Suchergebnisse

The article does not pay attention to the fact that in modern socio-economic, political, market conditions, the role of the subjects of civil relations – individual entrepreneurs, is growing, and this is due to a number of objective reasons. The economic situation in the country promotes the formation and registration of entities of a particular type of business activity. Individual entrepreneurs have a special place in the economic system of any country, as it is one of the most effective tools for promoting the economy: solving the problem of employment, individual entrepreneurship contributes, including sustainable development as a region and the state as a whole. Thus, the development of individual entrepreneurs is extremely important and relevant for Ukraine for several reasons. First, self-employment is a source of job creation. Secondly, the development of self-employment is an important area of structural adjustment of the economy. Flexibility, high adaptability, efficiency make sole proprietorships an important partner of large enterprises, on the one hand (through subcontracting or outsourcing), and on the other hand, their development will reduce the share of industry and/or its restructuring, as well as increase services. Third, the successful development of self-employment is an important source of revenue generation of local and state budgets while reducing the cost of maintaining the existing, often inefficient structure of production and employment. Fourth, the development of self-employment contributes to the growth of real incomes, the formation of the middle class, reducing alimony in society, increasing self-employment, reducing the outflow of highly qualified professionals (labor migration) to foreign countries. The executive and legislative branches are aware of the importance of such a direction in the country's development as improving the environment for the functioning of private individuals. Recently, a number of regulations have been adopted to alleviate the time and financial costs of private individuals for registration and obtaining certain types of permits. Despite the variety of regulations governing the registration of self-employed persons, many issues in this area are currently insufficiently regulated at the legislative level; there are obvious gaps in the legislation and inconsistencies in the legislation. In particular, it is necessary to note the issue of absence or incompleteness of legal norms in the field of regulation of relations in the field of personal registration. ; У статті звертається увага не те, що у сучасних соціально-економічних, політичних, ринкових умовах все більше зростає роль суб'єктів цивільних відносин, а саме фізичних осіб-підприємців, що зумовлено низкою об'єктивних причин. Економічна ситуація в країні сприяє утворенню та реєстрації суб'єктів того чи іншого виду підприємницької діяльності. Фізичним особам-підприємцям відводиться особливе місце в економічній системі будь-якої країни, оскільки вони є одним із найбільш високоефективних інструментів, що сприяють просуванню економіки, адже, вирішуючи проблему трудової зайнятості населення, індивідуальне підприємництво сприяє, зокрема, сталому розвитку як окремого регіону, так і держави загалом. Таким чином, розвиток фізичних осіб-підприємців є вкрай важливим і актуальним для України з кількох причин. По-перше, ФОП – це джерело створення нових робочих місць. По-друге, розвиток ФОП – важливий напрям структурної перебудови економіки. Гнучкість, висока адаптивність, ефективність роблять ФОП важливим партнером великих підприємств, з одного боку (через субконтрактацію або аутсорсинг), з іншого боку, їх розвиток сприятиме скороченню частки промислової сфери та/або його перебудові, а також зростанню сфери надання послуг. По-третє, успішний розвиток ФОП – важливе джерело формування дохідної частини місцевих та державного бюджетів за одночасного скорочення витрат на підтримку наявної, часто неефективної структури виробництва й зайнятості. По-четверте, розвиток ФОП сприяє зростанню реальних доходів населення, формуванню середнього класу, зниженню утриманських настроїв в суспільстві, зростанню самозайнятості, скороченню відтоку висококваліфікованих фахівців (трудової міграції) в країни зарубіжжя. Виконавча й законодавча влада усвідомлює важливість такого напряму в розвитку країни, як поліпшення середовища для функціонування ФОП. Останнім часом прийнято низку нормативних документів, покликаних полегшити часові та фінансові витрати ФОП на реєстрацію та отримання окремих видів дозволів. Незважаючи на різноманіття нормативно-правових актів, що регламентують питання реєстрації ФОП, багато питань у цій галузі на законодавчому рівні досі недостатньо відрегульовані, є очевидні прогалини в законодавстві, а також суперечливість законодавчих норм. Зокрема, необхідно відзначити проблематику відсутності або неповноти правових норм у галузі регулювання відносин у сфері реєстрації ФОП.

The article examines the features of the implementation of the principle of good governance in public administration. The author emphasizes that the principle of good governance is fundamental in the context of solving management problems in case of problems of the correlation of public and private interests in public administration. In addition to the legal requirements for proper public administration, the principle of good governance contains requirements for the organization of the relationship between the subject of administration and private person. It includes the following additional characteristics of the principle of good governance: the supporting of relationship of public administration bodies with stakeholders in the preparation of future management decisions, which simultaneously implements the principles of transparency, openness and participatory public administration; when creating public administration bodies (executive bodies) it is necessary to clearly formulate their purpose and objectives, so that it meets the real needs of the state and society, the expectations of people, social groups, private collectives, a particular individual person; the provision of areas of public administration with modern information and technical programs that allow to minimize possible bureaucratic arbitrariness by algorithmizing managementactivities; the search for human potential to achieve the goals and objectives of public administration; the training of senior management of the state; the legislative regulation of ethical behaviour of public servants. It formulated the peculiarities of the implementation of the principle of good governance in public administration: it is a special branch principle of the organization of public administration in the state; it's a set of requirements for the state as a democratic and constitutional in the field of organization of proper management activities in various spheres of public life of the state and society, social communication between the state and the individual persons, social groups, collectives; it's an interdisciplinary principle; the application is unlimited exclusively by constitutional and legislative regulation, provides organizational mechanisms of administration; the implementation is ensured by other principles of public administration, which together characterize the "good public administration"; the good governance is inseparable linked with the organizational, institutional, personnel, financial and logistical capabilities of the state to organize a holistic system of public administration and individual areas of public administration; the level of social relations and social demand for management decisions are an influencing factor the definition of strategic objectives of public administration in future. ; У статті досліджено особливості реалізації принципу належного урядування в публічному адмініструванні. Автором підкреслено, що принцип належного урядування є засад-ничим у контексті вирішення управлінських завдань у разі виникнення проблем співвідношення публічного та приватного інтересів у публічному адмініструванні. Крім правових вимог до належного публічного адміністрування, принцип належного урядування містить вимоги організації взаємовідносин суб'єкта адміністрування та приватної особи. Це включає такі додаткові характеристики принципу належного урядування: підтримка взаємовідносин органів публічної адміністрації із зацікавленими сторонами в підготовці майбутніх управлінських рішень, що реалізує одночасно принципи прозорості, відкритості та пар-тисипативності публічного управління; у процесі створення органів публічної адміністрації (органів виконавчої влади) необхідно чітко формулювати їхню мету та цілі діяльності, аби це відповідало реальним потребам держави і суспільства, очікуванням населення,соціальних груп, приватних колективних утворень, конкретної приватної особи; забезпеченість сфер публічного адміністрування сучасними інформаційно-технічними програмами, що дасть змогу максимально знизити можливе чиновницьке свавілля шляхом алгоритмізації управлінської діяльності; пошук людського потенціалу для реалізації цілей та завдань публічного управління; підготовка вищих керівних кадрів держави; законодавче регулювання етичної поведінки публічних службовців. Сформульовано особливості реалізації принципу належного урядування в публічному адмініструванні: є спеціальним галузевим принципом організації публічного адміністрування в державі; складає сукупність вимог, що висуваються до держави як демократичної та правової у сфері організації належної управлінської діяльності у різних сферах суспільного життя держави і суспільства, соціальної комунікації між державою і приватною особою, соціальними групами, колективними утвореннями; є міждисциплінарним принципом; застосування необмежене виключно конституційним та законодавчим регулюванням, передбачає організаційні механізми адміністрування; реалізація забезпечується іншими принципами публічного управління, що в сукупності характеризують належність («good») публічного адміністрування; «належність» публічного адміністрування нерозривно пов'язана з організаційними, інститу-ційними, кадровими, фінансовими та матеріально-технічними можливостями держави з організації цілісної системи публічного управління та окремих сфер публічного адміністрування; рівень соціальних відносин та соціальна затре-буваність у прийнятті управлінських рішень є фактором впливу на визначення стратегічних завдань публічного адміністрування у майбутньому.

