Suchergebnisse

Досліджуються особливості формування політичного лідерства в Україні в умовах державної незалежності та актуалізується необхідність створення цілісної системи підготовки політичних лідерів. Підкреслюється, що політична практика цього періоду не висунула жодного загальнонаціонального лідера, який був би здатним об'єднати всі верстви українського суспільства в боротьбі за дійсну демократію, соціальну справедливість та всенародний добробут. Для сучасної політичної ситуації в Україні характерні такі явища, як криза державності, втрата політичного управління, криза національної ідентичності. В цьому контексті підкреслюється, що сьогоднішня реальність змушує переосмислити питання про роль особи, її внесок у політичний процес перехідного періоду розвитку суспільства.Робиться висновок, що в Україні відсутні система підготовки політичних лідерів як у загальнонаціональному масштабі, так і на регіональному рівні. Політичні партії, громадські організації теж не готують цілеспрямовано політичних лідерів, використовуючи системи стихійного відбору, що вкрай неефективно. В цьому плані особливої актуальності набуває комплекс проблем, пов'язаних з системою формування та підготовки політичних лідерів як у загальнонаціональному масштабі, так і на регіональному рівні. ; Features of the formation of political leadership in Ukraine in terms of state independence have been examined and the necessity for a coherent system of political leaders training has been actualized. It has been emphasized that the political practice of this period does not suggest any national leader who would be able to unite all segments of the Ukrainian society in the struggle for real democracy, social justice and national welfare. Current political situation in Ukraine is characterized by such phenomena as: the crisis of the statehood, the loss of the political control, the crisis of national identity. In this context, it has been emphasized that today's reality forces us to rethink the question of the role of the leader, his/her contribution to the political process of the transitional period of society's development. It has been concluded that in Ukraine there is no system of training of political leaders not at national, nor at regional level. Political parties, public organizations also do not prepare political leaders purposefully. They use a system of natural selection, which is extremely inefficient.In this regard, the complex problem associated with the system of the formation and training of political leaders both on national and regional levels is especially important. ; Исследуются особенности формирования политического лидерства в Украине в условиях государственной независимости и актуализируется необходимость создания целостной системы подготовки политических лидеров. Подчеркивается, что политическая практика этого периода не выдвинула ни одного общенационального лидера, который был бы способен объединить все слои украинского общества в борьбе за действительную демократию, социальную справедливость и всенародное благосостояние. Для современной политической ситуации в Украине характерны такие явления, как кризис государственности, потеря политического управления, кризис национальной идентичности. В этом контексте подчеркивается, что сегодняшняя реальность заставляет переосмыслить вопрос о роли лидера, его вклад в политический процесс переходного периода развития общества.Делается вывод о том, что в Украине отсутствует система подготовки политических лидеров как в общенациональном масштабе, так и на региональном уровне. Политические партии, общественные организации тоже не готовят целеустремленных политических лидеров, используя систему стихийного отбора, которая крайне неэффективна.В этом плане особую актуальность приобретает комплекс проблем, связанных с системой формирования и подготовки политических лидеров как в общенациональном масштабе, так и на региональном уровне.

This thesis demonstrates how East Timor achieved statehood by linking independence with democracy. It argues that building a democracy was a consistent goal for some elements of East Timor's independence movement throughout the transition to statehood. The independence movement committed a future East Timor state to establishing a liberal, multi-party, plural democracy with a particular emphasis on social justice and wealth re-distribution. This pursuit of the twin goals of independence and democracy enabled East Timor to become a sovereign state and this vision of statehood was important for how it instituted new political structures. The interplay between norms of self-determination and democracy is useful for understanding East Timor's pursuit of sovereign independence. In contemporary International Relations, it has become increasingly recognised that there exists a democratic entitlement in which all people hold rights to internal self-determination and political participation. In essence, East Timor sought to attain the right of self-determination in order to achieve sovereign rights and establish a democracy. There were two key elements to their appeals for self-determination: first, that a unique and identifiable East Timorese 'nation' existed and held rights to self-determination under international law; and second, that an East Timorese state would establish a democracy and guarantee human rights. This commitment was important as individual rights to political participation have become international standards that all states are expected to uphold. International and domestic civil society organisations supported the East Timorese independence movement by pressuring governments,lobbying diplomats, holding protests, raising international awareness and providing information of the human rights situation and self-determination in East Timor. These international appeals for democracy, human rights and freedoms in East Timor ultimately led to the referendum on independence in 1999. The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) was mandated to assist East Timor in establishing democracy following the referendum, and there has been considerable literature analysing and evaluating the roles of the UNTAET. However, there has been less attention on the roles of the East Timorese in constructing their political institutions and the relationship between the social and political realms during these processes. East Timorese leaders drafted the constitution, which established key political institutions such as electoral systems and the structure of government, and articulated the nature of citizenship rights and the relationship between the state and society. As such, East Timorese leaders played a considerable role in institutionally structuring the identity of their new state. East Timor's Constitution outlined a vision of East Timor as a liberal, multi-party, social democracy that guarantees the civil, political and socio-economic rights of its people. The commitment to democracy and human rights demonstrated by political leaders prior and during East Timor's transition is important for its capacities to consolidate its new political institutions and engender them with political legitimacy. A legitimate political order is one that is sanctioned by the population, thus a widespread, grassroots belief in the validity of democracy as a system of government has assisted East Timor in establishing and maintaining its democratic institutions.

Introduction: Transitional coastal environments such as the Galician Rías in the Atlantic coast of NW Spain are densely populated areas. Their environmental problems are highlighted by the conflicting interests of different economic sectors: extensive mariculture activities are located in its waters and intertidal zone; shipbuilding, carbuilding, canning and other industries compete with tourism on their shores; and dairy farming is the main agricultural activity in its surrounding hills and hinterland (Vilas et al., 2008). As a result, the management of the coastal zone is highly complex and it is difficult to balance quality of coastal waters with economic activities. For instance, in the Ría de Vigo, the southernmost of the Rías Baixas, wastewater treatment plants were not installed until the 1990s, and in spite of regional environmental legislation (Lei 8/2001), their capacity was still insufficient in 2005 when the European Court of Justice found Spain guilty of failure to fulfill its obligations under the Article 5 of the Council Directive 79/923/EEC on the quality required for shellfish waters (Case C-26/04 ECJ). This case was closed following Spain's submission of a pollution-reducing programme specifically pertinent to shellfish waters; success of this plan will depend critically on the behaviour of the sediments on the ría bottom. Galician Rías experience seasonal upwelling, which increases marine productivity. This promotes the deposition of high organic matter contents in the bottom sediments and contributes to the observed intense sedimentation rates of 1-6 mm yr-1 (Álvarez-Iglesias et al., 2007; Rubio et al., 2001). Current levels of trace metals (Prego & Cobelo, 2003) in sediments of these Rías have caused a significant concern by local and European authorities in the last ten years, especially in relation to the application of the Water Framework Directive (WFD), aimed to ensure that all waters reach "good status" by 2015. Some of these studies (Álvarez-Iglesias et al., 2003; Belzunce-Segarra et al., 2008; Rubio et al., 2000a) showed that the highest concentration of trace metals occurs in the muddiest surficial sediments of the rías, and that their fate and bioavalability depends on the intensity and speed of bacterial-mediated redoxomorphic post-sedimentary processes (Álvarez-Iglesias & Rubio, 2008, 2009; Rubio et al., 2010). This chapter will review the main factors that control the incorporation of metals to the sediments in these environments, with a focus on the forcing factors and their temporal evolution in the recent sedimentary record. This study will also show the critical importance of distinguishing and quantifying the various metal forms by using sequential extractions and by the determination of magnetic properties in order to reach a full understanding of the potential and present environmental impacts of contaminated sediments. Special emphasis will be put in the role of mussel rafts on the diagenetic inmobilization of heavy metals. Finally, the solubility of these metals by aerobic oxidation will be analyzed in some laboratory experiments in order to improve coastal risks prevention and management. ; Xunta de Galicia | Ref. 09MMA012312PR ; Xunta de Galicia | Ref. 10MMA312022PR

