parallèles avec Soranus, au travers de l'assimilation avec Veiove. Dans le territoire falisque comme dans celui capenate, les plus anciennes attestations cultuelles se réfèrent donc à un couple de divinités qui, tout en ayant des différences dans des aspects spécifiques du culte, semblent répondre à des exigences cultuelles plutôt homogènes. Durant l'époque impériale, enfin, le panorama des cultes de la zone considérée semble devenir plus homogène, en suivant par ailleurs une tendance générale. La manifestation plus évidente est formée, naturellement, par le culte impérial, présent très tôt en Etrurie méridionale. Le plus antique témoignage du culte impérial connu en Etrurie provient de Nepi, et il est constitué d'une dédicace en l'honneur d'Auguste de la part de quatre Magistri Augustales (CIL XI, 3200). L'inscription est datable à 12 av. J.-C., année de la fondation du collège de Nepi et de l'institution à Rome du culte du Genius d'Auguste ainsi que des Lares Augusti, vénérés dans les compita des vici de la ville. D'autres exemples d'une diffusion plutôt précoce du culte impérial viennent de Falerii Novi (CIL XI, 3083, datable entre 2 av. J.-C. et l'an 14 ; CIL XI, 3076, époque augustéenne); de Lucus Feroniae, où vers 31 av. J.-C. l'usage de la formule in honorem domus divinae (AE 1978, n. 295) est documenté pour la première fois. Le fait que la diffusion du culte impérial dans le territoire falisco-capenate ait commencé pratiquement dans les mêmes années qu'à Rome semble aussi lié aux rapports qu'eurent Auguste et la dynastie julio-claudienne avec ce territoire. Après Anzio les vétérans d'Octave obtinrent des terres en Etrurie méridionale, le long du cours du Tibre, et ce n'est pas un hasard si l'Augusteum de Lucus Feroniae, le seul en Etrurie méridionale connu outre que de manière épigraphique aussi grâce à ses vestiges, ait été érigé entre 14 et 20 apr. J.-C. par deux membres de la gens sénatoriale, filo-augustéenne, des Volusii Saturnini. Auguste lui-même et des membres de la dynastie participèrent directement à la vie civile des centres de la région: Auguste fut pater municipii à Falerii Novi, Tibère et Druse Majeur furent les patrons de la colonie à Lucus Feroniae, entre 11 et 9 av. J.-C. La présence, en outre, d'affranchis impériaux sur le territoire capenate, chargés de l'administration du patrimoine de l'empereur, fait penser à l'existence de fundi impériaux. La documentation d'époque impériale est formée d'une série d'inscriptions qui difficilement peuvent nous faire remonter à des lieux de cultes bien précis, et desquelles dans de nombreux cas, on déduit surtout une demande de santé et de fertilité à la divinité, comme il était fréquent à l'époque républicaine, entre le IV et le IIème siècle av- J.-C., qui s'exprime au moyen d'offrandes d'ex-voto anatomiques dans les sanctuaires. On connaît aussi quelques attestations de cultes orientaux (Mater Deum et Isis, parfois associées, provenant de Falerii Novi et de son territoire ; une dédicace à la Mater Deum de Nazzano, en territoire capenate), qui entrent dans le cadre d'une dévotion privée, sauf dans le cas du sacerdoce d'Isis à Mater Deum présent à Falerii Novi. ; The list of documentary sources concerning the religious life of the falisco-capenate area aim at findings the places of worship that can be identified with certainty. Whenever this has not been possible we have signalled the worship anyway. Through these documents we intend to reconstruct the history of the cults of the area examined, from its beginning to imperial age. The examined area, included in the Regio VII Etruria of the territorial organisation of Augustean Italy, is enclosed within the natural limits of the Bracciano lake and Vico lake at west, of the Tiber at east; the northern and southern limits are marked, respectively, by the Cimini mounts and Sabatini mounts. The sites considered are Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutrium et Nepet. ; XIX Ciclo ; 1977
Transcript of an oral history interview with Dr. Carlos F. A. Pinkham, conducted by Jennifer Payne at Norwich University in Northfield, Vermont, on 9 January 2014, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Carlos Frank Armory Pinkham graduated from Norwich University in 1965 and later returned to the campus to teach in the College of Math and Sciences. His interview includes many details of his academic career as well as recollections from his military service and family history. ; 1 Carlos Frank Amory Pinkham, NU '65, Oral History Interview January 9, 2014 Interviewed by Jennifer Payne CARL PINKHAM: Vermont. JENNIFER PAYNE: And your (inaudible) [00:00:02] class? CP: Nineteen sixty-five. JP: Ah, did you have a nickname at Norwich? CP: Not really, no. JP: No? The yearbook has you as Pink, but I imagine -- CP: Oh, yeah, Pink is -- Pink is -- if anybody used a nickname it was Pink. Yeah, mm-hmm. JP: Oh, what made you decide to choose Norwich? CP: It was very easy. My father taught here, and so as a poor university professor this is the only place he could afford to send me (laughs) because I got tuition free. JP: What was his name and what did he do? CP: Vernon Curtis David Pinkham. So, again, four names. It's a tradition in our family. JP: What did he teach? CP: He taught economics. JP: So, you came to Norwich pretty much straight out of high school. CP: Yes. JP: And were you interested in science then? CP: I have been interested in biology ever since I was able to think. So, I knew when I came here what I wanted to do. I knew what I wanted to do when I was a kid. JP: Really? CP: Yeah. I wanted to get a doctorate in biology. At the time that I came here I wasn't sure what field in biology. It was really a choice between evolution and marine biology, but I knew that I wanted to do that.2 JP: Wow. So who was your roommate when you got here? CP: Oh, boy, when I got here -- I don't remember. I do know that he never finished and I don't remember his name. JP: Do you remember any of your roommates? CP: Sure, Joe [Koons?] [00:01:50] was my sophomore year roommate and he never finished, and then Don Graves was my roommate in my junior year; he did finish. And Bob Priestly was my roommate in my senior year. JP: No kidding? CP: Yeah. JP: That's great. Now I know you've looked at these questions. Is there anything in particular that you want to focus on or start with? CP: No, not really. Just go ahead and fire away and we'll progress as ever we can. JP: Yes, OK. Your activities when you were here were humongous. You were in everything. You were corporal, master sergeant, correct? Major biology -- you were in the biology club, one, two, three, four president -- president twice; geology club, one, two, three, four; honor tank platoon, three and four; German club one, three, and four Vice President; AUSA three and four; mountain and cold weather; winter carnival committee; regimental ball committee; Epsilon Tau Sigma Vice President. CP: That's the honorary society -- the academic honorary society. JP: And you were in Who's Who, also, I noticed in the yearbook. You were on that page, but the list doesn't stop. You were in the varsity club two, three, four; class honor committee to cadet cadre two, three, four; dean's list one, two, three, four; DMS, which is -- CP: Distinguished military student. JP: Wow. What was your GPA? What was your -- CP: I was second in my class -- JP: Wow! CP: -- and the person that was first in my class, Harry Short, and I competed for that position all four years and his is a sad story because he beat me and legitimately so; he was a very smart person. He went on to med school, got his MD and in my fifth year of graduate school, I found out that he had just been killed in an airplane crash that he was flying himself. So that was probably one of the saddest things that had ever happened and has 3 ever happened in my life -- to lose this very dear friend who was my arch competitor, but still a person that I had a lot of respect for. And really it was -- another aspect of that is that I -- up to that point I kind of thought of those of us who were in this top echelon as being untouchable. In other words, somehow we were just -- our lives were special and therefore they would not be expendable and that woke me up to the fact that in fact that was a very incorrect assumption to proceed with. JP: So what do you remember most about Norwich? CP: Oh, (laughs) there's so many things. I remember, and this is going to go on to one of the other questions, William Countryman, my favorite professor, and it's hard to pick a favorite professor because there were certainly three that I had -- William Countryman, Bert Wagenknecht, who was the botany professor at the time in biology, and of course, the ever traditional and ever present Fred Larson, who played a major role in my interest in geology. So, these are the three people that vied for my preferences as the favorite professors, and Bill -- but Bill because I had him more often than all of the others. I think he won out, but he was a very special professor anyway. He was smart, knew how to teach, and knew how to keep his classroom in stitches, which is something that is very important for a good teacher to have. It's something that I never developed as a teacher, I have to admit. JP: How did he keep you in stitches? CP: Oh, he just had great stories that were always able -- that always fit in to whatever lesson he was talking about and he had a great sense of humor. He was a very wonderful fellow. I ended up working for him, actually, when I came back here for a number of years because he went into private consulting and I worked for him. That's the story we can get into a little bit later. JP: Yeah. Because you went to the military after, but what was the hardest part? It seems like you probably did very well. Were you ever disciplined? CP: No, no. Should I have