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"Presidential power is perhaps one of the most central issues in the study of the American presidency. Since Richard E. Neustadt's classic text, first published in 1960, there has not been a book that so thoroughly considers the subject. Presidential Power: Theories and Dilemmas by noted scholar John P. Burke provides an updated and comprehensive look at presidential power--past, present, and future. Burke examines and analyzes the core, underlying dilemma of presidential power--how presidents exert influence in our system of separate but shared powers--through the prism of the major theories of presidential power. These include Neustadt's classic theory of persuasion and bargaining, Samuel Kernell's "going public" theory, and the various cycles of historical time and internal time. Using illustrative examples from historical and contemporary presidencies, Burke illuminates and contextualizes these theories in a way that allows students to better understand how presidents exercise power over the legislative and policymaking processes to achieve their goals"--

"The execution of laws is more important than the making of them" : reconciling executive power with democracy -- Executive power and the Virginia executive -- Executive power and the constitution of 1787 -- "To place before mankind the common sense of the subject" : declarations of principle -- The real revolution of 1800 : Jefferson's transformation of the inaugural address -- To "produce a union of the powers of the whole" : Jefferson's transformation of the appointment and removal powers -- The Louisiana purchase -- To "complete their entire union of opinion" : the twelfth amendment as amendment to end all amendments -- "To bring their wills to a point of union and effect" : declarations and presidential speech -- Development and difficulties.

Current concern, especially from those on the 'left', is that governments have been 'marketised'. · "marketisation of government represents a form of cultural imperialism by a group of economists pushing a particular and no economic dogma" · Globalisation is also often viewed as the culprit, with governments being dictated to by international financial markets · Hence the desire of the protestors to in some unspecified way limit the power of those markets By contrast those on the 'right' are often critical that governments have not deregulated further · For example, unemployment and the inequality associated with unemployment, are attributed to the lack of labour market flexibility, and especially to a failure of relative wages to adjust to shifts in supply and demand Although they draw very different conclusions about the desirability of marketising government, both the left and the right tend to view markets as limiting the power of governments. What I want to suggest today is that the shift to marketisation often represents an attempt by governments to enhance or restore their power. Why is this so? The starting point is that the power of governments is being limited by multiple causes, but particularly by the unwillingness of the electorate to allow governments to rule by fiat. Governments have lost respect, trust and authority. More and more governments have been finding that regulations have presented an invitation to avoidance or evasion; and/or that the perverse incentives that regulations create means that they are not achieving their intended purpose, or at least are not efficiently achieving that purpose. In effect, my contention is that the marketisation of government is for the most part a pragmatic response to changing conditions. The means by which governments are seeking to achieve their objectives are changing, but the objectives and most importantly the values that underpin them are not changing radically. In sum, the marketisation of government should be seen as a pragmatic response by government, involving a change in the means of government intervention rather than in the amount or the intent. I will illustrate this thesis by referring to the changes that have been occurring in three areas of policy: · Macroeconomic policy · Microeconomic policy · Service delivery The questions we need to focus on are: 1. Where have governments made greater use of markets 2. Why 3. Has the marketisation of government increased or reduced their capacity to set and achieve their policy goals

Conceptul de putere și relațiile sale cu spațiul pot fi analizate din perspectiva așa numitor peisaje ale puterii. Articolul se concentreză pe Țara Hațegului, regiunea din sud-vestul Transilvaniei cunoscută pentru evoluția sa particulară din punct de vedere socio-politic. Absența unor importante intervenții maghiare alături de prezența unei puternici elite locale a generat un peisaj cultural specific. Regiunea este recunoscută pentru numărul mare de biserici medievale, fortărețe și conace care s-au conservat până în prezent. De-a lungul timpului, au fost întreprinse numeroase studii cu privire la locația, funcția și arhitectura acestor monumente. Articolul prezent cercetează localizarea și dinamica funcțiilor edificiilor și încercă să ofere o altă persectivă utilizând conceptul de peisaje ale puterii. Relația dintre oameni, spațiu și putere este regândită, analizând amprenta peisagistică a acestor structuri.

The question of diff's between 'real' power & 'perceived' power of a nation is raised. In order to explore whether both objective & subjective power can be measured quantitatively, 38 Canadian subjects, approximately equally divided among adults & students, men & women, with an mean/average age of 29, ranging from 15-61, were asked to list 122 nations 'in order of their power as they think of them.' The 10 most powerful nations were to be rated separately, the remainder into 4 groups of decreasing power. A number of stepwise multiple regression analyses were carried out with the scores obtained from responses. The results support the conclusion that perceived nat'l power is some function of gross nat'l product or military expenditure (in purchasing-power-equivalent dollars) if none of the nations rated has been at war recently. It is a function of military expenditure alone if warring nations are included in the rating. 8 Tables. M. Maxfield.