Nell'ambito del progetto TWReferenceNET, si è valutata l'opportunità di proporre quali nuovi siti Natura 2000 le aree di transizione studiate nei nuovi Stati Membri dell'Unione Europea dell'area CADSES e partner del progetto, ossia in Albania, Bulgaria e Romania. Per comprendere al meglio il quadro giuridico di riferimento, si sono distinti gli Stati candidati all'adesione (Bulgaria e Romania) dai Paesi di potenziale adesione (Albania), per i quali sono previsti degli obblighi diversi anche con riferimento alle modalità e ai tempi di adeguamento alla normativa comunitaria. In particolare, le Direttive Habitat ed Uccelli saranno vincolanti: – In Bulgaria e Romania, alla data della loro adesione all'Unione Europea, ossia dal 1 gennaio 2007 (ovvero, se non si atterranno a quanto previsto dall'Accordo di adesione, dal 1 gennaio 2008); – In Albania, dalla data prevista dall'eventuale Accordo di adesione, e fino ad allora avendo cura di predisporre il necessario quadro normativo di riferimento, anche per l'applicazione della rete Natura 2000. In occasione dell'adesione di nuovi Stati Membri, è importante evidenziare due ordini di idee: (a) in primis, l'opportunità offerta agli Stati Membri dell'UE dall'adesione di nuovi Stati al fine di proporre delle modifiche alle liste di habitat e specie previste nelle due Direttive di riferimento, da includere negli Accordi di adesione; modifiche che altrimenti devono essere proposte con la procedura di codecisione; (b) secundis, l'opportunità di proporre nuovi siti alla luce dell'interpretazione delle due Direttive secondo quanto emerso dalle numerose pronunce della Corte di Giustizia delle Comunità europee succedutesi in questi anni, al fine di una loro più corretta applicazione. ; Within the framework of TWReferenceNET project, the opportunity of suggesting new Natura 2000 sites among the transitional areas included in the EU New Member States that are partners of the project – that is Albania, Bulgaria and Rumenia – has been evaluated. In order to better understand the legislation framework, the States that have applied for inclusion in the EU (Bulgaria and Rumenia) have been distinguished by the States of potential inclusion (Albania). Indeed, the latter has different obligations, especially considering modes and times of adoption of the European legislation. In particular, the Habitat and Bird Directives will have the force of law: • In Bulgaria and Rumenia, at the moment of inclusion in the European Union, that is on 1 January 2007 (or, if they will not fulfill the adesion agreement, on 1 January 2008); • In Albania, at the date that is forecasted by the adesion agreement. Until then, the State will prepare the regulation framework that is required also for the inclusion in the Natura 2000 network. When New Member States (NMS) are included in the EU, it is important to point out: (a) in primis, the opportunity offered by the NMS to the EU States with regard to the variation of Habitat and Species lists that are included in the two EU Directives, that can be included in the Adoption Agreements, and that should otherwise be adpoted with a co-decision procedure; (b) secundis, the opportunity to suggest new Natura 2000 sites, taking into consideration all that was decreed by EU Courts of Justice in the last years, in order to better apply the two Directives.

ABSTRAK Tesis ini membahas tentang kajian yuridis sistem pemidanaan edukatif terhadap anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum (studi pada Pengadilan Negeri Putussibau). Di samping itu juga mempunyai tujuan yaitu untuk mengungkapkan dan menganalisis penerapan sistem pemidanaan edukatif oleh hakim terhadap anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum di Pengadilan Negeri Putussibau, kendala-kendala dalam penerapan sistem pemidanaan edukatif terhadap anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum di Pengadilan Negeri Putussibau, serta upaya mengatasi kendalakendala dalam penerapan sistem pemidanaan edukatif terhadap anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum di Pengadilan Negeri Putussibau. Melalui studi kepustakaan dengan menggunakan metode empiris diperoleh kesimpulan, dalam kasus narkoba yang melibatkan RH anak berumur 16 tahun sebagai kurir, ternyata Hakim Pengadilan Negeri Putussibau menjatuhkan putusan/vonis 8 (delapan) bulan penjara. Putusan hakim tersebut jelas mengabaikan sistem pemidanaan yang bersifat edukatif dan asas kepentingan terbaik bagi si anak. Adapun kendalakendala dalam penerapan sistem pemidanaan edukatif terhadap anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum di Pengadilan Negeri Putussibau adalah bahwa: (a) Anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum yang diajukan ke persidangan, umumnya sudah beberapa kali melakukan tindak pidana, dengan kata lain anak tersebut menjadi residivis; dan (b) Anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum yang diajukan ke persidangan memiliki batas usia transisi, maksudnya mereka berada pada batas usia transisi antara anak dan dewasa. Pada saat diajukan ke persidangan, anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum tersebut berusia 16 tahun atau 17 tahun, jika mengacu pada ketentuan peraturan perundang-undangan maka mereka dikategorikan dalam usia anak, tetapi apabila melihat lingkungan pergaulannya maka mereka dapat digolongkan sebagai orang dewasa. Upaya-upaya untuk mengatasi kendala-kendala dalam penerapan sistem pemidanaan edukatif terhadap anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum di Pengadilan Negeri Putussibau adalah sebagai berikut: (a) Hakim yang menyidangkan perkara anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum tetap mengacu pada ketentuan Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2012 tentang Sistem Peradilan Pidana Anak, termasuk berkaitan dengan batas usia anak sehingga dalam menjatuhkan putusan (vonis) tidak dipersalahkan; dan (b) Hakim yang menyidangkan perkara anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum harus menerapkan keadilan restoratif dan diversi, walaupun status anak yang berkonflik dengan hukum tersebut adalah residivis. Kata Kunci : Sistem Pemidanaan Edukatif, Hakim, Anak Yang Berkonflik Dengan Hukum. ABSTRACT This thesis discusses about juridical study of educative punishment system for children in conflict with law (study at Putussibau District Court). In addition, it also aims to disclose and analyze the application of educative judicial systems by judges to children in conflict with the law at the Putussibau District Court, the constraints in applying the educational punishment system for children in conflict with the law in Putussibau District Court, as well as to overcome Constraints in the application of educational punishment systems for children in conflict with the law in Putussibau District Court. Through the literature study using the empirical method obtained the conclusion, in the case of drugs involving RH 16-year-old child as a courier, apparently Putussibau District Court Judge sentence / sentence of 8 (eight) months in prison. The judge's verdict clearly ignored the educational punishment system and the best interests of the child. The obstacles in applying the educational punishment system to children in conflict with the law in the Putussibau District Court are that: (a) The child who is in conflict with the law submitted to the court, generally has several times committed a crime, in other words the child becomes a recidivist ; And (b) Children in conflict with the law submitted to the court have transitional age limits, meaning they are at the transition age limit between child and adult. At the time of the trial, the child in conflict with the law is 16 years old or 17 years old, if it refers to the provisions of legislation they are categorized in the age of the child, but when looking at the social environment they can be classified as adults. Efforts to overcome obstacles in the application of educational punishment systems for children in conflict with the law in Putussibau District Court are as follows: (a) The judges who hear cases of children in conflict with the law still refer to the provisions of Law Number 11 Year 2012 On the Criminal Justice System of the Child, including with regard to the age limit of the child so that in deciding the verdict (verdict) is not blamed; And (b) Judges who hear cases of children in conflict with the law must apply restorative and diversionary justice, even if the child's status in conflict with the law is a recidivist. Keywords : Educative Penal System, Judge, Children In Conflict With Law.