been? Yes. (laughter) JP: For what? CP: Oh, there were a couple of times I think when -- well, the one time that I remember specifically is when I was the executive officer of the third battalion my senior year. I think I had a soccer game. I think that's what it was, and so I went on the soccer game without thinking about the fact that I had to make sure there was somebody who took my place in formation because the battalion commander I knew was not going to be there. And so one of our class cut ups, who was just -- went on to become a great guy -- probably because he was a class cut-up, took over the battalion at the time and he made a pretty good farce out of it from what I understand, and I was about ready to get some demerits and I think my dad stepped in and prevented that from happening. I don't know, but I know I never got them.4 JP: What did he do? CP: Well -- JP: The farcical -- CP: Oh, what did he do? Oh, he just got up and mocked the protocol, the commands and everything. I don't know. I don't know exactly what happened. I just heard that it was pretty farcical, so -- JP: Norwich cadets cutting up? CP: Right, right. JP: No, say it isn't so! So what was your least favorite? Did you have a least favorite class here? CP: Well, I suppose it had to be English. And the reason for that was that I hated writing; I didn't know how to write. And, again, there's a story about how that can be -- how that turned around, but after I got out of grad school, and so I'll hold that until later. But at the time I hated the writing aspect of English. I didn't mind the reading aspect, the reading of the different literary assignments, that was fine, but, boy, I just did not like writing. JP: OK. What was the most important thing that Norwich taught you? CP: There are several things, but the first thing I learned, I guess, is that nothing ever lasts forever, and that was a lesson I learned in rook school, and it was a lesson that I think a lot of people learned in rook school because if you didn't learn that lesson, you couldn't get through rook school. That's a valuable lesson to learn if you're really being confronted by things that are difficult at the time. It's good to know that it can't last forever. The second lesson, and I think this is one that has probably, Norwich teaches more than anything else, and I have not seen it as something that is grasped by the powers that be as something that they need to promote, and that is that done properly, if you allow it to do it to you, allow Norwich to do this to you, you discover that your limits are way beyond where you thought they were, way beyond spiritually, way beyond physically, way beyond mentally because Norwich has a tendency to push people. It was pushing people when I was a cadet here and it still does push people and in ways that many other universities don't. And one good proof of that happened my sophomore year. In the eighth grade -- I've got to go back a little bit -- in the eighth grade is when we moved to Northfield because dad took the teaching position that year, and in my homeroom I went into the first day, and of course being an eighth grader boy, I was very interested in girls, and I saw silhouetted against the window this very pretty, cute blonde and I said, "Well, that's kind of a neat girl." And so I asked about her and found out that she was going with somebody else and so being an honorable person I decided I probably 5 better not interfere. But a little while later I heard that someone had said that she was interested in me, which of course was all I needed to do. So I approached her and we struck up a relationship that lasted through the sophomore year of high school and she eventually broke off with me about that time -- at that time because she thought I was pretty much so a namby-pamby, which I was, and then -- but I always had a crush for her and the sophomore year, New Year's Eve, I had a date that didn't come through and so on just a whim I called her up because she was a townie as well, obviously, and asked her out to New Year's Eve and she didn't have a date that night, so she accepted. And from that point on we were a couple and she has now been my wife for almost 50 years. JP: Awww, that's so sweet. CP: Yeah, so basically she just liked what she had seen -- the change in me that was -- that Norwich had brought about. JP: What's her name? CP: Christine. JP: Christine. CP: Yeah. JP: Wow, so Norwich helped her fall in love -- CP: That's exactly correct. And she'll admit that, too. I'm not making this up. (laughs) JP: Did the words "I will try" mean anything to you as a student? CP: It means -- it's hard for me to kind of express because I think I always felt that way, and I always was a little bit disappointed with it because I want to do more than try; I want to succeed. And I think that probably of all of the things that Norwich did for me, its motto was not one of the things that I carried with me throughout my career. I mean, I just knew I would try. Maybe that's why Norwich and I were such a good fit, I don't know, but in any event. JP: Well, you were obviously successful from an early time. Do you have any funny stories about life or people at Norwich? CP: (laughs) I don't know whether I want to tell one of them. Well, I guess probably the story I will tell is that the infamous panty raid -- JP: Oh, yes. CP: Roy [Bear?] [00:14:58], Dick Herbert, and myself had heard about this thing happening but we were at my house that night. And we finally decided after the news had come that 6 it was probably interesting enough that we ought to go over and take a look. So we went over after it had been done and interestingly enough we were watching -- after most of it had been done -- just to watch and at this point I have mixed emotions about whether I should have been involved or not, but at any event, one of things we noticed is that the police and the fire -- well, the fire department was using a lot of fire hoses on the few that were left and they were doing most of the damage with their fire hose that was finally attributed to Norwich cadets. They were breaking windows with the water and everything. And so we were standing around, and of course we looked like Norwich cadets because we had short hair, and one of the policemen came up to us and said, "Are you guys from Norwich," and I said, "No, not me, I'm from Northfield. I'm a townie," and that wasn't a lie because I was, but at that point in time we recognized maybe we better get out of there. So we got out and came back to my house and eventually got back into school. You know, they were checking everybody coming back in at that point in time and we had not been involved in the raid and so we -- this is our junior year -- so we were let back in, and again, I think it was partly because my dad vouched for me and said yes, they were at home at our house, and that was true. So, that's one of the episodes that I think is kind of humorous. JP: So you were questioned along with everybody else that had gone? CP: Yeah, sure, sure. JP: Interesting. Were there other panty raids? I had heard there might have been annual -- CP: I wasn't aware of it and certainly nothing as big as that. I know that one made national headlines and (laughs) -- JP: Yes, yes it did. What did you do after graduation? CP: Well, I was commissioned in armor, but because of my grades and because of other good letters of recommendation from my profs and performances on the GREs, et cetera, I was allowed to defer to active duty to go to grad school. And this is during Viet Nam so I was very happy with that. I wasn't going to argue that and so I had applied to the three -- by then I knew that I wanted to do evolution -- I had applied to the three universities in the nation at the time that were giving doctorates in evolution -- Harvard, University of Illinois and UCLA. Was accepted to all three with scholarships and decided I needed to get far away but not too far away. So I chose the middle of the two, University of Illinois, to go to grad school, and went to grad school there and had a great experience and learned and awful lot. And had -- in those days you had four years of total deferment to active duty to get your doctorate -- and four years to get a doctorate in biology is really difficult if not, you know, you have to really be smart, even smarter than -- I shouldn't say even smarter -- I worked hard, I wasn't smart, I just worked hard -- and smarter than me. So at the end of the fourth year I still hadn't had my degree, but what I did -- there were two things that happened. I found out that if I had a doctorate I could switch from armor to medical service corp., which is what I had originally put in for anyway, and so there was caveat on that, though. I had a two-year obligation, active duty obligation, in 7 armor. If I switched my branch then I would have to have another two years, in other words, a total of four year obligation. So this is where I think my Norwich training came in really, really helpful in about two tenths of a second I had the decision. You know, two years of which one would have to be in Viet Nam in a tank versus four years of which I would be applying what I had learned state-side in a research institution. It was a pretty easy decision to make and so I accepted the caveated offer to go to medical service corp. The other thing I did is we got in that fourth year you had an option on when to be put on active duty, and so I took the furthest one away from when I applied, which actually gave me almost five years of graduate study in grad school, and I cut it so close that on Wednesday night I defended my thesis, Thursday morning I boarded the plane for Fort Sam, officers basic course. JP: Wow! CP: Yeah, it was close. JP: Wow. CP: So, that was a very fortunate thing for me because getting into medical service