Consumers' participation in regulatory decision-making in infrastructure sectors can be critical to ensure effective regulatory governance. Providing avenues for enabling consumers' voice in the regulatory process expands the information base available to regulators in their decision-making, and is critical for ensuring sustainability of policy and regulatory decisions. However, in the reform process of many developing countries' power sectors, the primary focus has been on the sector's technical aspects, with inadequate effort to improve the experience of consumers, whether through better quality of service or by ensuring their participation in the regulatory process. This shortfall has often undermined the public's understanding of and demand for reforms, often reflected in political reversal of key policy decisions. This paper examines the level and quality of consumer participation and protection in five states in India through a review of documents, surveys of consumers, and detailed interviews with key stakeholders. As mandated by law, all states have established standards of performance regulations and set up grievance redressal mechanisms; however, these bodies have not reached the desired level of effectiveness. Similarly, although provisions for consumer participation in regulatory proceedings exist, their adoption is often symbolic and without substantive and deliberative participation. Drawing on analysis of the Indian experience and international best practices, the paper recommends a paradigm shift in pursuing enhanced consumer satisfaction and voice in regulatory decision-making as a central objective of power reforms.

Originally published in 1986. Nuclear power is now regarded as essential to survival in the twenty-first century. But the safety of nuclear power stations is a highly controversial topic, and where they will be sited is a most vital question. In this independent critique, based on four years of research, Stan Openshaw argues that reactor siting provides a simple means of offering additional, design-independent margins of safety. Reactor siting policies in the UK and USA are examined and it is suggested that UK siting practices need to be updated. The large number of potential alternative sites should be used to devise new planning strategies – strategies which will minimise both the residual health risks from accidents and the danger that a future change in public opinion might lead to calls for the closure of many existing sites on safety grounds.

Skateboarders are Taking a Stance -- Skateboarding Beyond the Looking Glass of Perceived Progressivism -- Change-Makers in Skateboarding -- Formative Experiences, Values, and Outlooks -- Challenges, Strategies, and Change-Making -- Wish Lists, Roadmaps, and Recipes for Skateboarding in the Future -- Stick With It: Legacies, Inheritances, and New Windows.

The politics of aid from the perspective of international relations theories / Bernabé Malacalza -- Foreign aid's motivations : theoretical arguments and empirical evidence / Gino N. Pauselli -- The U.S. elite consensus on aid / Henry de Cazotte -- The UK : an aid superpower at a crossroads / Myles Wickstead -- The Scandinavians : aid policy determinants and performances / Olav Stokke -- Japanese development assistance : economic and political win-win proposals / Marie Söderberg -- Spain : the rise and fall of a compliant donor / Iliana Olivié and Aitor Pérez -- While the cat's away, will the mice play? : government-NGO relations and the politics of aid in Hungary / Krisztina Szabó, Balázs Szent-Iványi and András Tétényi -- Brazilian cooperation policy : promotion of development and global projection / Guillermo Santander -- Solidarity and security in the EU discourse on aid / Iliana Olivié and Aitor Pérez -- Donorship in a state of flux / Nilima Gulrajani, and Liam Swiss -- The international politics of aid : "good governance" and democracy promotion / David Williams -- Gender inequality, aid agencies, and global norms / Lars Engberg-Pedersen -- Old and new powers in development assistance in health / Eduardo Missoni and Fabrizio Tediosi -- "We first" and the anti-foreign aid narratives of populist radical-right parties in Europe / Margarita Gómez-Reino.

1. Classical sociological conceptions of knowledge -- 2. Knowledge about knowledge -- 3. The knowledge of the powerful -- 4. Non-knowledge -- 5. Policing knowledge -- 6. Forms of knowledge -- 7. Global knowledge -- 8. Digital worlds and knowledge/information -- 9. Functions of knowledge -- 10. The price of knowledge -- 11. The benefits of knowledge.

Erstmals liegt mit diesem Band eine vollständige politikwissenschaftliche Typologie europäischer Kompetenzverteilungssysteme vor. Sie erfasst sowohl die EU als auch Bundes- und quasiföderale Regionalstaaten, darunter etwa Deutschland, Schweiz, Österreich, Belgien, Italien, Spanien und das Vereinigte Königreich, aber auch asymmetrische Fallbeispiele aus anderen europäischen Staaten, die über "konstitutionelle" Regionen verfügen. Detailscharf und systematisch werden Modelle und Strukturen einer Kompetenzverteilung, die Spannungsverhältnisse zwischen Zentrum und Peripherie, praktische Probleme und Machtkonflikte am Beispiel einzelner Politikfelder sowie Reformvorhaben untersucht. Ein internationales Autorenteam analysiert die aktuellen Entwicklungen auf nationaler wie europäischer Ebene und zieht vergleichende Lehren aus politikwissenschaftlicher Sicht. Die beiden Herausgeber wirken am Forschungszentrum Föderalismus der Universität Innsbruck mit.Mit Beiträgen von:Dr. Maria Ackrén, Prof. Dr. Marco Brunazzo, Prof. Dr. César Colino, Prof. Dr. Srdjan Djordjevic, Dr. Malcolm Harvey, Prof. Ayudante Dr. Angustias Hombrado, ao. Univ.-Prof. Dr.Ferdinand Karlhofer, Dr. Soeren Keil, MMag Dr.Manfred Kohler, Dr. Sean Müller, Univ.-Prof. DDr. Günter Pallaver, Dr. Bettina Petersohn, Univ.-Prof. Dr.Simona Piattoni, Mag. Marija Radosavljevic, Prof. Dr.Roland Sturm, Prof. Dr. Adrian Vatter, Prof. Dr. Jens Woelk

Twenty-six authors from diverse scholarly backgrounds look at the vexed, traumatic intersections of the histories of slavery and of sexuality. They argue that such intersections mattered profoundly and, indeed, that slavery cannot be understood without adequate attention to sexuality.