Many studies have explored the phenomena of Islamic parties in Indonesia, the largest predominantly Muslim country in the world. However, little effort has been made to explore the organizational structures of Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia. The existing studies have also paid little attention to the role of Islamic parties at the regional level in the implementation of the decentralized system in terms of the relationship between the central and regional governments. This study is an attempt to provide a more comprehensive analysis of the way the Islamic parties at the regional level in post-Suharto Indonesia organize. In doing so, the organization of the Islamic parties is examined in three different dimensions, i.e., the party organization on the ground (political linkage between the Islamic parties and their members or supporters), the party organization in central office (leadership of the Islamic parties), and the party organization in public office (the role of the Islamic parties in policy-making). As the units of analysis, this study selects six major Islamic parties, i.e., the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional or PAN), National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa or PKB), Reform Star Party (Partai Bintang Reformasi or PBR), United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan or PPP), Justice and Prosperity Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera or PKS) and Star and Crescent Party (Partai Bulan Bintang or PBB). Despite the fact that these parties experienced a significant decrease at the national level, most of them succeeded in maintaining or increasing their level of political support at the regional level. Meanwhile, this study focuses on the Tasikmalaya district as the locus of study because it has become one of the regional bases for these parties to maintain or increase their political achievement. The district also has a long historical root in the Islamic state movement in Indonesia. As a result, Muslims in the district have a strong Islamic sentiment. This study proposes two major findings. Firstly, the way the Islamic political actors organize the Islamic parties in Tasikmalaya district suggests that these parties contain some elements of the elite-based party, mass-based party, electoralist party, and cartel party models. In other words, the Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia have hybrid features. Therefore, the organizational features of the Islamic parties in post-Suharto Indonesia are not completely exceptional or unique compared to the organizational features of party politics in other developing countries. Moreover, the organizational development of the contemporary Islamic parties in Indonesia takes different trajectories. In the case of the PAN and PPP, these parties are in a transitional stage from the mass-based party model to the electoralist party model. The organizational development of the PKS suggests that this party is experiencing a maturation process of the mass-based party model, while the organizational development of the PKB, PBR and PBB shows that these parties are experiencing a stagnation process in the stage of the elite-based party. Secondly, the case of the Tasikmalaya district also indicates that the Islamic political actors in Indonesia rely on rational calculations rather than ideological considerations when they manage their Islamic parties. In this sense, the PBB, PKS, PPP and PBR as the Indonesian Islamist parties have experienced a moderation process. The way these parties organize has not led to the Islamisation of the state, but it has led to the long term Islamisation of society.

Probably the most widely read work of sociology in the United States during the past century was The Lonely Crowd, a nearly 400‐page study by David Riesman, written, according to the first edition, in collaboration with Reuel Denney and Nathan Glazer. The book appeared in 1950, published by Yale University Press. The initial print run was 3,000; an abridged edition came out as a paperback in 1953 as a Doubleday Anchor Book. It eventually sold more than 1.4 million copies. (The book is still in print in a Yale University Press paperback edition.) Its intriguing title no doubt contributed to this phenomenal popularity, as did its readable and often informal style and its use of a time‐honored mode of social commentary, offering a statistics‐free exposition of the argument. The book bears no resemblance to what now passes for scientific analysis in sociology, but draws instead on erudition, historical learning, and personal observation and insight. But most of all, the explanation for the book's success is that Riesman's searching and sharp‐eyed examination of social trends in modern industrial society responded to a felt need for self‐examination in midcentury America. Actually, the title of the book was an add‐on; it does not appear in the text itself. The subtitle is more informative: A Study of the Changing American Character.Riesman defined "social character" as "the patterned uniformities of learned response that distinguish men of different regions, eras, and groups." Making such distinctions imposes the need for a suitable categorization of historical stages with which a typology of social character can be persuasively associated. Riesman's chosen criterion for classifying societies and identifying such stages was demographic. His discussion sought to describe "possible relationships between the population growth of a society and the historical sequence of character types" and, specifically, to "explore the correlations between the conformity demands put on people in a society and the broadest of the social indexes that connect men with their environment—the demographic indexes." In doing so, Riesman adopted the dassificatory scheme of classic demographic transition theory. Drawing on Frank Notestein's work, he distinguished three demographic phases: "high growth potential,""transitional growth," and "incipient population decline." The three dominant social character types identified by Riesman, tracing a historical, although of course overlapping sequence, were "tradition‐directed,""inner‐directed," and "other‐directed": they correspond to, indeed reflect, the three phases of population growth and its associated demographic‐structural characteristics.The excerpt reproduced below is from Chapter I ("Some types and character of society") of the first edition of the book (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950). It provides a concise presentation of the study's conceptual scheme and of the argument seeking to validate it. (The 1953 paperback edition amplifies footnote 1 in the excerpt as follows: "The terminology used here is that of Frank W. Notestein. See his 'Population—The Long View,' in Food for the World, edited by Theodore W. Schultz (University of Chicago Press, 1945).").David Riesman was born on 22 September 1909. His original field of study was law; his career as a lawyer included clerking for Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis. Between 1946 and 1958 he was on the faculty of social sciences at the University of Chicago and after that, until his retirement, he served as professor of sociology at Harvard University. He died 10 May 2002.

Brussels Ii Conference On 'supporting The Future Of Syria And The Region': Co-chairs Declaration ; Council of the EU PRESS EN PRESS RELEASE 219/18 25/04/2018 Brussels II Conference on 'Supporting the future of Syria and the region': co-chairs declaration 1. The Second Brussels Conference on "Supporting the Future of Syria and the Region" took place on 24-25 April 2018. It was hosted by the European Union and co-chaired by the United Nations. 2. One year after Brussels I, and following the previous three pledging conferences in Kuwait as well as the London Conference in 2016, the Conference renewed and strengthened the political, humanitarian and financial commitment of the international community to support the Syrian people, the neighbouring countries, and the communities most affected by the conflict. Brussels II brought together 86 delegations including 57 States, 10 representatives of regional organisations and International Financial Institutions (IFIs) as well as 19 UN agencies. More than 250 Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) were also associated throughout the preparations and the two days of the Conference. 3. The former co-chairs of Brussels I: Germany, Kuwait, Norway, Qatar and the United Kingdom (UK) brought substantial input to the preparations and the proceedings of the Conference. Jordan and Lebanon were closely associated, in a spirit of partnership and in full acknowledgement of their tremendous efforts since the beginning of the Syrian conflict. Turkey also provided important contributions, both as the country hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees and as a key regional actor. 4. Civil society and NGOs were very closely and substantially associated to Brussels II and its preparations, including through extensive consultations with NGOs implementing humanitarian and resilience programmes in the region. The first day of the Conference was devoted to a high-level dialogue with representatives from 164 NGOs, including 15 from Syria and 72 from the three main refugee-hosting countries. 5. In addition, Syrian Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) from across Syria and neighbouring countries discussed their role in the future of Syria in a closed-door side event undertaken by the EU and the Office for the Special Envoy for Syria. The CSOs' views were further presented during the ministerial plenary on 25 April. The international community, and the EU in particular, will continue to work with Syrian civil society as essential stakeholders towards reaching a peaceful solution to the conflict and in its legitimate aspirations to contribute to the country's future. 6. Syria's artistic community was also given prominence through a string of cultural events, including a Syrian art space, "Tourab", that ran for ten days in central Brussels around the dates of the Conference. These events were meant as a tribute to the remarkable individual efforts of the Syrians since the start of the conflict. 