The objective of this research is to give an account of the dynamics of the audiovisual sector in Argentina. Among its contributions is the possibility of thinking about the configuration of the Expanded Audiovisual Space, derived from the emergence and expansion of technologies that have broken inertia in different cultural industries. As the project works from the critical perspective of political economy of communications, methodological tools of the administrative area and public policies were used, as well as conceptual and indicator-generative matrices that allowed accounting for concentration levels, actors´ strategies reading, mezzo-economic aggregates such as branch, sector and industry, in addition to in-depth interviews with key stakeholders. The path involved systematizing the regulatory decisions of the essential sectors of the Expanded Audiovisual Space during the two terms of President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and the first year of Mauricio Macri. The changes can be classified in technological, economic and political. Each of them impacts in a different way in the Expanded Audiovisual Space. The regulations approved during the period under study do not respond to a comprehensive and planned set of measures, but in some issues they are even contradictory in their forms: minor changes related to a rule that establishes the most durable public policy in the sector (Cinema); a law with a democratic process in its origin and approval (Law on Audiovisual Communication Services); a specific Decree that assigns a central role to the State (Open Digital Television) and a law proposed by the National Executive Power, with no indication of citizen participation and with aspects to be defined in its regulation (Argentina Digital). The ways of producing and distributing contents in the audiovisual space are changing. New strategies of financing content production are identified (agreements between TV channels, producers and OTT distributors); narrative structures change to attract more active audiences and strategies linked to other platforms (profiles on social networks, ways of prosumer´s audience involvement, etc.). The emerging development of complementary platforms of distribution (e.g. the Flow! case in the corporate group Clarín) is another indicator of the studied changes. ; El objetivo de esta investigación es dar cuenta de las dinámicas del sector audiovisual en Argentina. Entre sus aportes se destaca la posibilidad de pensar en la configuración del Espacio Audiovisual Ampliado, comprendido a partir del surgimiento y expansión de tecnologías que rompen inercias en las distintas industrias culturales. Como el proyecto trabaja desde la perspectiva crítica de la economía política de la comunicación, se utilizaron herramientas metodológicas propias del área administrativa y las políticas públicas, como así también matrices conceptuales y generadoras de indicadores que permitieron dar cuenta de niveles de concentración, lectura de estrategias de los actores, agregados mesoeconómicos como rama, sector e industria, además de las entrevistas en profundidad a actores claves. El recorrido implicó sistematizar las decisiones regulatorias de los sectores que hacen al Espacio Audiovisual Ampliado durante los dos mandatos de la presidenta Cristina Fernández de Kirchner y el primer año de Mauricio Macri. Los cambios pueden ser clasificados en tecnológicos, económicos y políticos. Cada uno de ellos impacta de diferente modo en el Espacio Audiovisual Ampliado. Las regulaciones aprobadas en el período estudiado no responden a un conjunto integral y planificado de medidas, sino que incluso en algunas cuestiones se contradicen en sus formas: cambios menores en torno a una norma que establece la política pública más duradera en el sector (el cine); una ley con proceso democrático en su generación y aprobación (Ley de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual); un decreto específico que asigna un rol central para el Estado (Televisión Digital Abierta) y una ley propuesta por el Poder Ejecutivo Nacional, sin indicios para la participación ciudadana y con aspectos por definir en su reglamentación (Argentina Digital). Las formas de producir y distribuir contenidos en el espacio audiovisual cambian. Se identifican nuevas estrategias de financiamiento para la producción de los contenidos (acuerdos entre canales de TV, productoras y plataformas de distribución OTT –distribución de contenido a través de internet–); mutan las estructuras narrativas en pos de mantener la atracción de audiencias más activas y se desarrollan estrategias colindantes vinculadas a otros soportes (perfiles en redes sociales, mecanismos de participación de las audiencias prosumidores, etc.). El desarrollo incipiente de plataformas de distribución complementarias (el caso Flow! en el Grupo Clarín) es otro indicador de los cambios estudiados.

The article deals with the history of the construction and functioning of one of the most famous Kyiv buildings, which was used as the premises of the Ukrainian Central Council during the Ukrainian Revolution. The construction and the concept of this building are analyzed, and a description of the interior and exterior finishes. The process of transition of the building to the status of the house of meetings of the Central Rada was revealed in detail, its further fate was revealed, the functional transformation that took place with it in different periods of existence was investigated. Thus, the author found out that the building was erected in 1910-1912 by architect P. Alyoshin for the Tsarevich Aleksey (Romanov) Pedagogical Museum in the Art Nouveau style based on the Russian Empire style. From March 1917 the Ukrainian Central Rada worked here (it became a full-fledged "master" of the building since October 1917). It was time when the first changes in the exterior and interior of the house occurred - the Russian imperial coat of arms and the corresponding inscriptions were removed; the UNR coat of arms - Trizub was mounted on the wall; instead of the bas-relief portrait of Tsarevich Alexei, a portrait of Taras Shevchenko was placed, the imperial symbolism was dismantled. A little later, the boardroom was decorated with the emblems of five provinces whose Ukrainian jurisdiction was recognized by the Provisional Government (in 1923, the emblems as a relic of the "counter-revolutionary Council" would be abolished by the new government). In 1920-30s the building on Volodymyrska Street hosted many Soviet institutions (the Institute of International Relations, the Proletarian Museum and the Kyiv Provincial Eastport, the Museum of the Revolution, and the Kyiv Regional Executive Committee). In 1937 it was decided to arrange here a branch of the Moscow Museum of Volodymyr Lenin, having completed and reconstructed the existing premises. Architect Alyoshin, while maintaining the unity of style, extended the sides of the interior and closed them with a block parallel to the man's part, which formed a small courtyard. Interior planning and decoration have also undergone changes - so much of the stucco has been removed, and polychromy has been eliminated (similar activity occurred in the early 1950s). The general conclusion is that changes and transformations of the house on Volodymyrska Street, unconventional for Kyiv architecture, in most situations were controlled by architect P. Alyoshin, who retained the architectural features of the early twentieth century, and the introduction did not violate the overall impression. ; У статті розглянуто історію створення та функціонування будівлі у місті Києві, яка під час Української революції використовувалась як приміщення Української Центральної Ради. Проаналізовано будівництво та концепт, за яким зводився цей будинок, представлено опис внутрішнього та зовнішнього оздоблення. Докладно розкрито процес переходу будівлі до статусу дому засідань Центральної Ради, виявлено її подальшу долю, досліджено функціональну трансформацію, що відбувалася з нею у різні періоди існування. Так, автором з'ясовано, що споруда була зведена у 1910-1912 рр. архитектором П. Альошиним для Педагогічного музею імені царевича Олексія (Романова) у стилі модерн на основі російського ампіру. З березня 1917 р. тут працювала Українська Центральна Рада (повноцінним "господарем" споруди вона стала із жовтня 1917 р.). Саме тоді відбулися перші зміни в екстер'єрі та інтер'єрі будинку – були зняті російський імперський герб та відповідні написи; на чоловій стіні встановлено герб УНР – Тризуб; у залі замість барельєфного портрету цесаревича Олексія розміщено портрет Т.Г.Шевченка, демонтовано імперську символіку. Трохи пізніше зал засідань було оздоблено гербами п'яти губерній, чию українську юрисдикцію визнав Тимчасовий уряд (у 1923 р. герби як пережиток "контрреволюційної Ради" будут ліквідовані новою владою). У 1920-30-х рр. в приміщенні по вул. Володимирській розміщувалася низка радянських установ (Інститут міжнародних відносин, Пролетарський музей та київський губерніальний Істпарт, Музей Революції, Київський обласний виконавчий комітет). У 1937 р. було принято рішення влаштувати тут філію московського музею В. І. Леніна, добудувавши і реконструювавши існуюче приміщення. Архітектор Альошин, зберігаючи єдність стилю, поширив бічні сторони вглиб ділянки та замкнув їх блоком, паралельним чоловій частині, чим було утворено невеликий двір. Внутрішнє планування та оздоблення також зазнало певних змін – так, значну частину ліпнини було знято, ліквідовано поліхромність (аналогічна діяльність відбулася й на початку 1950-х рр. ). Зроблено загальний висновок, що зміни і трансформації досить нетрадиційного для київської архітектури будинку по вулиці Володимирській, 57 у більшості ситуацій контролювалися архітектором П. Альошиним, який зберіг стильові особливості архітектури початку ХХ століття, а привнесене не порушувало загального враження.