corp. was fundamental to a lot of what happened to me from that point on. JP: In what way? CP: Well, because after officer's basic which is, you know, a three month assignment, I was assigned to Edgewood Arsenal and to the biomedical research lab there and my first assignment was to do research on a nerve agent poisoning -- the mechanism of a nerve agent poisoning, organophosphorus, the nerve agents, and to do that I had to kill cats. They were anesthetized and then we exposed them to nerve agents and monitored what was happening to them with some fairly sophisticated equipment and deduced from the responses what was going on. Well, you know, I'm not opposed to research of that sort but it was not something that I was really comfortable with and it turned out that the guy across the hall from me had just -- we were living in apartment houses at the time and so this is for married couples -- and so the guy across the hall from me had just gotten out of being the executive officer for the human experiment platoon. These were humans that had volunteered to undergo various kinds of experiments, most of which were with psychedelic kind of drugs. So it was kind of a difficult job to be in charge of them. And because he still had some active duty time, he was offered a position with the newly formed ecological research branch. Now his specialty was aquatics. He was a fisheries guy, marine and fresh water fisheries, and so he kind of fit right in and I'll explain why that was newly formed here in a moment. But he told me about this, and he said that they were looking for a person who had specialty in land and my, in addition to a doctorate in evolution, one of the -- the major area in evolution that I had worked on was mammals, mammalogy, and so I had a lot of experience with mammals as well as with reptiles and amphibians because one of my major mentors was Doctor Hobart Smith, who was probably the world's leading herpetologist at the time. So I had a lot of good experience that would put me into that position. So the next day I went over and talked to the newly 8 assigned director of the ecological research branch, Scott Ward, and told him what I was interested in and what my qualifications were and the next day I was reassigned to his branch. He had a lot of pull at the time. Why did he have a lot of pull? Here's why. He was a very sophisticated politician for one thing, but what he was heading up was a really dynamic and important endeavor at the time. Basically, Nixon, who has been maligned for a number of different -- well, for one thing, and that's Watergate, but really did an awful lot of good stuff during his presidency. National Environmental Policy Act, Clean Water Act, Clean Air Act, diplomacy with China, et cetera. The list goes on. One of the things he did was he signed an executive order that unilaterally ended the open air testing of offensive, active -- of offensive and defensive biological and chemical weapons, and restricted any further research to just defensive research on biological and chemical weapons in labs. So, there were two places -- a number of places around the world where this research had been going on, two in the United States. One was in Dugway Proving Ground in Utah, the southern end of the Great Salt Lake desert, out in the middle of nowhere, which you would expect to be a place where this would be conducted. And there's some stories about that that I'll get into in the future, and then the other one was 17 miles northeast of Baltimore on Carroll Island, which is part of Edgewood Arsenal, an island -- a peninsula that jutted into the Chesapeake Bay. It was called an island because it was separated from the mainland by a channel of water, cooling channel from a power plant that was right there. And because they had stopped the open air testing the question was logically raised, was there any impact of the testing on the environment? Now Carroll Island it turned out -- well, both Dugway Proving Ground and Carroll Island formed these two groups to research this. On Carroll Island it turned out there were two parts to it. There was one part next to the mainland, and then there was an intervening large saltwater marsh, and then another part where all of the jutting out into the bay where all the testing had been done. And the two parts were fairly comparable to one another, so we had a very good control and a very good experimental area to do our studies on. So we started the study of that and that was the foundation of the Army's environmental ecological research effort, and so I was in on the ground floor of that, and that played a major role in my military career because -- well, one of the things that happened while we were there is as a result of the National Environmental Policy Act, we started getting into environmental assessments and environmental impact statements, one of the first groups to start doing that. And so, again, the procedures we developed and techniques and everything were eventually implemented -- became implemented into a lot of the Army approaches and regulations. To get a little ahead of myself I think it's important at this point to explain what happened at the end of the four years. I'm going to come back to Edgewood. At the end of the four years I was -- obviously my obligation, active duty obligation, was over and I thought, OK, this is it, I'm going to get out of the service. And I wanted to come back to Norwich and teach, quite honestly, and so I applied here but there wasn't a position available, and I really didn't know much about applying anywhere else, and I tried but I wasn't successful. But I had been offered a job at the sister organization out at Dugway Proving Ground as a civilian working, doing the same thing, extending what I had done at Edgewood. And I loved the job, I loved the people that I was working with both at Dugway, and by then we had formed this extended team where Dugway and Edgewood worked together, but I hated the environment of Baltimore, just didn't like the humidity in the summer, as a Vermonter I 9 couldn't handle it. So we took the job out at Dugway, and again, I'm going to come back to Edgewood, but I've got to finish this entry into Dugway because it's kind of a fascinating story. So, I had been out there many times and new I would love it, and so in order to make the final decision I had to take my wife and my two children out, then I had two boys, I now have three. So we left Baltimore when it was about 98 degrees and 150 percent humidity, not really, I mean, the air was just soaking. And we got on the plane and flew out to Utah and about 30 minutes out of Salt Lake City the pilot came on board and said the temperature in Salt Lake City is 110 degrees at which point my wife turned to me, she said, "As soon as we get off the plane we're turning around," because she was thinking 110 degrees with all of that humidity that we had just left behind, and I knew better. So I let her get off the plane and she looked around and she felt the air and she says, "I love it!" So I knew that we were sold on going out to Dugway. So, returning back to Edgewood, because we had these two wonderful control and experimental areas, we had a lot of wonderful data comparing two different community structures, those of let's say a species of trees on both places, fishes on both places, snakes on both places, amphibians on both places, mammals on both places, et cetera. And we had these wonderful databases. But at the time there was no way to really compare them because all of the mechanisms that were out there at the time, all of the methods that were out there at the time, were focusing on diversity, on measures of diversity, and we weren't interested in measures of diversity. We were interested in how alike are these two communities or how different are these two communities. So, the guy across the hall who introduced me to Scott, his name is Gareth Pearson. He eventually went on to become one of the directors in one of the labs of EPA, very successful career. JP: EPA is? CP: The Environmental Protection Agency. So Gareth and I sat down one night with this problem and a bunch of paper with some of our data on it spread out on the floor in his apartment and a six-pack of beer. And by the end of the six-pack, we had solved the problem, and we had developed an index that would compare these two communities in a very -- I've got to say clever way -- and in a very effective way and started applying that our data and then of course published it and this index, the Pinkham Pearson Index, is now regarded as the primary way to compare community structure. So we were very fortunate to be at the right place at the right time. I'm sure if we hadn't come up with it, somebody else would have. It's one of those things that's fairly obvious once you look at it, but, you know, we were there at the right time. JP: That's wonderful. I was hoping you would talk about that. CP: So we had a lot of fun. We did some great things. Great in the sense of they were fun things and wonderful to do. We started the -- we were the -- we, Edgewood, actually, the team that I was part of at Edgewood, really established the concept of the installation environmental impact assessment or statement where basically you go in to an installation, an Army installation, and you identify all of the resources on and around that installation and all of the activities on that installation that could impact these resources, and identified ways to mitigate the impact so that the installation could continue its 10 mission. And eventually out at Dugway as we continued the effort, because by the time I was at Dugway it was such a large effort that we needed to have both camps involved in this process. Another colleague of mine that I met at Dugway, David Gauthier, whom I also kind of took on as a person that I would