7. The Conference reaffirmed that only an inclusive, comprehensive and genuine political solution in accordance with UNSCR 2254 and the Geneva Communiqué, that meets the legitimate aspirations of the Syrian people for dignity and freedom will ensure a sustainable end to the Syrian conflict, prevent regional escalation and a return of ISIL/Da'esh, and guarantee a peaceful and prosperous future for Syria and the region. It reiterated the international community's commitment to Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity, and safety and security for all citizens. Participants stressed the importance of women's engagement in the political process, including through their adequate representation within the delegations of parties to the conflict. 8. The humanitarian and resilience needs of people inside Syria and in the region remain enormous. Current UN appeals are severely underfunded. In 2018, the UN-coordinated appeal for Syria requests to cover assistance and protection needs inside Syria amounts to US$ 3.51 billion. In addition, through the Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan (3RP), an appeal of US$ 5.6 billion, inclusive of US$ 1.2 billion already committed, is required to support refugee and host community humanitarian and resilience related assistance in Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt. 9. The Conference acknowledged the continuing generosity of neighbouring host countries and their communities in providing refuge to millions of displaced people. Participants pledged, for both Syria and the region, $ 4.4 billion (€ 3.5 billion) for 2018, as well as multi-year pledges of $ 3.4 billion (€ 2.7 billion) for 2019-2020. In addition, some international financial institutions and donors announced around $ 21.2 billion (€17.2 billion) in loans, of which elements are on concessional terms. The Conference noted that pledges made at Brussels I in 2017 had been largely fulfilled, and in some cases exceeded. Co-chairs and main donors agreed to widen the resource base and ensure greater predictability, coherence and effectiveness of the aid. The attached fundraising annex sets out the pledges made at this Conference. Political 10. The Conference expressed its strong support for the work of the UN Special Envoy for Syria in his mandate to facilitate the political process, with a view to a lasting political settlement based on the Geneva Communiqué and the full implementation of relevant UNSC Resolutions, including UNSCR 2254 (2015). It welcomed the twelve "Living Intra-Syrian essential principles" developed as commonalities in the Geneva process, offering a perspective of a vision of a future Syria that can be shared by all. It also welcomed the parameters on the constitutional and electoral baskets and the importance of a safe, calm and neutral environment, as outlined by the UN Special Envoy for Syria in his Security Council Briefing on 19 December 2017. Participants gave their full support to the Special Envoy's efforts to facilitate, in consultation with all concerned, the implementation of the Sochi Final Statement (as circulated to the Security Council on 14 February 2018) for the establishment of a Constitutional Committee for Syria in Geneva, under UN auspices and in accordance with UNSCR 2254 (2015). 11. The Conference reiterated the importance of preventing and combating terrorism in Syria in accordance with relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions. They took note of considerable progress in military operations to combat ISIL/Da'esh since the last Brussels Conference, while underscoring the continuing need to combat terrorism in accordance with international law. Efforts to combat terrorism do not supersede other obligations under international law 12. The co-chairs expressed their strong condemnation of the use of chemical weapons by any party to the conflict and under any circumstances. Their use is abhorrent and a clear violation of international law. It is very important that any alleged use be followed by an impartial, independent and effective investigation. Ensuring accountability for the use of chemical weapons is our responsibility, not least to the victims of such attacks. Co-chairs called upon all participants to use their influence to prevent any further use of chemical weapons. Humanitarian 13. Violence and human suffering have increased in Syria, with military escalation by parties to the conflict further increasing to an alarming extent in 2018. The civilian population has continued to endure the bulk of the suffering caused by the conflict, including severe, constant and blatant violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and human rights law, in particular: deliberate and indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, reported and ongoing use of chemical weapons, forced displacement, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, and torture, including sexual exploitation and abuse and gender-based violence. More than 12 million people have now been displaced, including more than 5.6 million refugees hosted in neighbouring countries and 6.6 million displaced inside Syria. Nearly 13.1 million people, almost half of whom are children, urgently need humanitarian assistance and protection inside the country. 14. The co-chairs, together with all participants, reiterated their appreciation for Kuwait's and Sweden's efforts in drafting UNSC Resolution 2401 (2018) and called for its immediate and full implementation, as well as all other relevant resolutions on Syria. They urged all parties to the conflict to strictly adhere to their obligations under IHL. Attacks against civilians, humanitarian workers as well as any civilian infrastructure, particularly health facilities and schools, violate the most basic human rights, may amount to war crimes under international law, and must stop without delay. They also requested that humanitarian mine action programming be accelerated as a matter of urgency. 15. The Conference reconfirmed the importance of delivering needs-based humanitarian assistance to all civilians, in line with humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence. Participants stressed the critical link between protection and access. They called for unconditional, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian access through the most direct routes, including to the 2.3 million people still living in besieged and hard-to-reach areas across Syria through all aid modalities: cross-line, cross-border and regular programme, in line with UNSC Resolution 2393 (2017). 16. Particular concerns were noted over the escalation of fighting and dramatic humanitarian situation still faced by civilians in many parts of Syria. The Conference stressed the need to ensure that any evacuation of civilians must be safe, informed, temporary, voluntary in nature and a solution of last resort including the destination of their choice, the right to return and the choice to stay, as per IHL. All efforts should be made to ensure the unconditional medical evacuation of those in need of urgent medical treatment. Denials of medical supplies and of access to healthcare are violations of international law and should be stopped at once. The systematic removal of life-saving medical items from humanitarian convoys is unacceptable and needs to be addressed once and for all. 17. Participants agreed that present conditions are not conducive for voluntary repatriation in safety and dignity. Significant risks remain for civilians across the country as the situation remains characterised by continued fighting and displacement, with 2.6 million people displaced in 2017 alone. Conditions for returns, as defined by the UNHCR and according to international refugee law standards, are not yet fulfilled. Any organised return should be voluntary and in safety and dignity. Regional/development 18. The international community acknowledged and commended the huge efforts made by the neighbouring countries and their citizens, in particular Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey, as well as Iraq and Egypt, in hosting millions of refugees from Syria. Participants recognised the deepening vulnerability of Syrian refugees, Palestinian refugees from Syria and host communities, which should be addressed through sustained humanitarian and resilience support. 19. Participants committed to remaining fully engaged, in a spirit of partnership, in supporting neighbouring countries to address the challenges they face. Substantial progress has been made by governments, donors and the UN in implementing the commitments undertaken in London in 2016 and in Brussels in 2017, including through the EU Compacts with Jordan and Lebanon. However, more should be done to ensure the continued and effective protection of refugees against risks of forced evictions and returns and improvement of their legal residency status. 20. While the countries of the region continue to face enormous humanitarian challenges, the Conference agreed that increased focus is required to support reform and longer-term development in a sustainable manner. It remains critical to support health and education, economic development, job creation and integration into labour markets, for both host communities and refugees, especially vulnerable groups such as women and youth. The Conference underlined the essential need to reach all children and young people, who will one day have a key role in the recovery and rebuilding of the region, with quality education and skills training. It expressed support for targeted resilience programming and an increase in allocations to women and girls. Extremely vulnerable refugees and host communities will continue to require support through cash assistance and enhanced social protection mechanisms. Resettlement was recognised as an essential protection tool for refugees with heightened protection risks and its importance was highlighted, together with other legal pathways, in offering safe and dignified access to safety beyond the immediate region. 21. The Conference welcomed the Lebanese Government's Vision for Stabilisation, Growth and Employment including the Capital Investment Programme together with its commitment to establish a timetable for reforms that were presented in Paris on 6 April 2018, whose implementation and follow-up with the support of the international community is critical. The Conference also welcomed the Rome II ministerial meeting in support of Lebanon's armed and internal security forces that was held on 15 March 2018. 