В правовом государстве публичная власть обязана чтить и уважать решения судов и исполнять их наиболее быстрым образом. Отказ от исполнения судебных актов обязанными органами государственной власти грубо нарушает принцип верховенства права. Это положение касается и решений конституционных судов субъектов РФ, как региональных органов конституционного контроля. Однако случаи таких отказов нередко имеют место в российской правовой действительности. Для обеспечения исполнения решений региональных органов конституционного контроля отечественные правоведы уже выработали ряд подходов, однако из них законодателем воспринимаются в основном меры принуждения, эффективные не во всех случаях. Актуальность представленной статьи обусловлена поставленной автором задачей выработки эффективного механизма обеспечения исполнения решений региональных конституционных судов, путем использования комплекса мер, где наряду с принуждением присутствуют организационные, экономические и др. меры. Для решения указанной задачи автор использует эмпирические (наблюдение, сравнение) и теоретические (анализ, синтез, классификация, моделирование, дедукция) методы научного исследования. В представленной статье автор занимается поиском решения проблемы неисполнения решений конституционных (уставных) судов субъектов РФ. Автор рассматривает причины неисполнения решений органов конституционной юстиции, рассуждает о видах ответственности. Такие причины, по мнению автора, кроются прежде всего в несовершенстве законодательной базы, однако есть и причины финансово-экономического характера. В статье исследуется законодательство, регламентирующее порядок и особенности исполнения решений Конституционного Суда РФ, региональных органов конституционного контроля, взгляды ученых, занимающихся данной проблематикой, учтён положительный опыт по решению данной проблемы, посредством налаживания взаимодействия с органами прокуратуры. Также представлены конкретные предложения, направленные на обеспечение исполнения решений конституционных (уставных) судов. Выводы и предложения автора, приводимые в настоящей статье, достойны стать предметом дальнейшего обсуждения ведущими специалистами в сфере конституционного права и государственного управления. Практическая значимость данной статьи видится в реальной возможности создания условий, способствующих неуклонной реализации принципа общеобязательных судебных решений. Социальный результат данной статьи может быть выражен в повышении эффективности исполнения решений региональных конституционных судов. Данная статья представляет безусловную ценность для юридической науки, так как в ней реализован комплексный авторский подход к решению одной из первоочередных задач обеспечения эффективности взаимодействия различных ветвей власти - конституционного правосудия и исполнительной власти ; In a state of law, public authority is obliged to honor and respect the decisions of the courts, and do them in the fastest way. Refusal to perform judicial acts obliged public authorities violates the principle of the rule of law. This provision applies to the decisions of the constitutional courts of the subjects of the Russian Federation, as regional bodies of the constitutional control. However, cases of such failures often occur in the Russian legal reality. To ensure implementation of the decisions of the regional bodies of the constitutional control of domestic jurists have already developed a number of approaches, but one legislator perceived mainly coercive measures not effective in all cases. The relevance of the film due to the task set by the author develop an effective mechanism to ensure implementation of the decisions of regional constitutional courts, through the use of a set of measures, which, along with coercion present organizational, economic and others. Measures. To solve this problem by using empirical (observation, comparison) and theoretical (analysis, synthesis, classification, modeling, deduction) methods of scientific research. In the article the author is engaged in finding a solution to the problem of non-enforcement of constitutional (charter) courts of the subjects of the Russian Federation. The author examines the reasons for non-enforcement of constitutional justice, talks about the kinds of responsibility. These reasons, in my opinion, lie primarily in the imperfection of the legal framework, but there are reasons for the financial and economic problems. The paper investigates the laws governing the procedure and design characteristics of the Constitutional Court, the regional bodies of the constitutional control, the views of scientists active in this field, taken into account the positive experience to solve this problem, through networking with prosecutors. Also presented concrete proposals to ensure implementation of the decisions of the constitutional (charter) courts. Conclusions and suggestions to the author, presented in this article, worthy to become the subject of further discussion by leading experts in the field of constitutional law and public administration. The practical significance of this paper is seen as a real opportunity to create conditions conducive to the steady implementation of the principle of mandatory judicial decisions. Social result of this paper can be expressed in improving enforcement of regional constitutional courts. This paper presents a clear value for legal science, since it implemented an integrated architectural approach to solving one of the priority tasks of ensuring the effectiveness of interaction between different branches of government constitutional and executive powers.

Community-based paralegalism has been active in the Philippines for the past 30 years, and yet its contribution to access to justice and the advancement of the rights and entitlements of the poor has been largely undocumented. This paper attempts to provide a framework study on the history, nature, and scope of paralegal work in the Philippines, based on the experience of 12 organizations that are active in the training and development of community-oriented paralegals. The study first provides a working definition of a community-based paralegal, and then examines the work of paralegals, their systems of accountability or lack thereof, and issues regarding recognition by the state and civil society actors. It also explores facilitating and hindering factors that aid or impinge upon the paralegals effectiveness. A major contributor to the work of paralegals was the democratization process after the overthrow of the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos and the continuing evolution of legal rights spurred by the relatively progressive constitution ratified in 1987. Three dimensions of paralegal s work are identified and explored, namely, building rights awareness, settling private disputes, and increasing state and corporate accountability. The study ends with conclusions and recommendations with regard to sustainability, monitoring and evaluation, funding, and the prospects for paralegal work over the long term.