work with the rest of my life, David and I were the co-editors of a seven volume -- became the co-editors of a seven volume treatise on doing ecological surveys at military installations, and one of the volumes was doing all of the procedures involved in doing an environmental assessment of an installation. All of the different topics you've got to cover and all of the ways you can cover them, it was a fairly extensive document. And still is -- its descendants are still being used in the environmental program in the military. So, I really enjoyed that part of my life. We got to go and I got to see lots of different parts of the United States. Never got away from the United States, but some of the really interesting installations where testing was going on of one form or another, whether it was vehicle testing or artillery testing or whatever, we got to go to because they were part of testing evaluation command at the time, which Edgewood Arsenal was part of, and that's where most of the environmental documentation was happening. One of the things -- and again, it's a matter of being at the right place at the right time, very quickly or very soon after we started our effort at Edgewood there was an operation at Edgewood that had been going on for years and their procedures, their environmental procedures, were just terrible, and we told them that they were just awful and that they would have to do something about them and they snubbed their noses at us. About six months later EPA caught up with them, newly formed EPA caught up with them, and the directors, whom we had said you better do something about this, ended up going to jail. JP: Really? CP: Yeah. So that all of a sudden gave us the notoriety or the fame that we needed to have to get everybody's attention and from that point on we got to do some pretty neat stuff. And going from coast to coast and seeing things, you know, I saw my first rattlesnake, I saw my first copperhead and things of this sort which were fun. In the wild, you know, turning things over and finding them there, which is part of our technique, and developed further techniques for looking at -- finding whether or not a military operation had impacts. I think one of the fun ones was Redstone Arsenal where a government operated -- a government owned, civilian operated (GOCO) facility had been operating during the Second World War manufacturing DDT. Every time they had a bad batch they just threw it out the back door. So although the facility had been destroyed, long gone, this batch was still there. Now what happened is that Redstone Arsenal called us there because they knew that there was this stream that was entering a bayou or a backwater of the Mississippi that didn't have any life in it and they wanted us to find out what was going on. So what we did is we used a technique which, I don't know whether we developed or had been used by others, but in any event, you go up and every time you find a branch in the river, or in the stream, you sample both sides and when you do that, you know, one, every time we went there, one branch was fine, the other branch was dead. And we kept following it back up until we found this huge area, a two or three football field size area of old DDT, and it became one of the nation's hazardous waste facility -- sites -- that had to be cleaned up. So it was, you know, it wasn't anything that the people there were 11 trying to cover up or had been responsible for, it had been done a long time ago and we were able to find that. Another program that I think was a lot of fun is that my boss, Scott Ward, was a falconer and this was in a time when falconers were -- he was a falconer when it was legit to be, OK to be, a falconer. But then the Endangered Species Act came along, which again, was another Nixon thing, and that prevented falconers from being -- you know, without having a license. You had to be licensed to be a falconer and had to have a legitimate reason. Well, he was a veterinarian and so he got his license. He was a wheeler-dealer and he made sure that he got his license and then he started working with peregrine falcons and their recovery. As you may know, about that time DDT, again, here's this DDT rearing its ugly head, had been bioaccumulating in predator species, the peregrine falcon being one of them, so that to a level that the eggs were thinning, the shells were thinning and the parents were breaking them in the nest as they were trying to sit on them. So, there was a real decline in peregrine falcons. In fact, the peregrine falcon south of the Arctic had gone extinct. So, Scott was involved in studying their recovery and to do so he became the coordinator of the North American peregrine falcon banding program, and he would go to a number of different places, Greenland, Hudson Bay, I think Alaska, and band fledglings in the nest, and then we would go to Assateague Island in the fall and in the spring and trap peregrine falcons to see if any of them had been banded to find out where they were coming from because at that point in time we really didn't know very much of any -- the peregrine falcons that are now south of the Arctic are all derived from peregrine falcons that were in the Arctic. It's a different subspecies but basically it was the only opportunity is to take these fledglings and bring them back here, and that was a Cornell program, did a wonderful job, and breed them in a captive breeding program and then reintroduce them to the wild. But knowing we just didn't have any information on what their flight pathways were, where their migration routes were, and so Scott was instrumental in coming up with that information. And so I was able to go with him and, you know, this is a military assignment. (laughs) JP: It's a great job. CP: Somebody had to do it, right. And spend a week or two weeks in the fall and in the spring on Assateague Island trapping peregrine falcons and birding and all sorts of stuff. So that was a lot of fun. We got to know a lot of interesting people because Scott made his way through the people who had influence at the time. I think one of the more interesting things is that, for example, we would often capture peregrine falcons with -- peregrine falcons -- he would also do it on Carroll Island -- capture either hawks or accipiters or falcons and they would have feathers in their beak or we would find kills in the woods, and part of our study was, you know, what had they killed? And so he would take these feathers and sometimes just one or two feathers they pulled out of the corner of their bill and send them off to a gal at the Smithsonian Institution, I can't remember -- I think her name was Roxy or something -- and she would identify it just from a single feather what the bird was. So that was part of our ability to get some additional data. What are they preying on when they're at different places in their migratory pathway, et cetera. So, that was another, you know, it was just a lot of fun things that we got to do and we would seine for fish. 12 JP: And we're back. CP: OK, so I'm trying to think of -- in the back of my mind there's one more story I want to tell and I can't come up with it right now. So those were fun days. We really had a great time doing all that sort of stuff. Oh, I know what it was. Another story was with Chandler Robins. Now, Chandler Robins is, I think he's still alive, one of the greatest ornithologists in the country. He wrote a book on birds of North America and Scott knew him well, and so I remember one night we had been out doing some night surveys and he had a recording of a bird that he couldn't -- all he had was the song and so we got on the phone the next morning and called up Chan and said, "Chan, I want to play something for you. Can you tell me what it is?" So we just played it for him over the phone. Chan says, "OK, so let me see. It was probably about nine o'clock at night, it was raining slightly and the sound is coming from the middle of a marsh, am I right?" And Scott says, "Yes," and so he says, "Well, it's a Black Rail," which fits all of those things. JP: Wow! CP: So this guy really knew his stuff. (laughs) That's the kind of stuff that we were exposed to for all of this. It was a lot of fun. JP: Did you photograph it? CP: Oh, no, no because it was at night. But I photographed a lot of birds. In fact, because I spent so much time going around doing this sort of stuff, my life list of North America north of the Mexican border is about 420 birds, 420 species. That's not anywhere nearly as many as it could be if I were a serious birder, but just because I have travelled so much, it's a lot larger than a lot of birders do have. JP: That's a lot of birds. CP: It is. JP: And you were outside and making the world a safer place. CP: Hopefully so. JP: That's pretty amazing. CP: Yeah. JP: Wow. I'm always amazed by you guys. CP: Yeah, it's fun what we get to do.13 JP: What about the Oxford Round Table? I know I'm jumping ahead, but I want to make sure we get that. CP: All right, so the reason -- I want to also hit my military career because I think that's important and, oh, we're doing fine. So let's hit the military career and then we'll come back to the Oxford Round Table. JP: Absolutely. CP: After I got out of Edgewood, I told you I was thinking about getting out of the service, my brother, my oldest brother, who at the time was a colonel in the Reserves, said, "No, you've got to stay in," and he explained to me why I needed to stay in. He said, "The benefits that you would accrue for retirement and for Space-A travel and medical coverage, et cetera, are just fantastic. You've got to stay in." So I did, I decided to stay in. And to get to the end of that story before I come back I stayed in for 47 years or whatever it was, I mean, 37 years. I retired at 60 from the Reserves and when I retired