22. The Conference equally welcomed the fiscal and structural reforms that are being implemented by the Jordanian Government in a difficult economic environment, with a view to ensuring fiscal sustainability and improving the investment climate in line with the "Jordan 2025" vision document and with the Economic Growth Plan for 2018-22. The Conference also welcomed the UK's intention to host an international Conference with Jordan in London later this year to showcase Jordan's economic reform plans, its aspiration to build/enable a thriving private sector, and mobilise support from international investors and donors. 23. The Conference commended the Turkish Government for its generous and large-scale efforts in hosting millions of Syrian refugees and integrating them into national services, including health, education, employment and other municipal and social services. Joint frameworks have been established with the international community under programmes such as the EU Facility for Refugees in Turkey and the UN Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan 2017-2018. Addressing the protracted refugee situation will require continued co-operation along those lines. 24. Participants committed to supporting further investments to foster inclusive economic growth and social development in Lebanon and Jordan, including through concessional financing, blending of grants with loans and the use of the EU External Investment Plan in cooperation with the support of European Financial Institutions and the private sector. They commended the efforts made by host countries to open access to education, water and sanitation and health services and encouraged further progress. Investment in infrastructure and in human capital is necessary to improve the quality of services and will continue to be supported. Participants also noted the importance of vocational training for refugees and host communities, closely aligned with private sector labour needs. Protection measures, in particular the provision of legal residency, should be reinforced. 25. Inside Syria, support to inclusive and accountable service delivery and to livelihood opportunities for the affected populations, particularly women and youth, should continue while ensuring that it does not condone, or indirectly entrench, social and demographic engineering as a result of forced displacement and intentional creation of obstacles to return. Work will address needs related to safe and equal access to civil documentation, housing and property rights to ensure that the rights of Syrians are protected and that those displaced are provided the basic conditions to be able to return to their homes in a dignified, safe and voluntary way when conditions allow. It is also important to support Syrian civil society, social cohesion/dialogue and seek to promote accountability and transitional justice. Funding decisions shall be conflict-sensitive and shall in no way benefit or assist parties who have allegedly committed war crimes or crimes against humanity. The UN reiterated that its Parameters and Principles for UN assistance in Syria will guide UN assistance beyond emergency life-saving aid in Syria. Future steps 26. The EU and the UN committed to tracking the commitments made during the Conference and reporting regularly on their delivery, including through reviews at key international events during the year. 27. Donor countries present at the Conference reiterated that reconstruction and international support for its implementation will only be possible once a credible political solution, consistent with UNSCR 2254 and the Geneva Communiqué, is firmly underway. A successful reconstruction process also requires minimal conditions for stability and inclusiveness, a democratic and inclusive government, an agreed development strategy, reliable and legitimate interlocutors as well as guarantees in terms of funding accountability. None of these conditions are fulfilled in Syria. In the meantime, participants agreed to regularly review post-agreement plans, including those produced by the UN-led post-agreement planning process initiated by the 2016 London Conference on Syria. 28. Participants also called upon all parties to release all persons who are arbitrarily detained, in line with UNSC Resolutions 2254 (2015) and 2268 (2016). Access to all detention facilities should be granted to independent monitors and information provided on cases of forced disappearances. Ongoing work on the release of detainees and abductees by all parties is valuable and can help build confidence between them. Participants expressed support to the UN proposal for a Standing Secretariat under UN auspices, recently proposed to support the working group formed by the Astana guarantors. 29. Finally, participants recalled that transitional justice and accountability are required for sustainable peace and an inherent part in any meaningful process of reconciliation. War crimes and violations of international humanitarian law and human rights abuses need to be investigated. Any entities and individuals guilty of such violations, including the use of chemical weapons, must be held accountable. The co-chairs commended the role of the Commission of Inquiry and welcomed progress in the work of the International Independent and Impartial Mechanism (IIIM) and called for continuous efforts to ensure the necessary means for its functioning. They called for the situation in Syria to be referred to the ICC. Annex - Fundraising - Supporting the future of Syria and the region Annex - Situation inside Syria Annex - Jordan partnership paper Annex - Lebanon partnership paper Annex - Turkey partnership paper Press office - General Secretariat of the Council Rue de la Loi 175 - B-1048 BRUSSELS - Tel.: +32 (0)2 281 6319 press.office@consilium.europa.eu - www.consilium.europa.eu/press

ÖZET'Milletlerarası Özel Hukuk Teorileri Işığı Altında Şirketlerin Yerleşim Serbestisi' adındaki bu çalışmada, Avrupa Topluluğu Antlaşmasının 43. ve 48. maddeleri arasında düzenlenen yerleşim serbestisinin şirketler bakımından uygulanışı ve bu serbesti ile üye devletlerin iç hukuklarına dahil olan kanunlar ihtilafı kurallarının ilişkisi incelenmektedir. Çalışmanın amacı, üye devletlerin merkezi kendi ülkelerinde bulunan yabancı şirketlere uygulanacak hukukun tespiti için başvurdukları milletlerarası özel hukuk teorilerinin, şirketlerin Avrupa Topluluğu Antlaşması ile garanti altına alınan yerleşim serbestisinden faydalanması bakımından bir kısıtlama oluşturup oluşturmadığını tespit etmektir.Avrupa Birliği içersinde üye devletlerin merkezi kendi topraklarında bulunan yabancı şirketlere uygulanacak hukukun tespiti için kullandıkları iki temel teori bulunmaktadır. Bunlardan biri, şirkete idare merkezinin bulunduğu yerin hukukunun uygulanmasını öngören 'Gerçek Merkez Teorisi'; diğeri ise, şirketin idare merkezinin nerede bulunduğunu hesaba katmaksızın kuruluş yeri hukukunun uygulanmasını öngören 'Kuruluş Yeri Teorisi'dir. Diğer yandan Avrupa Topluluğu Antlaşmasının 48. maddesi, geçiş döneminin tamamlanması ile birlikte doğrudan uygulanabilirlik kazanan ve belirsiz bir süre için bir başka üye devlette sabit bir yerleşme ile gerçek bir ekonomik faaliyette bulunmayı kapsayan yerleşim serbestisinin şirketlere de uygulanmasını öngörmektedir. Belirtmek gerekir ki, Avrupa Topluluğu Adalet Divanının yerleşmiş içtihatları uyarınca söz konusu yerleşim serbestisi sadece vatandaşlığa dayalı ayrımcılık içeren düzenlemeleri değil, aynı zamanda temel özgürlüğün uygulanmasını engelleyen ya da daha az çekici hale getiren her türlü düzenlemeyi kapsamaktadır.Bu çalışmada üye devletlerde uygulanan milletlerarası özel hukuk teorileri ve Avrupa Topluluğu Antlaşması ile düzenlenen yerleşim serbestisi incelenip, gerçek merkez teorisinin Avrupa Topluluğu Adalet Divanının son yıllardaki içtihatlarında ortaya konulduğu gibi şirketlerin yerleşim serbestisi aleyhine bir kısıtlama oluşturup oluşturmadığı değerlendirilecektir. ABSTRACTThis research with the title 'Freedom of Establishment of Companies in the Light of Private International Law Theories' explores the exercise of freedom of establishment by companies as provided under the articles 43 to 48 of the EC Treaty and the relationship between this fundamental freedom and the conflict of laws rules, which originate from the internal laws of the Member States. The goal of this research is to determine whether the private international law theories, which the Member States apply in order to ascertain the applicable law to a foreign company, the control center of which is located within their territories, constitute a restriction to companies' freedom of establishment guaranteed by the EC Treaty. In the European Union there are two major theories, which the Member States make use of when determining the proper law of a foreign company. One of those theories is the 'real seat theory', which envisages the application of the law of the state, in which the company's centre of administration is located. The other mainstream theory is the incorporation theory, which, regardless of where the company's centre of administration is located, regards the place of incorporation for ascertaining the applicable law. On the other hand, Article 48 of the EC Treaty provides that the freedom of establishment, which comprises the genuine economic activities through a fixed establishment for an indefinite period and is directly applicable since the expiration of the transitional period, also applies to the companies. It must also be mentioned that in accordance with the established case law of the European Court of Justice, freedom of establishment covers not only the prohibition of discriminatory measures based on nationality, but also the ones that hamper the exercise of this fundamental freedom or make it less attractive. In this research, the relationship between the private international law theories applied by the Member States and the freedom of establishment regulated under the EC Treaty will be investigated and it will be examined whether the real seat theory obstructs the exercise of freedom of establishment as set forth by the recent case law of the ECJ.