[spa] Por más de cien años la reelección legislativa fue una institución en el Poder Legislativo mexicano. Salvo la Constitución de Cádiz y la Constitución de Apatzingán, ninguno de los textos fundamentales que estuvieron vigentes entre 1812 y 1917, contemplaron la introducción de restricciones para la reelección indefinida de legisladores. El 29 de abril de 1933 se promulgó una Reforma Constitucional para prohibir, por primera vez en la historia de México, la reelección inmediata de legisladores. Dicha reforma, promovida por los miembros del Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), antecesor del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), permitió la consolidación en el poder de dicho partido, logró una estricta disciplina partidista de sus militantes y derivó en la subordinación del Congreso al partido oficial. La Reforma de 1933 creó repercusiones negativas que prevalecen en la actualidad: el impedimento del establecimiento de carreras parlamentarias y la desprofesionalización de los legisladores, su falta de responsabilidad y desvinculación frente a sus representados; el debilitamiento del Legislativo y su subordinación frente al Ejecutivo; y la ineficiencia parlamentaria que se genera por la renovación total y periódica del Congreso. Además, la no reelección inmediata de legisladores instauró un sistema de rotación obligatoria de cargos, que provocó que los políticos basaran sus carreras en torno a la lealtad hacia su partido. El 10 de febrero de 2014 se publicó en el Diario Oficial de la Federación una Reforma Constitucional en materia político-electoral que entrará en vigor en 2018 y permitirá (de nuevo) la reelección inmediata de legisladores en México. Sin embargo, al ser el tema de la no reelección inmediata de legisladores en México de una gran relevancia histórica y tener una gran importancia política, el debate de sus argumentos a favor y en contra continuará en el marco de la recién aprobada Reforma y seguirá siendo motivo de análisis y discusión, pues el principio anti-reeleccionista que promovió la Revolución está muy arraigado en el sentir del mexicano. La hipótesis de la presente investigación se centra en que a pesar de la restricción constitucional, la reelección legislativa es una práctica común en México, ya que aunque está prohibido reelegirse de manera inmediata para el mismo cargo, los legisladores se reeligen consecutivamente pasando de una Cámara federal a otra, o del Congreso federal a los Congresos locales, y que lo anterior, ha permitido el desarrollo de carreras parlamentarias en México. La importancia de este trabajo radica no sólo en que entra en el debate de la no reelección legislativa consecutiva desde una óptica político-jurídica, sino que va más allá al hacer un análisis empírico de las trayectorias políticas de los 11 mil 762 legisladores que han pasado por el Congreso Federal y los Congresos Locales entre 1997 y 2018. Analiza el Poder Legislativo al completo, ya que además del Congreso de la Unión, incluye a las Legislaturas de las 32 Entidades Federativas de la República Mexicana. Así, el presente trabajo de investigación, titulado "La no reelección consecutiva de legisladores en México, 1997-2018", tiene como objetivo determinar si la reelección inmediata de legisladores (aunque no para el mismo cargo) es una práctica común que ya se daba de facto aun antes de la Reforma de 2014, y si la prohibición ha impedido la profesionalización de los legisladores y el desarrollo de verdaderas carreras parlamentarias en México. ; [cat] Per més de cent anys la reelecció legislativa va ser una institució en el Poder Legislatiu mexicà. Excepte la Constitució de Cádiz i la Constitució d'Apatzingán, cap dels textos fonamentals que van estar vigents entre 1812 i 1917, van contemplar la introducció de restriccions per a la reelecció indefinida de legisladors. El 29 d'abril de 1933 es va promulgar una Reforma Constitucional per prohibir, per primer cop en la història de Mèxic, la reelecció immediata de legisladors. Aquesta reforma, promoguda pels membres del Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), antecessor del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), va permetre la consolidació en el poder d'aquest partit, va aconseguir una estricta disciplina partidista dels seus militants i va derivar en la subordinació del Congrés al partit oficial. La Reforma de 1933 va crear repercussions negatives que perduren en l'actualitat: l'impediment de l'establiment de carreres parlamentàries i la desprofessionalització dels legisladors, la seva falta de responsabilitat i desvinculació enfront els seus representats; el debilitament del Legislatiu i la seva subordinació davant l'Executiu; i la ineficiència parlamentària generada per la renovació total i periòdica del Congrés. A més, la no reelecció immediata de legisladors va instaurar un sistema de rotació obligatòria de càrrecs, que va produir que els polítics basessin les seves carreres al voltant de la lleialtat envers el seu partit. El 10 de febrer de 2014 es va publicar al Diari Oficial de la Federació una Reforma Constitucional en matèria polític-electoral que entrarà en vigor el 2018 i permetrà (de nou) la reelecció immediata de legisladors a Mèxic. No obstant això, en ser el tema de la no reelecció immediata de legisladors a Mèxic d'una gran rellevància històrica i tenir una gran importància política, el debat dels seus arguments a favor i en contra continuarà en el marc de la recentment aprovada Reforma i seguirà sent motiu d'anàlisi i discussió, ja que el principi anti-reeleccionista que va promoure la Revolució està molt arrelat en el sentir del mexicà. La hipòtesi de la present investigació es centra en que tot i la restricció constitucional, la reelecció legislativa és una pràctica comuna a Mèxic, ja que tot i que està prohibit reelegir de manera immediata per al mateix càrrec, els legisladors es reelegeixen consecutivament passant d'una Cambra federal a una altra, o del Congrés federal als Congressos locals, fet que ha permès el desenvolupament de carreres parlamentàries a Mèxic. La importància d'aquest treball rau no només en què entra en el debat de la no reelecció legislativa consecutiva des d'una òptica politicojurídica, sinó que va més enllà en fer una anàlisi empírica de les trajectòries polítiques dels 11 mil 762 legisladors que han passat pel Congrés Federal i els Congressos Locals entre 1997 i 2018. Analitza el Poder Legislatiu al complet, ja que a més del Congrés de la Unió, inclou les Legislatures de les 32 Entitats Federatives de la República Mexicana. Així, el present treball d'investigació, titulat "La no reelecció consecutiva de legisladors a Mèxic, 1997-2018", té com a objectiu determinar si la reelecció immediata de legisladors (encara que no per al mateix càrrec) és una pràctica comuna que ja es donava de fet fins i tot abans de la reforma de 2014, i si la prohibició ha impedit la professionalització dels legisladors i el desenvolupament de veritables carreres parlamentàries a Mèxic. ; [eng] For over hundred years the legislative re-election was an institution in the Mexican legislative power. With the exceptions of the Cadiz and Apatzingan constitutions, none of the fundamental documents active between 1812 and 1917, contemplated implementing restrictions to the indefinite reelection of legislators. On April 29th 1933 a constitutional reform was enacted to prohibit, for the first time in Mexican history, the immediate reelection of legislators. This reform, promoted by members of the National Revolution Party (PNR), former Institutional Revolution Party (PRI), endorsed the empowerment of the party, providing a strict discipline within the militants and bringing the subordination of the congress to the official party. The 1933 Reform created drawbacks that are still present nowadays: the deterrence to establish parliamentary careers and the legislator's de- professionalization, lack of liability and connection with their represented people; the weakening of the legislature and its subordination to the Executive branch; also, the parliamentary inefficiency generated when the congress is totally replaced repeatedly. On the other side, the prohibition of the immediate reelection for the legislators generated a position rotation system, encouraging the politicians to based their careers on the loyalty to the party. On February 10th 2014 the Official Federation Journal published a constitutional reform in electoral policy, permitting (once again) the immediate re-election of the Mexican legislators. This reform will become effective in 2018. However, this being a relevant topic in Mexican history and of great political importance, the debate of the arguments for and against the recently approved reform will continue, and remain a reason of analysis and dispute due to the anti- reelection principles promoted by the Revolution that is still deep rooted in the Mexican sentiment. The hypothesis of this investigation centers around that despite the current constitutional restriction, the legislative re-election is a common practice in Mexico. Although it is prohibited to be immediately reelected to the same position, the legislators get reelected consecutively going from one Federal Congress to another, or from the Federal to local congresses, allowing the development of parliamentary careers in Mexico. The importance of this work lies not only because it addresses the discussion about non-legislative consecutive re-election from a political-legal perspective, but goes further making an empirical analysis of the political trajectories of the 11,762 legislators who have passed by the Federal Congress and the Local Congress between 1997 and 2018. It analyzes the entire legislative power, because it includes the Congress of the Union and the Legislatures of the 32 Federative Entities of the Mexican Republic. The present investigation, titled "The no consecutive re-election of legislators in Mexico, 1997-2018", has the objective to determine whether the immediate re- election of legislators (with the exception of the same position) is a common practice and in fact it was already present before the 2014 Reform, and if the prohibition had impeded the legislator's professionalization together with the development of true parliamentary careers in Mexico.