it was in '06 and I was the senior, maybe we should say old man of preventive medicine science officers and as such I was the mentor for about 700 preventive medicine science officers in the Reserves, the National Guard around the world. And from Norwich, this is when I was doing this, I sent out a weekly newsletter. Every Saturday I would come down early in the morning and I would work until one or two o'clock in the afternoon putting together this newsletter of all of the events that were important to preventive medicine science officers that had happened in that week and sent it out to them. And it got to be such a big thing that many of the active duty preventive medicine science officers were subscribing to it as well. JP: What was it called? CP: The Preventive Medicine's -- Reserves Component Preventive Medicine Science Officers' Newsletter, very imaginative title for it. JP: But very useful. CP: But it was very useful. JP: Extremely useful. CP: Yeah, it was during the Iraq war and during Pakistan as well. The beginning parts of -- I mean, Afghanistan. JP: So what kinds of things would be in it, for example? CP: Oh, there would be health reports from around the world, alerts about outbreaks of different things. There would be announcements of upcoming conferences that -- one of the things that preventive medicine science officers -- most preventive medicine science officers are in the Reserves are not assigned to a unit. They are what is known as 14 individual mobilization augmentees. They're on their own basically and they have to get their 50 points a year on their own. Because all of us have advanced degrees, we don't fit into most units and if there is a unit, it's probably across the country that we could fit into, and some of the people fit into those units, they just had to travel and they did their two weeks of active duty. And so it was very important to be able to get these people, all of these people for retention purposes if nothing else, to recognize all of the opportunities they had to get points and part of my role in this was to provide these opportunities -- show them the opportunities that they had and make sure they were taking advantage of them. JP: That's terrific. CP: So that was another side of it. And unfortunately, I think after I left I found a successor and I think he, after a year or so, found that the job was so demanding that he had to back out and I don't think anybody else took over. But it happened during a time when it was really important too because we were so widespread and some us of involved in conflicts around the world that it was important for us to have that at that particular time. I'm sure it would still be valuable today, but I don't think anybody has followed up on it. But then that's another thing where Norwich guys have a tendency to see a need and fill it. Another thing, which also is a Norwich story, I think, is to get my points, one of the ways you can get points is to be a liaison to West Point, and what that means is basically that you are helping to guide the applicants for West Point from Vermont or from whatever state you're in, through the process so that they either are successful or not. Well, it turns out in Vermont I think we have a higher percentage of people that get in for reasons which are not worth going into here than most states. But you still, one out of ten, one out of 20 would make it. So, one of the advantages of that is it gave me an opportunity to direct the nine or 18 failures to Norwich which many of them did come here as a result. So that was a good recruiting opportunity as well. And Norwich -- West Point preferred to have of all of those senior military academies, they preferred to have either West Point or Norwich personnel fill those positions because they knew that they would do a good job and a serious job. So, let's see, what else is here? All right, we can go on to the Oxford thing. So, I, as I've stated earlier, had always been interested in evolution and ever since I was able to remember, I recognized that the beauty around me that I was fascinated with in nature, the butterflies, the flowers, the trees, the frogs, whatever I was attracted to at the time, was just not by chance but brought about by a creator. Now I grew up in a family with a Christian influence and background, but I myself, I personally never understood who Jesus Christ was and his importance to me, and just recently I kind of figured out a good way to explain that. As a kid I had understood that Christmas was all about me. And Easter somehow had something to do with this person called Jesus Christ but I wasn't sure what it was. And quite honestly I really went through childhood, school, here, graduate school, and well into my military career until early into Dugway assuming that. I now know that I got it totally backwards and in fact Christmas is all about Jesus and Easter is all about me and you and all of us, the rest of us who need to have the salvation of Jesus. Now the story, I mean, I'm not going to go there because I'm not sure that's appropriate for this but I just want to set the stage for this. So I had always felt that this creator must be really awesome, but because early on, and I don't know why, 15 I understood because I'd been reading well enough, you know, extensively enough, I understood the evidence for evolution and the fact that evolution was a mechanism. So, I began to become convinced that that God used evolution, we'll call this creator God, used evolution to bring about us, to bring about the universe, to bring about everything, and so I spent a lot of my time, in fact, I thought when I get out of grad school that that's what I would focus on but the military took me in different places. And I wanted to see if I could understand more about how evolution worked and how a creator might have brought this about. So when I got out of Edgewood, went to Dugway out there, there was -- obviously this is Mormon country and Mormons proselytize and they tried to proselytize Chris and I, and Mormons are wonderful people and my boss is a Mormon and I have an awful lot of respect for them, but we were invited to a Mormon gathering and treated wonderfully and they were a very friendly group of people and as we were going home, my wife and I were talking to one another -- no, we weren't talking to one -- we were very silent and one of us, and we don't remember to this day who said, "What did you think of that," and the other one said, "Well, my spirit was troubled," and the other one agreed that that was the case. And so we began looking at our roots and it turned out that at that point in time the chapel at Dugway -- now, let me explain something about Dugway. Even though I was a civilian because it was a remote post civilians were allowed to live on the installation, so we were living on the installation. So the chapel had just undergone a change in chaplains and my wife had started going -- after this incident she started going -- and she came home after one Sunday service fairly early in the process and said, "You got to listen, you've got to come and listen to this guy because he's talking about the evidence for God and for belief and, you know, the science of it all," and I said, oh, come on, this guy can't know what he's talking about. So, I went and come to find out he did. He had some very good compelling evidence. And so that started me on a year and a half of questioning, of investigation, of seriously considering the possibility that, in fact, this God that's talked about in the bible is, in fact, the same God, creator -- Lord God creator of the universe that I had been thinking about all along and worshipping myself. And after a year and a half of reading the bible, of seriously going to church, of going to adult Sunday school, of talking with people, et cetera, I was finally convinced and turned my life over to Jesus. So, from that point on I thought, well, OK, from here on I'm going to get back on to the track of this thing and it didn't happen, it didn't happen. I still continue the environmental movement and then about -- well, six years, six and a half years into being at Dugway my -- oh, I got to do the science fair. Don't let me forget to do the science fair. My wife's mom started showing symptoms of Alzheimer's and her dad began to try to deal with it. He was retired at the time. She never did work. And he was having some difficulty and as time went on it became increasingly obvious to us that Chris needed to go back and help her dad take care of her mom and it was a good time because at that particular point in time we had progressed enough in our understanding of what the Word says, the bible says, we felt that we had an obligation to honor our parents and come back here and so at the same time I had been working with a colleague of mine that we rode to work with. By then we had moved off the installation and we were living in a small town called Terra, Utah, which was ten miles east, roughly east, of the main gate Dugway Proving Ground, and it was across -- the ten miles were mostly across Skull Valley and the road was ten miles of absolutely arrow-straight road. So you got in your car, if you were awake it didn't matter because 16 you just aim, lock the steering wheel in, and ten miles later you were at the front gate. And so we had a lot of time for discussion as we were doing this and we had come up with an idea for -- we were both avid gardeners -- we come up with an idea for preserving, allowing us to start our garden early using some -- he was a chemist and I'm a biologist -- using some very well known, well established properties of water and when it freezes it gives off heat called the heat of fusion and that heat could protect your plants from freezing. They do it in orchards, for example, by spraying water. So we came up