Desde el fin de la última dictadura militar (1976-1983) hasta la actualidad, se han implementado en Argentina una serie de medidas transicionales de carácter retributivo (como los Juicios a las Juntas Militares o los Juicios por Delitos de Lesa Humanidad que se desarrollan en la actualidad) y restaurativo (como las peticiones públicas de perdón por agentes o representantes del Estado). Estas medidas, acompañadas por otras basadas en el derecho a la verdad, se supone que, a nivel microsocial, ayudan a dignificar a las víctimas de las violaciones a los derechos humanos y, a nivel macrosocial, permiten avanzar en la construcción de una historia integradora, la recuperación de la confianza intergrupal e incluso inician procesos de reconciliación en el tejido social. Este artículo explora el conocimiento, valoración, impacto emocional y eficacia percibida en una muestra de población argentina (N=477), teniéndose en cuenta el nivel de exposición a la violencia y la ideología de las personas entrevistadas. De los resultados se desprende que la información disponible sobre las medidas retributivas y restaurativas es baja, y que este conocimiento desciende entre la población no afectada y en las personas que se posicionan ideológicamente hacia la derecha. La aprobación y percepción de eficacia e impacto emocional de las medidas retributivas son en general positivas, aunque también varían en función de estas variables. La eficacia de las medidas restaurativas es más limitada y la reconciliación, que se considera algo deseable, depende fundamentalmente de la aplicación de justicia y castigo a los responsables de la violencia. ; Since the end of the last military dictatorship (1976/1983) to the present, Argentina has implemented a series of transitional measures of remunerative type (such as the Judgments to the Military Junta or judgments against humanity's crimes taking place today) and restorative type (as public petitions for forgiveness by agents or State's representatives). These measures, along with others based on the right to truth, are assumed that in a micro-social level, help to dignify the victims of human rights violations and, at the macro-social level, allow progress in the construction of an inclusive history, the recovery of intergroup trust and even initiate intergroup reconciliation processes in (the social society). This article explores the knowledge, appreciation, emotional impact and perceives efficiency in a sample of argentine population (N=477), taking into account the level of exposure to violence and the ideological positioning of participants. From results it is clear that the available information about the remunerative and restorative measures is low, and this knowledge descends between the not affected population and in those ideologically self-positioned towards the right. The approval, perceived effectiveness and emotional impact of the remunerative measures are generally positive, though they change depending on these variables. The efficiency of the restorative measures is more limited and the reconciliation, which is considered desirable, depends primarily on the application of justice and punishment for those responsible for the violence. ; Fil: Arnoso, M. Universidad del País Vasco; España ; Fil: Muratori, Marcela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina ; Fil: Bombelli, Juan Ignacio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Adventista del Plata. Facultad de Ciencias de la Salud; Argentina ; Fil: Zubieta, Elena Mercedes. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

DOI:10.1590/2179-8966/2022/65135 ApresentaçãoMarço 2022 Nossas saudações a todas e todos! Seguimos firmes na esperança de que 2022 seja um ano de mudanças e melhoras na situação do mundo e, particularmente, do Brasil! Aqui, apresentamos o primeiro número do volume 13, do ano de 2022, da Revista Direito e Práxis! Como de costume, trazemos novos manuscritos em todas as nossas seções: artigos inéditos, dossiê, resenhas e traduções! O tema da Covid 19, como não poderia deixar de ser, segue presente, com trabalhos que analisam a pandemia nas suas diferentes conexões: recessão democrática, plataformas digitais e medidas emergenciais. Questões e dilemas político-jurídicos aparecem em artigos que analisam processos de lutas por direitos e, em última instância, da própria democracia. Num contexto mais amplo temos uma revisão crítica do constitucionalismo de 1988, já em contextos mais específicos os artigos trazem estudos consistentes, também de natureza crítica, sobre a questão racial, da violência contra a mulher, do direito à desconexão no mundo do trabalho, do reconhecimento de pessoas trans, da luta parlamentar por direitos dos ciganos. A questão da justiça de transição aparece em abordagens no âmbito dos cenários brasileiro e equatoriano. Questões e políticas de genêro também estão presentes tanto numa abordagem a partir do pluralismo jurídico e do pensamento descolonial quanto numa abordagem institucional do Poder Judiciário. Por fim, a questão da alteridade em sua dimensão política e usos pragmáticos. Sem dúvida, a leitora e o leitor poderão se confrontar com trabalhos provocativos e estimulantes em diferentes perspectivas. No primeiro Dossiê do ano de 2022, organizado cuidadosamente pelas editoras convidadas Carina Calabria e Flavianne Nóbrega, ambas da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, trazemos uma discussão tão importante quanto urgente a respeito da questão indígena, seja por meio de estudos que relatam e denunciam o desrespeito e a violação de direitos, seja por meio de estudos que buscam os mecanismos para a garantia de direitos desses povos originários. São feitas importantes conexões não apenas com o direito, mas também com a antropologia, a sociologia e a política. Questões do bem-viver e de um outro referencial antropológoco nos ajudam a pensar fora dos parâmetros da modernidade colonial e eurocêntrica. Nessa mesma perspectiva segue a tradução do artigo "Escrevendo Além das Distinções" e a resenha do livro Xukuru: memórias e história dos índios da Serra de Ororubá. Como sempre, agradecemos profundamente a todas e todos que contribuíram para mais essa edição da Revista: autoras e autores, tradutoras e tradutores, editoras convidadas. É desse trabalho colaborativo que é feito nossa Revista! Relembramos que as políticas editoriais para as diferentes seções da Revista podem ser acessadas em nossa página e que as submissões são permanentes e sempre bem-vindas! Agradecemos, como sempre, às autoras e aos autores, avaliadoras e avaliadores e colaboradoras e colaboradores pela confiança depositada em nossa publicação. Boa Leitura! Equipe Direito e Práxis***EditorialMarch 2022 Our greetings to all of you! Despite the new conflict in the Ukraine, we stand firm in the hope that 2022 will be a year of changes and improvements in the world situation, and particularly in Brazil! Here we would like to announce the first issue of 2022 of the Journal Law and Praxis (v. 13)! As usual, we bring new manuscripts in all our sections: unpublished articles, dossier, reviews, and translations!The theme of Covid 19, as it could not be otherwise, is still present, with papers that analyze the pandemic in its different connections: democratic recession, digital platforms, and emergency measures. Political-legal issues and dilemmas appear in articles that analyze processes of struggles for rights and, ultimately, democracy itself. In a broader context we have a critical review of constitutionalism of 1988, already in more specific contexts the articles bring consistent studies, also of critical nature, on the issue of race, violence against women, the "right to disconnection" in the world of work, the recognition of transgender people, the parliamentary struggle for rights of the Roma. The issue of transitional justice appears in approaches within the Brazilian and Ecuadorian scenarios. Gender issues and policies are also present both in an approach from legal pluralism and decolonial thinking and in an institutional approach to the Judiciary. Finally, the issue of otherness in its political dimension and pragmatic uses. Undoubtedly, the reader will be confronted with provocative and stimulating works from different perspectives.In the first Dossier of the year 2022, carefully organized by the guest editors Carina Calabria and Flavianne Nóbrega, both from the Federal University of Pernambuco, we bring a discussion as important as it is urgent regarding the indigenous issue, whether through studies that report and denounce the disrespect and violation of rights, or through studies that seek mechanisms to guarantee the rights of these original peoples. Important connections are made not only with law, but also with anthropology, sociology, and politics. Questions of good life and of a different anthropological referential help us to think outside the parameters of colonial and Eurocentric modernity. In this same perspective follow the translation of the article "Writing Beyond Distinctions" and the review of the book Xukuru: Memories and History of the Indians of the Serra de Ororubá.As always, we warmly thank everyone who contributed to this issue of the Journal: authors, translators, and guest editors. It is from this collaborative work that our journal is made! We remind you that the editorial policies for the different sections of the journal can be accessed on our website and that submissions are permanent and always welcome! We thank, as always, the authors, reviewers and reviewers, and collaborators for the trust placed in our publication. Enjoy your reading! Direito e Práxis Team***PresentaciónMarzo 2022 ¡Saludos a todos y todas! ¡Seguimos firmes en la esperanza de que 2022 sea un año de cambios y mejoras en la situación del mundo y, en particular, de Brasil! ¡Aquí presentamos el primer número del volumen 13, del año 2022, de la Revista Direito e Práxis! Como siempre, traemos nuevos manuscritos en todas nuestras secciones: artículos inéditos, dossier, reseñas y traducciones.El tema de Covid 19, como no podía ser de otra manera, sigue presente, con trabajos que analizan la pandemia en sus diferentes conexiones: recesión democrática, plataformas digitales y medidas de emergencia. Las cuestiones y dilemas político-jurídicos aparecen en artículos que analizan los procesos de lucha por los derechos y, en definitiva, la propia democracia. En un contexto más amplio tenemos una revisión crítica del constitucionalismo de 1988, ya en contextos más específicos los artículos aportan estudios consistentes, también de carácter crítico, sobre la cuestión de la raza, la violencia contra las mujeres, el derecho a la desconexión en el mundo del trabajo, el reconocimiento de las personas trans, la lucha parlamentaria por los derechos de los gitanos. La cuestión de la justicia transicional aparece en los planteamientos de los escenarios brasileño y ecuatoriano. Las cuestiones y políticas de género también están presentes tanto en un enfoque basado en el pluralismo jurídico y el pensamiento decolonial como en un enfoque institucional del poder judicial. Por último, la cuestión de la alteridad en su dimensión política y sus usos pragmáticos. Sin duda, el lector se encontrará con obras provocadoras y estimulantes desde diferentes perspectivas. En el primer Dossier del año 2022, cuidadosamente organizado por las editoras invitadas Carina Calabria y Flavianne Nóbrega, ambas de la Universidad Federal de Pernambuco, traemos una discusión tan importante como urgente sobre la cuestión indígena, ya sea a través de estudios que informan y denuncian la falta de respeto y la violación de derechos, o a través de estudios que buscan mecanismos para garantizar los derechos de estos pueblos originarios. Se establecen importantes conexiones no sólo con el derecho, sino también con la antropología, la sociología y la política. Las cuestiones del buen vivir y de otro referencial antropológico nos ayudan a pensar fuera de los parámetros de la modernidad colonial y eurocéntrica. En esta misma perspectiva sigue la traducción del artículo "Escribir más allá de las distinciones" y la reseña del libro Xukuru: memorias e historia de los indios de la Serra de Ororubá.Como siempre, agradecemos profundamente a todos los que han contribuido a este número de la revista: autores, traductores y editores invitados. ¡De este trabajo de colaboración está hecha nuestra Revista! Le recordamos que las políticas editoriales de las distintas secciones de la revista pueden consultarse en nuestra página web y que los envíos son permanentes y siempre bienvenidos. Agradecemos, como siempre, a los autores y autoras, revisores y revisoras, y a los colaboradores y a las colaboradoras la confianza depositada en nuestra publicación. ¡Buena lectura! Equipo Direito e Práxis