Objetivo: verificar en los instrumentos de política pública de carácter normativo la forma en que se insertan mecanismos de protección y garantía del derecho a la salud e identificar la percepción sobre la protección de este derecho en los actores de política (policy Makers) y usuarios del sistema general de seguridad social en salud en Manizales. Materiales y métodos: estudio descriptivo de tipo cuali-cuantitativo realizado en la Ciudad de Manizales, 2008. Población de estudio: 422 usuarios del sistema de seguridad social en salud afiliados a los regímenes contributivo, subsidiado y población no asegurada. 40 entrevistas a actores de política representantes del sector ejecutivo, jurisdiccional, académico, organismo de control y vigilancia, y legislativo. Variables: instrumentos de protección y garantía del derecho en normas de carácter internacional, nacional y programas de gobierno. Usuarios del SGSSS: caracterización de la población: características demográficas, socioeconómicas, percepción sobre la protección y alcance del derecho a la salud, conocimientos de los derechos como ciudadano, conocimientos sobre medios de protección del derecho y utilización de estos como medio de acceso al Sistema General de Seguridad en Salud (SGSSS), respuestas a requerimientos de salud, gastos de bolsillo, y existencia de barreras de acceso y sugerencias para la garantía de protección del derecho a la salud en Colombia. Hallazgos de entrevistas a actores: percepción del derecho a la salud, alcance de su garantía en Colombia, observaciones en torno a la garantía de protección del derecho. Hallazgos: se evidencia la diferencia entre lo consagrado normativamente y lo percibido por los actores y usuarios en la protección y alcance del derecho a la salud. Objective: the identification of protection mechanisms and guarantees to the right to health within the public policy and regulatory instruments, as well as identifying the perception regarding the protection of this right by political actors (Policy Makers) and by the general healthcare system users in Manizales. Materials and methods: it is a descriptive study of qualitative and quantitative character conducted in the city of Manizales in 2008. The study population is made up by 422 users of the healthcare system belonging to the contributions regime, subsidized and unaffiliated population. 40 interviews were carried out with political representatives belonging to the executive, judicial, academic and legislative branches, as well as control as control and supervisory agencies. Variables: the protection and right guarantee instruments in international and national laws, and govemment programs. Regarding the members of the General Healthcare System, a characterization of the population was carried out covering demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, the perception on the protection and scope of the right to health, rights knowledge as a citizen., knowledge on ways to protect the right, and their use as a means of access to the General Healthcare System, answer to health needs, pocket expenses, and access barriers and suggestions for ensuring protection of the right to health in Colombia. Findings from the actors interviewed: the perception of the right to health, extent of its guarantee in Colombia, observations on the guarantee of right. Findings: a difference between the norm and what is perceived by the actors and users regarding, the protection and scope of the right to health.Objetivo: verificar nos instrumentos de politica publica de caráter normativo a forma em que inserir se os mecanismos de proteção e garantir o direito a saúde e identificar a percepção sobre a proteção desde direito nos atores de politica (Policy Makers) e usuários do sistema geral de seguridade social em saúde em Manizales, 2008. Provocação de pesquisa: 422 usuários do sistema de seguridade social em saúde afiliados a s regímenes contributivos, subsidiário e povoação não assegurada. 40 entrevistas a atores de politica representantes do setor executivos, jurisdicional, acadêmico, organismo de control e vigilância, e legislativo. Vaiáveis: instrumentos de proteção e garantia do direito em normas de caráter internacional, nacional e programas de governo Usuários do SGSSS: caracterização da povoação: características demográficas, socioeconômicas, percepção sobre a proteção do direito e utilização desde como médios de acesso ao Sistema Geral de Seguridad Social em saúde (SGSSS), resposta a requerimentos de saúde, gastos de paletó, e existência de barreiras de acesso e sugestão para a garantia de proteção do direito a saúde, em Colombia. Descobrimento de entrevista a atores: percepção do direito a saúde alcance de sua garantia em Colombia, observações em torno á garantia de proteção do direito. Descobrimentos: evidencia se a diferencia entre o consagrado normativamente e o percebido por os atores e usuários na proteção e alcance do direito a saúde. ; Objetivo: verificar en los instrumentos de política pública de carácter normativo la forma en que se insertan mecanismos de protección y garantía del derecho a la salud e identificar la percepción sobre la protección de este derecho en los actores de política (policy Makers) y usuarios del sistema general de seguridad social en salud en Manizales. Materiales y métodos: estudio descriptivo de tipo cuali-cuantitativo realizado en la Ciudad de Manizales, 2008. Población de estudio: 422 usuarios del sistema de seguridad social en salud afiliados a los regímenes contributivo, subsidiado y población no asegurada. 40 entrevistas a actores de política representantes del sector ejecutivo, jurisdiccional, académico, organismo de control y vigilancia, y legislativo. Variables: instrumentos de protección y garantía del derecho en normas de carácter internacional, nacional y programas de gobierno. Usuarios del SGSSS: caracterización de la población: características demográficas, socioeconómicas, percepción sobre la protección y alcance del derecho a la salud, conocimientos de los derechos como ciudadano, conocimientos sobre medios de protección del derecho y utilización de estos como medio de acceso al Sistema General de Seguridad en Salud (SGSSS), respuestas a requerimientos de salud, gastos de bolsillo, y existencia de barreras de acceso y sugerencias para la garantía de protección del derecho a la salud en Colombia. Hallazgos de entrevistas a actores: percepción del derecho a la salud, alcance de su garantía en Colombia, observaciones en torno a la garantía de protección del derecho. Hallazgos: se evidencia la diferencia entre lo consagrado normativamente y lo percibido por los actores y usuarios en la protección y alcance del derecho a la salud. Objective: the identification of protection mechanisms and guarantees to the right to health within the public policy and regulatory instruments, as well as identifying the perception regarding the protection of this right by political actors (Policy Makers) and by the general healthcare system users in Manizales. Materials and methods: it is a descriptive study of qualitative and quantitative character conducted in the city of Manizales in 2008. The study population is made up by 422 users of the healthcare system belonging to the contributions regime, subsidized and unaffiliated population. 40 interviews were carried out with political representatives belonging to the executive, judicial, academic and legislative branches, as well as control as control and supervisory agencies. Variables: the protection and right guarantee instruments in international and national laws, and govemment programs. Regarding the members of the General Healthcare System, a characterization of the population was carried out covering demographic and socioeconomic characteristics, the perception on the protection and scope of the right to health, rights knowledge as a citizen., knowledge on ways to protect the right, and their use as a means of access to the General Healthcare System, answer to health needs, pocket expenses, and access barriers and suggestions for ensuring protection of the right to health in Colombia. Findings from the actors interviewed: the perception of the right to health, extent of its guarantee in Colombia, observations on the guarantee of right. Findings: a difference between the norm and what is perceived by the actors and users regarding, the protection and scope of the right to health.Objetivo: verificar nos instrumentos de politica publica de caráter normativo a forma em que inserir se os mecanismos de proteção e garantir o direito a saúde e identificar a percepção sobre a proteção desde direito nos atores de politica (Policy Makers) e usuários do sistema geral de seguridade social em saúde em Manizales, 2008. Provocação de pesquisa: 422 usuários do sistema de seguridade social em saúde afiliados a s regímenes contributivos, subsidiário e povoação não assegurada. 40 entrevistas a atores de politica representantes do setor executivos, jurisdicional, acadêmico, organismo de control e vigilância, e legislativo. Vaiáveis: instrumentos de proteção e garantia do direito em normas de caráter internacional, nacional e programas de governo Usuários do SGSSS: caracterização da povoação: características demográficas, socioeconômicas, percepção sobre a proteção do direito e utilização desde como médios de acesso ao Sistema Geral de Seguridad Social em saúde (SGSSS), resposta a requerimentos de saúde, gastos de paletó, e existência de barreiras de acesso e sugestão para a garantia de proteção do direito a saúde, em Colombia. Descobrimento de entrevista a atores: percepção do direito a saúde alcance de sua garantia em Colombia, observações em torno á garantia de proteção do direito. Descobrimentos: evidencia se a diferencia entre o consagrado normativamente e o percebido por os atores e usuários na proteção e alcance do direito a saúde.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.

As much as COVID-19 is a health and economic crisis, at its core, it is also a governance crisis.

NDI President Derek Mitchell and new Director of Democratic Governance Kristen Sample delve into ways governments and the international community have risen (or not) to meet the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Find us on: SoundCloud | Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS | Google Play