with a device and it took us a little while to come up with it, but we came up with a device called the Wall O' Water Plant Protector. And so I figured, alright, this is going to give me my key, we can go back here and this is going to provide enough income, but it became obvious to me that this was going to take awhile for this to grow and so I had been going to officers advance course with three people. One of them was a chaplain that had been involved with my coming to the Lord. Another one was a person that I met in Salt Lake City in Utah. This is Salt Lake where the course was, who was a business major and so the business major heard about what we were doing because one of the nights we had to talk about something we were doing and I talked about it and he said, "Oh, this is a great idea. I want to help you make this happen." So he became the president of the company and he got things rolling as far as the business side is concerned. And so I was convinced that this was going to be my key to being able to come back here. Well, as I said, it very quickly became obvious it was not. It takes, like any new idea, almost any new idea, it takes a long time to get going and I decided well I better consider trying to find a job back here. Well, it turned out that Chris had been flying back to help her dad for just a little while and on the same flight she ran into Roy Bear who was flying out Midwest for something, I can't remember what it was, and they got talking, of course they knew each other from here, and he said, "Well, you know, I have been teaching anatomy and physiology in summer school, and I just don't want to do it anymore. So there's an opportunity for Carl to teach that." Well, I had never, you know, my major was at the population level or above. I mean, my focus, and I had not really had much in the way of physiology. But I, you know, this is an opportunity, I couldn't refuse this. So I put in for it and I got the job and that was important because it filled in a part of my education that was lacking because I started focusing not at the population level and above in the levels of complexity, but at the species level and below in levels of complexity. So, it really rounded out my education by forcing me to learn the material. You know, if you want to learn something, teach it. And so all of that played a role in -- as I was going through and teaching I was seeing things that played into very nicely into this idea that, you know, there really is a creator behind all of this. And so in the middle of all of this I suddenly get a letter out of nowhere. I have no idea, and I've asked them and they won't tell me where they got my name, but I got a letter saying that the Oxford Round Table is having a session on faith and science, the great matter, and would I like to be involved in it. And my initial reaction was I'd like to be and I've been thinking about this a lot and I've got a lot of thoughts on it, but, boy, do I have time to put something together and my three sons said, yes, you've got to do this, Dad. And so I said yes and I put the paperwork through Norwich and they said yes and so I was invited to go to the Oxford Round Table and make a presentation. And that's when I had to formally put down all of my thoughts. Since that time, and that was published online and since that time I've had a chance to present it elsewhere and to develop the thoughts a lot more 17 and the evidence now is even more compelling in my mind than it was even when I did it at Oxford. The primary thing that we have to recognize is that -- and this is something that makes sense if there is a creator behind all of this, is that science now fully recognizes, there are very few scientists who don't agree with this, that the universe began with an event called the Big Bang, 13.82 billion years ago and that accompanying that event the universe was imbued with about 20 fundamental forces constants and masses whose values are such that if they weren't exactly what they were we wouldn't be having this recording and that does two things. It says A, there's a beginning, so if you've got a beginning logically you've got to have something who begins it. An uncaused cause as it's sometimes referred to, and, also, that that beginning was accompanied with some very suspicious characteristics. Now, science by definition, and properly so, eliminates -- it doesn't eliminate. It admits it cannot investigate miracles. It is just not designed to follow miracles. Science can give us insights that I think can help us to understand whether or not miracles are possible, whether or not there is a God. And the point that this revealed at the time was that we have enough information, science has enough information about that moment of creation or of coming into existence of the universe, let's not call it creation at this point, that it has to be explained or it can be explained only by invoking infinity because only with infinity can you get all of these 20 or so values coming together with their precise values. Presumably they're independent coming together and having a situation where you would have a universe come into existence because the probability of this happening is so, so very, very tiny, all of them with their values. So, there are about eight ways of the sciences come up with explaining this and all eight of them can be reduced to this use of infinity and I say there are three ways that we invoke infinity. Science embraces two. One is that the universe is infinite and we're in the part that works with these constants, these values, or the other is that there's an infinity of universes and we're in the one that works, or that the universe is created by an infinite mind. And quite honestly, at this point anyway, we cannot distinguish among those three. Each of them is arguably just as logical as the other. There are many scientists who would say that the third one is not acceptable and I would challenge them the way Ravi Zacharias and other people challenge them in that maybe they have some personal biases that they need to look at seriously. But be that as it may, I, in looking at this and accepting this, discovered that there are eight phenomena that keep recurring again and again at what I call essential conditions that in the evolution, in the progress, the evolution from the Big Bang to us whether it's cosmological or chemical or biological evolution, there are requisite conditions that have to occur and every time you find a requisite condition, you identify a requisite condition, there are eight phenomena that are associated with it that happen, that are met, and so it makes me wonder if there's this pattern, is there something behind the pattern? And that's where all this comes in and obviously I believe there is, there is a creator God behind this. JP: So this paper generated quite a bit of -- CP: Quite a bit of thought and discussion and continues to. Yeah, absolutely. So, one of the other reasons we wanted to come back to Norwich, to continue on in this vein, was that I had as part of the coming to a belief and a faith in Christ, and being at a military installation, it was logical that I would find Officers Christian Fellowship. Officers 18 Christian Fellowship is a fellowship, as it states, of officers in the military and this is the Army -- the US branch of it, but there's worldwide groups called by different names, who embrace Christian faith and use it, try to use it, in their life and in their leadership roles. And so I encountered it and became convinced that was something that Norwich could benefit from. And so one of the reasons we came back was to form a Christian fellowship at Norwich using Officers Christian Fellowship as our basic model. So we came back in 1982. Chris preceded me by about four months and so we -- I arrived here in March -- permanently arrived here in March of 1982, getting ready to teach that summer school course, and I began immediately looking for a student that would be interested in forming a Christian fellowship and I couldn't find any. I looked and went to the chapel, asked around, I was having no luck. And one day I was walking on the upper parade ground, I don't remember why, but I was walking on the upper parade ground towards Jackman on the western side and I saw a cadet coming toward me and the Holy Spirit said to me, "You see that cadet? He's the one I want you to talk to about starting a Christian fellowship." And of course my reaction, my immediate reaction, was yeah, sure. I'm so concerned about this that I just created that thought in my mind, and I said I'm not going to pay any attention to it. But the closer I got to this cadet, we were walking towards one another, the more I felt the Holy Spirit saying, "Do it, do it," and it got to the point where I knew that if I hadn't done it I would be in disobedience to God. I would be disobeying the Holy Spirit and so I stopped him. I said, "Young man, you probably are not going to understand what I'm about to tell you and you're going to think I'm nuts, but the Holy Spirit just told me that I'm supposed to talk to you about starting a Christian fellowship at Norwich," at which point he stopped, I mean, he was stopped. He kind of went, "You're kidding me," and kind of fell back, took a step back, and he said, "As I was coming towards you, the Holy Spirit was telling me that I've got to talk to you about starting a Christian fellowship at Norwich." So, that started the Norwich Christian Fellowship. The cadet's name was John Pitrowiski and we started a fellowship that was in 1982, and that must have been -- I'm gathering, I'm thinking it might have been in April, I didn't put the date down. And so that was still in the days when I think Norwich went further beyond May. I think they went to late May or beginning of June, and so it wasn't very long but he had