Although various pieces of European secondary law law use the terms "mise en concurrence" ("calling for competition" or "competitive tendering procedure") they provide no definition of the expression "obligation de mise en concurrence" ("obligation to call for competition"). At the very beginning, the author therefore defines what is meant thereby in his thesis, i.e. "a more or less formalized action which a public or a private person has to follow in order to provoke a competition or a contest between potentially interested persons that perform an economic activity, in order to grant an individual advantage to one or several of them". The first part of the work deals with the regime of competitive tendering of the public procurement directives which the Court of Justice has considered "as a whole" to be the "core" of European law on public contracts. First, this part examins the development of the public procurement directives from 1971 on. The author shows that the puzzling evolution of the personal scope of the public procurement directives is guided by the personal scope of European primary law. While considering the remedies directives, the author examines to what extent they introduce requirements beyond the principle of effective judicial protection. While some of their requirements obviously do so, the remedies directives however remain very far from standardizing the means of redress at national level. Due to the member States' judicial autonomy, the compelling force of EU primary law differs from one member State to another. The same applies within the scope of the remedies directives as they let the member States a large degree of autonomy. The author then turns to examine the contribution of the procurement directives 2004/17/CE, 2004/18/CE and 2009/81/CE, their scope of application, as well as the concepts of public works concession and service concession. Various other questions are dealt with in the first part, such as the use of functional interpretation, the power of the European legislator to adopt regulations on public procurement and the impact of the Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA), the Revised GPA and other international agreements. At last the author explores the issue of electronic procurement and the Commission's proposals for replacing the public procurement directives 2004/17/CE and 2004/18/CE and its proposal concerning the award of concession contracts. The second part of of the thesis focuses on primary public procurement law. After having described the origin of the obligation to call for competition under EU primary law which the Court of Justice derives from articles 49 and 56 TFEU as well as from the principles of equal treatment and non-discrimination on the grounds of nationality, the author strives to determine whether this obligation is well-founded. This examination brings to light that the rationale behind the requirement to call for competition under EU primary law is rather fragile. Amongst others, the author comes to the conclusion that the condition of a certain cross-border interest of each public contract individually as a condition for the application of the primary law obligation to call for competition lacks relevance The author then reviews and examines other possible bases for an obligation to call for competition under EU primary law such as the right to good administration, the freedom of enterprise and the right to property, which are protected by the Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the rights guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights. Finally, it seems that only article 102 TFEU (abuse of a dominant position) could to a limited extent give rise to an obligation to call for competition. However, once a situation is governed by EU secondary law, it enters the scope of European law. Hence, the principles of equal treatment and of non-discrimination on the grounds of nationality apply even if a situation involves no cross-border interest. If the Court of justice's case law were followed consistently, these principes should lead to require calls for competition in a number of purely internal situations. According to the author, deducing as precise consequences as does the Court of justice from the principal of equal treatment and other fundemental principles can hardly be justified. After that examination, the material rules of public procurement primary law stated by the Court of Justice and the General Court are successively reviewed. The pages that follow are about the exceptions to the obligation to call for competition under the public procurement directives and under primary law, as for instance articles 51 and 52 TFEU, overriding reasons of general interest and article 106, paragraph 2, TFEU. The author thereafter addresses the question whether primary law applies within the scope of secondary law. He comes to the conclusion that it does even when secondary law represents an exhaustive body of rules. Notwithstanding some ambiguous judgements of the Court of justice there is no support for the doctrine of priority of application of secondary law in the Court's case law. In what follows, the author tries to answer the question whether, in order to stay consistent with the case law developed in the wake of Telaustria, the obligation to call for competition which the case law of the Court of Justice requires for public works, service and supply contracts ought to be extended to other operations (sale or lease of real estate, design contests outside the scope of the public procurement directives, employment contracts, subsidised contracts awarded by private entities outside the scope of the public procurement directives, grants, …). The end of the second part deals with the personal scope of the primary law of public procurement which corresponds to that of EU primary law. The rules concerning State aid are addressed in detail in the third part of the thesis. The examination in that part shows that the public procurement directives, the primary law of public procurement and the EU state aid rules apply cumulatively. The EU State aid rules require efficency when awarding public contracts. Nevertheless, in order to avoid the categorization as State aid, a call for competition is never formally required. The Commission however insists on calls for competition in order to declare certain aids compatible with the internal market. Aids include by definition an advantage for their recipients. This remains true even though an aid has been authorised by the Commission pursuant to article 107, paragraphe 3, TFEU. Given the very broad scope the Court of Justice gives to the freedom of establishment and the free movement of services, aid measures give generally rise to obstacles to the freedom of establishment and the free movement of services. At the risk of rendering article 107, paragraph 3, TFEU unnecessary, the fact that an aid measure impedes the fundamental freedoms of the internal market should therefore not prevent the Commission to declare it compatible with the internal market. This applies in particular to aids consisting in the award of a public contract that is covered only by EU primary law. That solution seems however excluded for public contracts within the scope of the public procurement directives. The Commission has adopted a broad concept of what is an "advantage" in the sense of the State aid rules. This leads the Commission to consider certain grants for environmental protection as State aid measures even though it may be difficult to dectect any kind of advantage. The Commission claims to control these measures in accordance with the rules of State aid control. On that occasion the Commission tends to make its consent subject to a call for competition in order to identify the projects that will be subsidized. A broad approach of the concept of undertaking leads to class as State aid various public infrastructure investments insofar they do not satisfy the private investor test. The Commission tends to make its consent to these investments subject to calls for competition. Such is notably the case regarding public investments in broadband network facilities. In the fourth part, the author examines a variety of secondary legislation imposing calls for competition other than the public procurement directives. These texts cover a wide range of areas and provide for competitive awards of various form and diverse content. Sometimes a requirement for competitive tendering is overtly expressed. At other times, it is implicit, indirect or just inchoate. Some advantages are awarded without a genuine competition or without any competition at all. Directive 2012/34/CE establishing a single European railway area for instance sets principles for the allocation of "infrastructure capacity" (i.e the right to use a railway network). It does not employ such terms as "calling for competition". Where the infrastructure capacity is insufficient it has to be allocated in a fair and non discriminatory manner. The fee for using the railway network cannot be used as an award criterion. In some areas, competition in terms of price is the very basis of the system. This is true for the greenhouse gas emissions trading scheme. It happens that competitive assignment occurs incidentally and in a non compulsory way as in the case of the milk quota regime. In other cases, e.g. certain situations covered by the internal electricity market regime, the system excludes calls for competition whereas they should be required according to primary procurement law principles. Under still other circumstances, i.e. the award of public service contracts for public passenger transport services, competitive tendering only needs to be strictly complied with after a transitional period. This can hardly be reconciled with the principles of primary procurement law. In some cases the rules in place are such, for example when awarding the universal postal service, that it seems doubtful that a competitive bidding following objective and transparent criteria is really possible. The European greenhouse gas emissions trading scheme relies on auctions for the allocation of gaz emission authorisations. At first, it does so to a limited extent. Such authorisations, called "allowances", are freely transferable. Thus a reallocation of allowances according to market mechanismes is made possible. The author sheds light on some major inconsistencies of the greenhouse gas emission trading scheme. The late deadline for surrendering allowances gives rise for several years to a surplus of allowances over the greenhouse gas emissions considered in the scheme. On the other hand, the costs for same amounts of greenhouse gas emitted at the same time may vary. This gives rise to a problem of equality. The author comes to the conclusion that the scheme has little capacity to reach the objective of reducing greenhouse gas emissions at least cost to the economy. The designation of the universal postal service providers implies to lay down rules as to how the net cost of the universal service is to be calculated, as well as to define appropriate award criteria. These steps face considerable difficulties. A similar situation can be found in other areas such as electronic communications and electricity or natural gas transmission or distribution systems. In the latter case, the risk of a change of transmission or distribution tariffs due to decisions of national regulatory authorities leaves the competitors in the dark on a crucial point. The legislation regarding the internal electricity market and the internal gaz market puts the transmission and distribution system operators in a position very similar to that of service or public works concession holders. In some cases the principles which underlie these schemes exclude competitive tendering as required by primary procurement law. The networks being freely transferable, ownership of networks and hence, in principle, their operators are determined by private market mechanismes mainly through the level of the proposed sales price. This is not consistent with the principles of primary procurement law stated by the Court of Justice (advertising requirements, award criteria linked to the subject matter of the contract, .) . Neither does it seem compatible with these principles that the development of the networks belongs automatically to the transmission and distribution system operators. The assessment of conformity of secondary legislation with primary law is less strict than the conformity assessment of national law. The Court of Justice has allowed the European legislator a wide margin of discretion when establishing the internal market and seems to have tacitely acknowledged a form of conformity presumption of secondary law. Save in exceptional cases, it seems unlikely that the Court will put into question secondary law regimes differing from primary law procurement rules. Thus, the European legislator may adopt such solutions without incurring major legal risks.