Derek Mitchell: As we all continue to shelter in place and respond to the colossal health and economic crisis that is COVID-19, we must not forget that at its core, pandemics are as much a result of governance failure as any failure of healthcare or health system.
Since working to support democratic processes, institutions and governance around the world is what NDI does for a living, we thought it useful to delve into the role governance has played in the COVID-19 pandemic with NDI's experience in more than 50 countries around the world serving as a guide. Welcome to DemWorks. My name is Derek Mitchell, president of the National Democratic Institute.
To discuss all this with me in this podcast, I'm joined by NDI's new director of democratic governance, Kristen Sample.
Kristen Sample: Thank you so much Derek.
DM: Kristen just joined us on March 1. She brings more than 20 years of democratic governance experience with her to NBI having advised and evaluated programs at UN Women, UN Democracy Fund, the Open Society Foundation, Global Partners, Governance and International IDEA. Kristen is an expert on countering corruption, legislative strengthening in the nexus of gender and politics and she has led projects focused on the impact of democratic reform on economic development and citizen security. At a moment when the global crisis in governance is at the center of international conversation, at least before the pandemic push pause, we are thrilled to have Kristen aboard to look at that issue with fresh creativity here at NBI. So welcome Kristen to your very first DemWorks podcast.
KS: I'm really pleased to have the opportunity to speak with you today on such important issues.
DM: So we'll speak about the crisis of governance but also the pandemic factor as well. But I do want to start with this global governance crisis that has sort of preceded this. This is a broader overhang. We've seen all over the world popular demonstrations over the past year and more and everywhere from Moscow to Managua, to Hong Kong, to Khartoum, to Algeria, to Istanbul, to Paris. You can go on and on. And what it represents is a frustration with the quality of governance. Democracy somehow is not delivering for people. And I want to hear your thoughts on that. It's a moment of turmoil certainly. People will look at this and say, "Well, democracy is failing," but it's more than democracy that this is happening. It's a general quality of governance question that I think actually provides an opportunity. So let me just ask your thoughts on that first off, Kristen.
KS: Yeah. Thanks so much for that question, Derek. I think that NDI, since we have officers or programs spanning every region of the world basically in more than 50 countries, we're in a very good position to be able to take the pulse of what's happening in the different countries. In fact, we have been conducting surveys every two weeks of our country programs to get a sense of what's happening on the ground and we've received some very interesting signals that I'm really happy to be able to share with you today.
On the one side, we are saying that in many countries governments are responding very seriously, in very concerted ways to the health crisis. I mean in more than two thirds of the countries. The governments in the countries where we work are closing nonessential businesses in over 60%, they are communicating in ways, having very intensive communication campaigns that really are reaching all citizens. But when it comes to the democracy side, when it comes to implementing that response and pursuing a response that's consistent with democratic principles and norms and values and institutions, we are seeing some troubling developments at the same time.
For instance, the number of governments by our account, over 40% of the governments in the countries where we work are declaring emergency powers and it's clear that this is an extraordinary situation that requires extraordinary measures, but in many cases these emergency powers are inconsistent with democratic principles. They are not linked to the crisis. There is no provision for legislative oversight or in many cases, these have no sunset class, so there's no time limit and these are simply open-ended.
And link to that and linked in many cases to these emergency powers, emergency decrees, we're seeing an uptick also in threats to fundamental freedoms. For instance, nearly half of our countries are reporting that there are measures in place where governments are repressing non-state media who are critical of the government's response to the pandemic and that in some cases, again, almost 50% of our countries, there are measures in place where governments are limiting space for civil society to engage in political actions.
Another factor that I'd like to highlight too is while we're all distracted by the pandemic and while people are at home and perhaps with less access to information and less direct contact with government, there are also signals that many governments are using this as an opportunity to diminish anti-corruption controls. So that means that in some cases economic response packages or healthcare delivery is taking place with less transparency and less openness, which as you can imagine is a risk in terms of making sure that those resources are actually getting where they need to be.
And all of this, all of the stresses, the frustration and these concerns of course also have impacts when it comes to citizen trust, interpersonal trust citizen trust of the government and also we're seeing greater potential for civic unrest and a deteriorating security environment.
So all together, I hate to start with such a pessimistic view, but I think it is important again, through the networks that we have, the relationships that we have with political and civic actors on the ground, to convey the seriousness of the situation and to make sure that we're always communicating that well, this response requires really drastic measures. These measures need to be consonant of course, with the principles of democratic governance.
DM: Right. It fits into this broader competition of narratives that occurred even before the pandemic began, where China or Russia saying, "Look, authoritarian governments are more efficient in providing services. We do this stuff better. Democracy is messy." And they're able, as you say, to take advantage of this moment when people are looking for strong central control to make that case and to both do that rhetorically but also through provision of services.
And then it's not just those major countries. You'll have folks whether it's Hungary or Poland or you just go around the world, they're postponing elections. They are shutting down civil society, they're settling scores with adversaries. They're constraining public debate, saying that those things are luxuries during a time of crisis and that gives them an opportunity then as you said, for not just power grabs, but resource grabs and money grabs and they say, "Look, these are extraordinary times. They require extraordinary measures." And the concern is that these extraordinary measures will be permanent, that they'll say you need us to be surveilling people.
So this is a challenge for certainly those who do democracy work and for folks inside these countries. But I think the broader question of security, we'll talk about that maybe a little bit later, but it's interesting what we're seeing on the ground as you say.
You do a lot of work in the legislative sphere, you have a lot of background on that. How legislatures are particularly important. Civil society is too, but just focusing on legislature's role as a check and balance against executive overreach, can you talk about from the NDI experience or your other observation, how legislatures are being challenged, how they're dealing with this moment, how they're adapting to deal with the COVID-19 moment.
KS: Yeah, absolutely. So I'm so glad you brought this point up. The first challenge that I'd highlight is this risk that the legislative branch is getting sidelined. In a crisis like this, the executive branch is generally front and center. Their role is clearly understood by citizens. Head of state might be the one out there doing daily press briefings or a health minister communicating medical reports. And there's this sense of emergency that as I sort of alluding to before, it seems to empower the executive branch. And unfortunately that seems to be, in many cases, at the expense of the legislative power.
And additionally, another challenge and another reason that legislatures are perhaps getting crowded out or sidelined is simply that, the coronavirus, by it's dynamic, it's not socially compatible. And since parliaments are these multi-member bodies that have more diffuse operations, more diffuse leadership and that involve hundreds of different people, it's simply just a challenge to assemble a large group of people together, bring them together and keep them front and center in this crisis.
So if that first challenge is making sure that people just keep in mind that legislatures matter and the legislatures are able to exert their rights and their authority, I'd say that the second challenge of course is just how do parliaments, legislatures operate in a virtual world. Politicians are by nature, they like to shake hands, they like to get out on the street, they need to be in touch with their constituents. And there are so many challenge involved in this current world that we have where we should all be social distancing.
So looking across the world where we work, their parliaments are adopting different measures. Some of them are using social distancing restrictions like reducing the number of MPs in sessions. Others are moving to remote voting, remote deliberations. And then others are not meeting at all, which of course is quite terrible. And in those cases where legislatures have been dissolved or have been suspended for long periods of time.
We are working too, as you were saying, as NDI closely with parliaments in a number of countries to try to do those adaptations to the rules of procedures so that they're able to continue meeting in session and continue deliberating and continuing exercising oversight. For instance, we have connected parliamentarians in Colombia with parliamentarians in Ecuador. We have virtual sessions to learn from Ecuador's experience in adopting a regulation for the implementation of virtual session and teleworking.
So we are trying to connect parliamentarians across countries to understand how some parliaments have been moving forward in terms of remote procedures and how that's going for them. And two more challenges. One I'd highlight is that oversight role that we've been talking about. And from the same survey that we conducted with our country programs, we found that in 59% of the countries, checks and balances have been weakened, have deteriorated under the pandemic.
And this is happening at such an unfortunate time when there's so many policy measures that need to be approved and put in place. If we just take the issue of debt policy for instance, I saw a statistic from the Westminster Foundation that more than 80 countries have already requested emergency aid from the IMF. I mean these countries are struggling of course to meet different types of fiscal obligations and they are desperate for cash in order to ramp up health services and put in place economic measures.
And so these governments are taking on debt obligations, debt burns that are going to have far reaching impacts and long lasting impacts that should really be approved by the legislative branch and include monitoring and reporting. And that's not always the case in most of these instances.
DM: So you just say it's a very dangerous time and folks are adapting procedurally, but there are really implications to this longterm, including for security. And I think we'll get to that after the break.
For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with courageous and committed pro-democracy activists and leaders around the world to help countries develop the institutions, practices and skills necessary for democracy's success.
KS: Welcome back. Derek, I've heard you speak to the issue of authoritarian systems and how they're operating in this crisis and that the authoritarian nature in itself makes health crises more likely. And you've also said in some of your speeches and some of the conversations we've had that it's not a coincidence that the pandemic started in China and I'd really like to hear from your expertise, your deep background on China specifically. Can you explain to listeners why that is? Why there is that connection?
DM: Well, as I said at the top, this is not just a health crisis, it's a governance crisis. It's a factor of governance both in the prevention of the pandemic and the response to it. We talked so far mostly about the response, how we're responding to the pandemic, but the core of the pandemic is a failure of governance. The difference between a local health crisis that is contained and a pandemic lies in the ability of a political system to respond to that early challenge quickly and effectively. And that requires both government and civic action. And if you're going to deal with this crisis early, it requires both. To do that, you have to act swiftly. You have to have widespread testing and contact tracing. You need critical support from citizens. In order to do all that and to ensure that that happens, you have to have basic civic trust.
Closed societies routinely fail that test of having that civic trust and that rapid action for some very practical reasons. When a government suppresses a free flow of information, when it fails to empower independent civic institutions, when it's too insecure to convey bad news candidly, doesn't feel that it has a political legitimacy, therefore, it's insecure to convey bad news. When its data can't be trusted because it's opaque, when its officials are afraid to speak truth to power or communicate inconvenient truths to their superiors or act decisively, absent waiting for some strict orders from the very center and they can't move quickly, the result can be deadly.
It turns what is a local health issue into a pandemic so it crosses borders. It becomes not just a problem for one country but for all others. So democratic governance is very, very practical and once again in this regard, transparent, accountable, inclusive, responsive, open governments is essential to crisis response but it's also essential to prevent the crisis from emerging to begin with.