a couple of friends from classes beneath him, Joe Saltsman being one of them, who wanted to be part of this. And so it continued from that year on. And so last year we celebrated our 30 th year together and it's been a great trip helping Norwich students who are inclined to follow the Lord and find out about Officers Christian Fellowship, et cetera. So John Pitrowski, I lost track of him because he was a senior and he graduated a month or two after we formed the fellowship. And I had assumed that I must have done this in the fall of '83 because, you know, I had to have had a longer year. I had almost a year with him before he left that was my assumption. So I went through all of the year books from '80 -- let's see, '82, it would be '83 on. I couldn't find his name so I -- you know, did I somehow get his name wrong? But I asked Joe Saltsman and he says, "Yeah, I remember John." So I knew I had it right and one day -- actually, about a year before our 30th, it all of a sudden dawned on me. I said, "Do you know what? Is it possible that he was in the class of '82?" So I got out the '82 yearbook and sure enough there he was. Come to find out he goes to a church in Waterbury very close to the church I go to.19 JP: You're kidding. CP: He's been around all of this time. JP: Oh, no kidding. CP: So, on the 30th, which was his 30th reunion of course, we got together and had a big celebration. JP: That's wonderful. Do you have time for STEM? CP: Sure, sure. What happened is as I -- when I was in the eighth grade at Northfield I entered the state science fair with my shell collection. Now, in this day and age you couldn't do that and that's not really important to understand, but one of the things that I had really gotten involved with as a kid, and why I was considering marine biology, is I loved shells. I loved the animals that made shells and I loved shells themselves because I'm kind of artistic and I kind of like art stuff as well. And shells are very beautiful, they're geometric, they're colorful, they're wonderful things. So I was naturally attracted to them. So I entered that in eighth grade, won first place in the state science and math fair, and then again in my senior year I did the same thing, only I did some research and did some dissections and had some studies that I had done. Again, not the kind of stuff that we now do in the science fairs, but at the time it was. And again I won first place. So I was kind of sold on science fairs. So from that time on I offered to judge in science fairs. So at the University of Illinois, in Utah I judged, in Maryland I judged, I think, and I'm not 100 percent sure whether I did or not, but I know at the University of Illinois I did and in Utah I did. In Utah, because I was coming in from Dugway Proving Ground I was coming in as an Army judge and it was part of my assignment, my military points to do this as a military judge. So I did it for a year or two and one of the guys that I was doing it with had been working with the Army Research Office and their program of judging the International Science and Engineering Fair. So he'd been part of the Army judges for them. And he said, "I'm going to have to get out of this. Would you like to take my place?" So I said, "Well, yeah." So that year the international fair was in San Antonio and I went there and became a member of the Army judging team, generally about 30 judges every year from the Army would judge the International Science and Engineering Fair and give wonderful prizes. We sent students to the Plum Blossom Festival in Japan or the Fortnight in England, in London. You know, when the Army judges came around the students took notice. So it was a great assignment and a great opportunity and they treat the judges really well. Afterwards they have a big shindig for them with lots of cheese and lots of hors d'oeuvres and lots of wine and stuff, and I said, boy, this is a deal! So I became sold on that and did for the next 25 years served in that capacity almost every year. A couple years I didn't make it and in the last five I was the Chief Army Judge in charge in all of those 30 judges and also got some other assignments related to that. I became the Army judge for the National Junior Science and Humanities Symposium, which is a similar kind of thing done at about the same time of year, but rather than having a poster session, which is what the International Science and Engineering Fair poster presentation judges. The National Junior Science and 20 Humanities Symposium has a platform presentation. So it's a different -- you can, you know, sometimes the same projects can be in both but there are different ways of presenting the information. So, that convinced me that, I mean, I was already convinced, but that certainly drove the nail home that I was very much still interested in STEM and then I came to Norwich and of course the science fair was being held here and so I immediately became a judge in the science fair and recognized that Vermont State Science and Math Fair was not, it was one of the two or three states not involved in ISEF, and said, you know, I've got to get it involved but I just do not have the time to teach and to do the Vermont State Science and Math Fair component that would get us involved with ISEF. But I made a pledge that I would, to myself, I guess, that once I retired from the military in 2003 because that was when I turned 60, that I would make an effort to get us involved with ISEF. And at that point I had been working with Mary Hoppe and, oh, come on, I'm drawing a blank here. We'll have to get that back up. What's her name? [Martha McBride] Anyway, who had been the two directors, working with them to kind of be an understudy. And so the next year I said I'm going to continue this process as an understudy and I'm going to link us up with ISEF. Now, the main thing about ISEF is you send, at that time, one winner on to international -- from your state fair, on to the International Science and Engineering Fair to compete there, but that requires money and of course the science fair had no money. I mean, it had very little money that they were -- the major initiative that I saw I had to do with come up with a way of getting money and that has become a really time consuming operation. We raise in terms of actual awards and prizes and trip money, we raise about $25,000 a year now and it takes a lot of time to do that even though I have -- almost all of that is coming from established partners, as we call them, because every year you have to renew it, you have to send out emails, you have to send out letters, you have to follow up on them. Some of them follow up themselves, some of them you have to follow up on. You have to record all of this so you know what you did because we have over 120 partners. It's trying to keep all of them straight. You know, what conversation you had with which one three weeks ago is just, you know, you've got to keep accurate records of that. So it's a very time consuming process. But we are really making progress, we are making headway. We are getting more and more students involved in science fair projects and of course the problem with our country -- one of the problems with our country today -- is that many of our students look at Science Technology Engineering and Math, STEM, as being over their heads, over their ability, and we want to make sure that students understand that in many cases that's not the case. It's that they haven't had the opportunities to get excited by it. For example, when I was in the science fair as a senior, that was during the space race and I remember going from the state science fair to the New England science fair and that was during the New England science fair was the -- we heard over the speakers an announcement that the US had successfully sent our first astronaut into orbit. And so those were exciting times and those are the kinds of things that get people's kids' imagination going. Well, we needed something like that because let's face it, if we're going to retain our position as strategically as number one in the world, we have got to have a good Science Technology Engineering, and Math. I had recognized, having been travelling a few other places in the world that the US, high school STEM scores were very woefully low and yet, here we are number one in the world. How can that be? Well, there's a number of reasons, but one of the reasons is, what I had discovered was happening at Norwich, is that between 21 high school and graduating from college the role of the university in this country is to push our kids. It's really important that we push our kids and make them learn the stuff that other kids were learning in high school elsewhere around the world. And, for example, in Japan they're pushed hard, they do well in high school and they score well, but my oldest son, English as a second language teacher in Japan, so we went over to visit him and it turns out that their college over there is almost a lark. And so we can catch up with them and we do catch up with them and we pass them. Certainly other reasons for this is we get a lot of influx from the best of the foreign countries as well, too. I'm not trying to downplay that. But it became obvious to me that we really needed to do something positive and we need to do something positive to encourage our young kids to discover that science, technology, engineering, and math are wonderful and they're exciting and they're full of all kinds of challenges and opportunities and experiences that you're not going to get any other way and I think we're beginning to get that. JP: That's wonderful. You have done so much and you have been -- CP: I've been blessed. I haven't really tried to do this or do that. It's just that things have fallen in my path and I think because of Norwich I don't hesitate, I don't