Within the framework of negotiations between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU), a Protocol on Gibraltar was included in the Agreement on the Withdrawal of the UK from the EU, signed in January 2020. That Protocol makes reference to the four bilateral agreements or Anglo-Spanish Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) on citizens' rights, tobacco and other products, environmental cooperation and police and customs cooperation, with provision for the adoption of an international treaty on taxation and protection of financial interests.Withdrawal Agreement negotiations have implied a major shake-up in Anglo-Spanish relations concerning Gibraltar, as Spain is recognized as an essential role for the application of EU law to said territory. This position of negotiating strength is maintained since after leaving the UK the EU must reach an agreement on the future EU-UK Relations Treaty before the end of the transitional period in December 2020. Spain's relationship with the UK and Gibraltar is also conditioned by the express recognition given to the competent authorities (not only those of Gibraltar, but also those of the surrounding area) in the Memoranda of Understanding as well as in the Protocol on Gibraltar adopted by the EU and the UK.The object of this Study will be to analyse the consequences of Brexit for Gibraltar in relation to the following EU freedoms and policies, among others: Cross-border cooperation and economic, social and territorial cohesion: the creation of a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC)-Campo de Gibraltar/Gibraltar; Area of freedom, security and justice: police cooperation; Free movement of persons - frontier workers; Freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services and; Environmental cooperation. All these aspects are examined from a double perspective: with a 'hard Brexit' without an agreement, or with a Brexit with a UK-EU agreement. ; LAS CONSECUENCIAS DEL BREXIT PARA GIBRALTAR En el marco de las negociaciones entre el Reino Unido (RU) y la Unión Europea (UE), se incluyó en el Acuerdo sobre la Retirada del RU de la UE, firmado en enero de 2020, un Protocolo anexo sobre Gibraltar. En este aparecen referenciados los cuatro acuerdos bilaterales o Memorandos de Entendimiento hispano-británicos sobre derechos de los ciudadanos; tabaco y otros productos; cooperación en materia medioambiental; y cooperación policial y aduanera, previéndose la adopción de un Tratado Internacional sobre fiscalidad y protección de intereses financieros. La negociación del Acuerdo de Retirada ha supuesto un gran revulsivo en las relaciones entre España y el RU en relación con Gibraltar, al reconocerse a España un papel esencial para la aplicación del Derecho de la UE a dicho territorio. Esta posición de fortaleza negociadora se mantiene ya que tras abandonar el RU la UE debe llegarse a un acuerdo sobre el Tratado de relación futura UE-RU antes de que finalice el periodo transitorio en diciembre de 2020. La relación de España con RU y Gibraltar se ve también condicionada por el reconocimiento expreso que se hace a las autoridades competentes (no sólo a las de Gibraltar, sino también a las de la zona circundante) en los Memorandos de Entendimiento así como en el Protocolo sobre Gibraltar adoptado por la UE y el RU. Analizaremos en el presente estudio las consecuencias del Brexit para Gibraltar en relación, entre otras, con las siguientes libertades y políticas de la UE: Cooperación transfronteriza y Cohesión económica, social y territorial: la creación de una Agrupación Europea de Cooperación Territorial (AECT)-Campo de Gibraltar/Gibraltar; Espacio de Libertad, Seguridad y Justicia: la cooperación policial; Libre circulación de personas – los trabajadores fronterizos; Libre prestación de servicios y establecimiento y; Cooperación en materia de medio ambiente. Todos estos aspectos se analizan bajo una doble perspectiva: con un 'Brexit duro' y sin acuerdo, o con un Brexit con acuerdo RU-UE.

Within the framework of negotiations between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU), a Protocol on Gibraltar was included in the Agreement on the Withdrawal of the UK from the EU, signed in January 2020. That Protocol makes reference to the four bilateral agreements or Anglo-Spanish Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) on citizens' rights, tobacco and other products, environmental cooperation and police and customs cooperation, with provision for the adoption of an international treaty on taxation and protection of financial interests. Withdrawal Agreement negotiations have implied a major shake-up in Anglo-Spanish relations concerning Gibraltar, as Spain is recognized as an essential role for the application of EU law to said territory. This position of negotiating strength is maintained since after leaving the UK the EU must reach an agreement on the future EU-UK Relations Treaty before the end of the transitional period in December 2020. Spain's relationship with the UK and Gibraltar is also conditioned by the express recognition given to the competent authorities (not only those of Gibraltar, but also those of the surrounding area) in the Memoranda of Understanding as well as in the Protocol on Gibraltar adopted by the EU and the UK. The object of this Study will be to analyse the consequences of Brexit for Gibraltar in relation to the following EU freedoms and policies, among others: Cross-border cooperation and economic, social and territorial cohesion: the creation of a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC)-Campo de Gibraltar/Gibraltar; Area of freedom, security and justice: police cooperation; Free movement of persons - frontier workers; Freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services and; Environmental cooperation. All these aspects are examined from a double perspective: with a 'hard Brexit' without an agreement, or with a Brexit with a UK-EU agreement. ; En el marco de las negociaciones entre el Reino Unido (RU) y la Unión Europea (UE), se incluyó en el Acuerdo sobre la Retirada del RU de la UE, firmado en enero de 2020, un Protocolo anexo sobre Gibraltar. En este aparecen referenciados los cuatro acuerdos bilaterales o Memorandos de Entendimiento hispano-británicos sobre derechos de los ciudadanos; tabaco y otros productos; cooperación en materia medioambiental; y cooperación policial y aduanera, previéndose la adopción de un Tratado Internacional sobre fiscalidad y protección de intereses financieros. La negociación del Acuerdo de Retirada ha supuesto un gran revulsivo en las relaciones entre España y el RU en relación con Gibraltar, al reconocerse a España un papel esencial para la aplicación del Derecho de la UE a dicho territorio. Esta posición de fortaleza negociadora se mantiene ya que tras abandonar el RU la UE debe llegarse a un acuerdo sobre el Tratado de relación futura UE-RU antes de que finalice el periodo transitorio en diciembre de 2020. La relación de España con RU y Gibraltar se ve también condicionada por el reconocimiento expreso que se hace a las autoridades competentes (no sólo a las de Gibraltar, sino también a las de la zona circundante) en los Memorandos de Entendimiento así como en el Protocolo sobre Gibraltar adoptado por la UE y el RU. Analizaremos en el presente estudio las consecuencias del Brexit para Gibraltar en relación, entre otras, con las siguientes libertades y políticas de la UE: Cooperación transfronteriza y Cohesión económica, social y territorial: la creación de una Agrupación Europea de Cooperación Territorial (AECT)-Campo de Gibraltar/Gibraltar; Espacio de Libertad, Seguridad y Justicia: la cooperación policial; Libre circulación de personas – los trabajadores fronterizos; Libre prestación de servicios y establecimiento y; Cooperación en materia de medio ambiente. Todos estos aspectos se analizan bajo una doble perspectiva: con un 'Brexit duro' y sin acuerdo, o con un Brexit con acuerdo RUUE.