And it is a matter of national security. This highlights frankly what many of us have known all along, that this is not just nice but has very practical national security effects. And as we just talked earlier, the irony is that just as the world needs more open democratic societies to prevent future crises and deal with the current one, there are opportunistic politicians who are closing political and civic space. That I think is a very practical reason why that closed societies cause these pandemics.
KS: I think that all of those points that you've been raising in terms of the threats and the vulnerabilities are so important for us to keep front and center. At the same time, here in NDI, as you know, is we're very keen to make sure that there are also opportunities to elevate the many examples around the world where governments are acting democratically and effectively in response to the crisis and they're framing and working with citizens in ways that are absolutely consistent with democratic values and principles. And so I do want to showcase some of those.
I think it's received a lot of press around the world how New Zealand, for instance has reacted, and I read this week that New Zealand is perhaps one of the very first countries to have been able to successfully eliminate COVID. They have no new COVID cases. And it's a case that really stands out for the way that the prime minister has been able to deliver information in a very clear, compassionate, inclusive way, a way that's very grounded in science of course, and transparent.
And at the same time where the legislature has had an important role developing a parliamentary select committee that's providing scrutiny of the government's response. The government has also been very affirmative there I think, in terms of issues of freedom of information and media freedom and has said that they would not slow down, for instance, their commitment to responding to requests for information during the crisis. So there's certainly the case of New Zealand, which is so interesting and it's shown such early success, but there are other places around the world too where specific measures taken by the government I think have been so positive and far reaching.
Uruguay comes to mind for instance. We see so many cases where authoritarian leaders are using this crisis to be able to settle scores as you were saying, or to act in a very partisan fashion. But in Uruguay, the president convened all of the former presidential candidates to give a joint press conference to send a powerful message of unity and to show that across the party divide, they were working together to develop responses.
Taiwan also really stands out for its cross party coordination, the transparent communications they've had, the very creative efforts that the government has put in place there, I think they've called it humor, not rumor. A campaign to share facts in real time to counter disinformation, to manage fear. So there aren't many cases out there as I was saying, of governments that are responding effectively and in ways that are building that citizen trust that you were mentioning.
DM: Yes. And then a further one, another democracy that's a leading democracy, probably the first out of the gate is South Korea. They did exactly what was necessary. People are looking at that example, a democratic example. They didn't sacrifice rights at all. They obviously had very strong controls at times of the society, but it took very swift action. They did widespread testing, contact tracing and they worked with civil society and is shown over and over that civil society is probably one of the most important factors. It's not simply a government driven thing that makes a response success. Civil society serves as a very efficient force multiplier for government. We saw that in Katrina, hurricane Katrina. We see it's proved over and over that it really is effective in getting the word out and messaging.
Ensuring is like in Taiwan through their civic tech community, they're sort of hackers. They're young citizens, who themselves in a voluntary fashion, formed a community. They were viewed as allies and partners not alienated from the government. And that partnership has been a success in Taiwan, has been a success in South Korea and is essential for a success. And that means that governments need to be open, need to be transparent, they need to see society as partners. So this is absolutely critical.
KS: Yeah. And I just want to add on the South Korea example. I'm so glad you brought that up because South Korea held elections during the pandemic on April 15, they had national assembly lessons and they were actually able to organize those elections in a way that was seen as very transparent, that was very consistent with electoral integrity and they had higher levels of turnout than in previous elections, which is pretty amazing. And there's so many countries around the world that are facing elections in 2020. I think the way that South Korea was able to do it with a very intensive communication campaign as you were speaking again to their transparency of communication, they had expanded early voting measures in place. They had home voting, they had very comprehensive safeguards for people to be able to vote in person. So even organizing an election in a time that seems so difficult and so challenging, I think that as you were saying, democracies like South Korea are showing that there is a way forward.
DM: Right. And I think we can learn some lessons from that as well. There are groups, including NDI has been at the center of this, of putting together documents that say here are the election integrity guidelines for this moment, that democracy should not be sacrificed at the alter of crisis response, that elections need to move forward if they can be done in the right way and if they need to be postponed, it's postponed within a certain timeframe and only during a period of high crisis. So there are principles here where democracy can continue to move forward. It makes the society stronger, it builds that civic trust that's important for crisis response. But we need to... You can walk and chew gum at the same time at this moment. So I'm glad we were able to talk about some of these democratic examples.
KS: Absolutely. And I will be right back after this quick message.
You can hear more from other democracy heroes by listening to our DemWorks podcast available on iTunes and SoundCloud.
DM: Welcome back with Kristen Sample. Of course you're new to NDI, but you know NDI very well and it's a fundamental principle everywhere that nations will only succeed when societies are fully inclusive, where they don't leave anybody behind. They enable all to contribute equally. That means women, that means young people, that means traditionally marginalized groups, LGBT communities, et cetera. It's just plain logic that if you leave anybody behind, that you're not going to get the most out of your citizen when you're going to hold your country back, and yet we are witnessing negative impacts toward these populations during this COVID-19 moment. Kristen, can you speak to this, explain what's going on here and why it matters?
KS: Sure, absolutely. I mean obviously this crisis isn't occurring in a vacuum. It's occurring in a context where across the world, across all countries, there are already this array of existing intersecting inequalities where some people were coming into this crisis already in a disadvantaged place. And then the pandemic itself has differentiated impacts that affect women and other marginalized groups disproportionately. I'll just give a few examples.
I mean lockdown for women who are living in relationships of power imbalance and of abuse perhaps, lockdown for them means locked in, with an abusive partner. And for instance our survey of country offices that I was referring to previously, in 66% of our countries, there seems to be an increase in sexual and gender based violence since the pandemic. In 15% of those countries, it's a significant increase. Of course these women might be locked in in vulnerable situations and then at the same time have less access to government resources, government support. So that's one example.
Others, people with disabilities for instance, who have always struggled to access health services, transportation in an equitable fashion, you can imagine that that lack of access and the differentiated impact of the pandemic on them is life threatening in some cases.
There are digital divide concerns, people in rural areas or women, other marginalized groups who may have less access to information, to resources. There are real concerns also and cases around the world where this pandemic is being exploited by anti migrant hate groups for instance, who try to link movement and migration to the origin of the virus. Or in some cases, for instance in Africa and some of the countries where we work, media outlets are perpetuating stereotypes against people with albinism for instance, and placing the blame for the virus on them.
So there are so many challenges around making sure that people have access to resources, people are safe and that we are able to convey and support a message of social cohesion and solidarity instead of the divisions that we're seeing pop up around the world. I think that in our case, for instance in Indiana, what we're trying to do is reinforce the need for inclusive decision-making, making sure for instance, that women are involved in decision making and other marginalized groups are involved in decision making and representation and in these deliberation bodies, making sure that the policymaking is taking into account these vulnerabilities and these different differentiated needs. And also the government messaging is inclusive, getting to everybody and it's supporting the social cohesion messaging and solidarity messages.
DM: And again, this is critical for the crisis response, pandemic response. I mean COVID-19 doesn't discriminate. Whoever has it, whoever is vulnerable or subject will get it and it will spread to the society writ large. So if you're not inclusive, if you're excluding folks, if politicians then see that there is an opportunity here as some politicians will to divide and conquer, to play on fear. Or spoilers from the outside may see that there are opportunities if they're divided societies, to create tensions that then require or enable them to negotiate the deal that you want to make or promote corruption within the society.
There are all kinds of ways this makes societies less stable, less secure, and affects the development and certainly the response to crises. So this is not just a nice thing, it's not just a human rights thing. This is fundamentally important to national security, international security and to everything that we're seeking to achieve through democracy.
KS: Absolutely. And I think along the things I'd really like to hear from you too, Derek, in terms of how you see along the lines of this being an international crisis that includes the whole world, that joins us all although we are in very different places. How you see role NDI's role in supporting that cross border cooperation and solidarity and having the international community come together?
DM: Given that authoritarians are claiming their model is unique for this moment, we have to be out there making our case. But in terms of our specific adaptations that we are doing, we are working in places like Ethiopia to ensure that the public opinion surveys are necessary invents of their postponed elections or continue forward, but can be done virtually. That we can adapt legislative rules of procedure in places that need it to allow for remote voting and continue the legislative process to ensure that election integrity is maintained.
As I mentioned earlier, there are certain principles and established accepted international principles for when and how to postpone elections, how to hold them during moments of crisis. And we put together crisis response kits that can be used. It's called the practical toolkit for politicians during a pandemic that can help political parties figure out how to do crisis management or help the government put together crisis communication.
So a lot of things that can be done internally and done across different countries that ensure the solidarity is still there, the momentum for democracy is still there. The expectation that democratic norms are sustained in this moment so that the headlines are not simply roll back authoritarian opportunism, that massive surveillance, all the things that people may succumb to because of fear during crisis, that there is an alternative voice and it says it doesn't have to be like that. Or if it does have to be like that now, it doesn't have to continue to be like that indefinitely and that there are some standards by which these things are being imposed.
So that international norm setting at this moment, it's probably more important than ever to do and we are trying to do at national level. We're trying to do it across different countries to ensure that there is not a vacuum to which the authoritarian voice moves and has free open season for its own values. It goes across, I think, a lot of different countries. And Kristen, I'd be interested in your thoughts from your perspective of governance, how that's working.
KS: I think that there's a real role for the international community to play. And I wanted to highlight that too in what you're saying because these challenges are so vast that clearly we have to work together on people to people exchanges and supporting lesson sharing. And so I do think that there's an absolute role for the international community playing in terms of getting out the messages of that democracy is not a luxury, it's not something that could be put into a coma or put on hold while we're all sheltering, that it's something that has to be reaffirmed on a daily basis.
And so I do think that countries also have to, in addition to standing firm, standing on their own ground on democratic principles, they also have to be willing to promote and expand those democratic principles across borders, especially to counter those liberal influences that you were referring to earlier, that in some cases are, really transmitted and increased through disinformation campaigns or phony PR campaigns that need to be called out of course by all actors.
DM: Thanks again, Kristen for joining me in conversation about how democracies can best meet the challenges of COVID and how NDI with its global partners are meeting the moment.
KS: Thank you, Derek.
DM: I'd also like to say thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI or to listen to other DemWorks podcasts, please visit our website at www.ndi.org. Thanks very much.