pull back from taking advantage of them, but I really have been blessed with lots of opportunities, lots of fun stuff. JP: You have done a lot of really amazing things. The Pinkham Pearson Index alone, notwithstanding the other stuff. Do you have any relatives at Norwich besides your dad? CP: My oldest brother, the one who said that I should stay in the military, in the reserves, David, who lives in Montpelier, he's still around. He's 87 I think. He was in the Second World War and after the war he came to Norwich for two years in engineering. He actually showed me a paper he wrote on nuclear power (laughs) that at the time of the Second World War was still a concept, and then he transferred to Cornell to finish his degree in engineering. So he's part of Norwich. I have two of my three sons attended Norwich and youngest, well, the middle son went to Vermont, VC, Vermont College, when it was part of Norwich and my youngest son came here and majored in psychology and actually has gotten a masters from Norwich in the masters degree, online degree program in criminal justice management or administration. JP: What's his name? CP: Kristian Pinkham. JP: Kristian Pinkham. Amazing. The Pinkhams at Norwich. CP: And the middle one is Kreig Pinkham. JP: With a C or K?22 CP: K. All my three sons are with K's. Kevin is my oldest. He's an English professor carrying on the family tradition of teaching down at Nyack College in New York, and Kreig is the director of the Washington County Youth Service Bureau, which is really responsible for homeless and run away youth in the state of Vermont. And my youngest son is a DEA agent in El Paso, Texas. JP: Wow, that's amazing! Gosh, I want to ask you a little bit about what advice would you give a rook today about how to survive and thrive the way that you did? CP: Well, the first thing is, again, remember -- and I still tell them this -- the two things that I think are important. One is that nothing lasts forever and so you can get through the rook school, the rook experience. If you keep this in mind it will keep you sane. And secondly, that if you allow it to, Norwich will push you and will help you to develop as an individual, but you've got to go along with the flow. You can't resist the flow. You've got to take advantage of the opportunities that it provides. I think that's really important. And of course, obviously, the students that I come into contact with through Norwich Christian Fellowship, I say to continue to develop your spiritual understanding, your spiritual walk, your spiritual self. And as a teacher I think I made it clear in my courses. On the first day of course I said, first day of class I said, "You've got to understand that I am a Christian and my worldview is formed by that -- is informed by that. I will not mention anymore about it in class. You will hear an awful lot about evolution in class because I'm an evolutionary biologist and if you feel that there is a problem between the two, I'm more than happy to talk with you about how that problem is not real, but that's got to be done outside of class." And so I made it clear in all of my classes that that was something that I -- that they needed to know about me in order to be fair and open. JP: Wow. How do you define leadership or have you already, do you think? CP: Well, to be honest with you, I've not given a whole lot of thought to what leadership really is, but on the spot I would have to say that leadership is a willingness to lead and a willingness to -- openness to see opportunities and to think creatively about these opportunities and how you might use them. And that's a good question because it brings up another story that I think I would like to relate to. And that is the story of the Russian scientist. Shortly after I left Edgewood as my individual mobilization designee assignment, I was assigned back to Edgewood from Dugway. And the two weeks that I was at Edgewood, my boss had -- because he was a North American peregrine falcon banding program coordinator, had gone to Russia, not during that two weeks, but he had earlier gone to Russia and met with and formed a working relationship with his Russian corresponding -- his Russian equivalent, and he and another Russian scientist were scheduled to come to the US during this two weeks that I was going to be assigned to Edgewood Arsenal, to Scott's group. And so this was during the Cold War, but there was some efforts at detent and this being something where there was no weapon system involved or anything like that. It was something as regarded by the government as being worthwhile. So I was invited by Scott to help him get his -- he had just bought a dilapidated Southern mansion in Maryland to get it up kind of a little bit in shape for this 23 meeting. And so I helped him do it and the Russians came and we spent an evening toasting one another and going through bottles after bottles of vodka and, again, my Norwich training came through because I was able to drink two Russians under the table. I'm not overly -- well, yes, I'm proud of that. Let's face it. I don't drink that way anymore, but at the time there was a value to it because when I was at Norwich, I drank like a Norwich student. So, anyway, in the process of that evening, we had a conversation and it was very obvious to me in this conversation that something was wrong, and I'm going to explain what was wrong, but I've got to go back just a little bit. In grad school finished all my courses except for one, population genetics. Population genetics was taught by a newly minted post-doc who had the audacity to expect his students to think. Well, I was a good student because I was fantastic at rote memory, I wish I still were, but at that time I was really good at it. And I wasn't used to a course where they said think and I got a 48 on the final exam and he was good enough to give me a D in the course. I had been essentially a straight A student and that shook me up as you can well imagine. And so I had to ask myself, is thinking a skill that I don't have? Is it something I'll never have or is it a skill that can be acquired? So I started researching thinking, creative thinking, and discovered that it is a skill that can be learned that every human being is born with it but quite often the school system teaches us out of it. In my case it was perhaps the school system, but more important, understand I love my father and he was a wonderful person, but he was an old guard, old school military guy. It was his way or not. So very quickly I learned it didn't do any good to think, it didn't do any good to explain things to him, my side of the story, because there was only his side of the story, so I stopped learning how to think. And so I got to this moment in grad school, this crisis moment, and discovered that I didn't know how to think. From the studies, however, from taking courses and everything I learned how to think and that's why I've got several patents and I've been able to come up with the Pinkham Pearson Index, et cetera. But as I was talking with these Russians, it became very obvious to me they were suffering from the same problem I had been suffering from. It was dangerous for them to think. So the only way they could come up with any thought whatsoever was to just randomly go all over the place and hope that somewhere sooner or later they would stumble across something that was useful and relevant. At that instant I knew we had won the Cold War. It was clear to me that they were fighting an impediment that would just prevent them from doing anything that we had to worry about. And, in fact, that's the way it turned out. JP: That's a nice -- that's a good story, big picture, little picture. Is there anything else that you would like to say? Anything about the Citizen Soldier or -- CP: The Citizen Soldier is a very, very important concept and I'd like to think that I embody it. The reason I feel that way is because I think I embody it, but the soldier doesn't always have to be, obviously, a fighting individual in the sense of a combat. Combat service and combat service support are two very, very important aspects of the military and you can be in combat, and my hat is off to everyone who is in that position, whose life is at risk, willingly puts their life at risk for their country and for their comrades, but there's also a role for those of us who are a little bit less brave, like myself, who want to serve and have a gift to give to the country but can give it in a way where the risk to life 24 and limb is not anywhere nearly as great as it is in the combat arms. So, I think the Citizen Soldier is a very important aspect that we need to be aware of and promote. And I'm proud to say I'm a part of Norwich which founded the concept. And I generally don't miss opportunities when I'm talking with youngsters to point that out to them. JP: Is there anything else you'd like to add? CP: Probably, but I can't think of it right now. I think that's about it. JP: That's about it. Thank you. CP: Oh, you're welcome. Thank you for the opportunity, I enjoyed this. This is fun. JP: This has been fascinating and I think it's going to be fascinating for people to hear. I think it's going to be very interesting for people who are interested in the different things you've spoken about and to hear you say them. So thank you. I'm going to hit stop. I need to do a little intro. And we're back with Carl Pinkham. CP: So the parting Norwich story while I was a student has to do with three events that happened my last three days at Norwich. On Friday I was commissioned a second lieutenant in armor. On Saturday I was married to Christine Waite who has been my wife for almost 50 years and on Sunday I graduated. JP: That's a busy -- CP: That's a very busy time. (laughter) JP: That's good. CP: That's it. JP: Thank you. END OF AUDIO FILE