World map of Coronavirus (Covid-19)



19. Governance is Key During COVID-19? (w/ Kristen Sample) Posted 6 days ago

Democracy (General), COVID-19 Podcast NDI Listen democracy

The importance of taking into account the positive achievements of domestic pedagogy for the development of modern education, especially in the context of intensification of the process of decentralization of local government. The purpose of the article was to highlight the pedagogical experience of P I Shevchenko, former rector of Kryvyi Rih State Pedagogical University, as head of the city (Kryvyi Rih) Department of Public Education from August 1965 to October 1979, to study the longevity of previous management ideas and theories as a methodological guide for modern education managers. Leading research methods: analysis and generalization of archival material, problem and retrospective analysis. The study of documentary sources of the Dnieper Regional State Archive (Kryvyi Rih City Executive Committee Department), which contains material from P I Shevchenko's reports at city meetings of Kryvyi Rih school principals, identified a range of issues that were of priority importance in the organizational and managerial work of the scientist-teacher. It was revealed that during his work P. Shevchenko solved the issues of development of educational infrastructure of the whole city and adjacent districts, ensuring sustainable functioning of schools, preschool, out-of-school, vocational educational institutions of the city and adjacent districts.Within his official powers, P. Shevchenko also took care of preschool institutions, demanded to pay attention to the caloric content and variety of baby food, compliance with sanitary and hygienic norms in the institution, timely repairs in kindergartens, improvement of playgrounds and more. The regional peculiarities of the city, which were characterized by the rapid development of metallurgical production, required systematic career guidance work, to which, first of all, the lessons of labor training were directed. The articulation of these issues before the educators of the city was leading in the activities of P. Shevchenko in the late 70's of the twentieth century.The appeal to the documents that left the imprint of P. Shevchenko's organizational and managerial work as the head of the city department of public education proves the consistent implementation in his managerial activity of the idea of combining study and work, the idea that is now called dual education. In his work, P. Shevchenko was guided by the then decisions of party institutions, but the priority in his work was a personal interest in solving the problems of that time, which was manifested in his ability to form strategic goals and determine the algorithm of priority actions for their implementation. It is proved that P. Shevchenko's activity was concentrated around the problems of the educational branch of the city, pedagogical collectives, apprentices, which were considered as a guarantee of successful social and economic development of the state. ; Констатовано важливість урахування позитивних надбань вітчизняної педагогіки для розвитку сучасної освіти, особливо в умовах інтенсифікації процесу децентралізації органів місцевого управління. Метою статті було висвітлення педагогічного досвіду П. І. Шевченка, колишнього ректора Криворізького державного педагогічного університету, на посаді завідувача міського (м. Кривий Ріг) відділу народної освіти з серпня 1965 р. по жовтень 1979 р., задля вивчення тяглості попередніх управлінських ідей і теорій, як методологічного орієнтиру для сучасних менеджерів освіти. Провідні методи дослідження: аналіз та узагальнення архівного матеріалу, проблемний та ретроспективний аналіз. Вивчення документальних джерел Дніпровського обласного державного архіву (відділ міськвиконкому м. Кривий Ріг), що містить матеріал доповідей П. І. Шевченка на міських нарадах керівників шкіл Кривого Рогу дозволило визначити коло проблем, які мали пріоритетне значення у організаційно-управлінській роботі вченого-педагога.Виявлено, що під час своєї роботи П. Шевченко вирішував питання розвитку освітньої інфраструктури всього міста і прилеглих районів, забезпечення сталого функціонування шкіл, дошкільних, позашкільних, професійно-технічних закладів освіти міста і прилеглих районів. У межах посадових повноважень П. Шевченко також опікувався дошкільними дитячими установами, вимагав приділяти увагу калорійності та різноманітності дитячого харчування, дотриманню в закладі санітарно-гігієнічних норм, проведенню своєчасних ремонтних робіт в приміщеннях дитячих садків, благоустрою дитячих майданчиків тощо. Регіональні особливості міста, що характеризувалися стрімким розвитком металургійного виробництва потребували системної профорієнтаційної роботи, на яку, передусім, були спрямовані уроки трудового навчання. Артикуляція цих питань перед освітянами міста була провідною у діяльності Павла Івановича наприкінці 70-х рр. ХХ ст. Звернення до документів, які залишили відбиток організаційно-управлінської роботи П. Шевченка на посаді голови міського відділу народної освіти доводить послідовне втілення в його управлінській діяльності ідеї сполучення навчання та праці, ідеї, що на сьогодні отримала назву – дуальна освіта. В своїй роботі П. Шевченко керувався тогочасними постановами партійних установ, утім пріоритетною в його роботі була особиста зацікавленість у розв'язанні тогочасних проблем, що виявлялась у його здатності до формування стратегічних цілей та визначення алгоритму першочергових дій для їхньої реалізації. Доведено, що діяльність П. Шевченка була сконцентрована навколо проблем освітньої галузі міста, педагогічних колективів, учнівства, що розглядалися як запорука успішного соціального та економічного розвитку держави.

The importance of taking into account the positive achievements of domestic pedagogy for the development of modern education, especially in the context of intensification of the process of decentralization of local government. The purpose of the article was to highlight the pedagogical experience of P I Shevchenko, former rector of Kryvyi Rih State Pedagogical University, as head of the city (Kryvyi Rih) Department of Public Education from August 1965 to October 1979, to study the longevity of previous management ideas and theories as a methodological guide for modern education managers. Leading research methods: analysis and generalization of archival material, problem and retrospective analysis. The study of documentary sources of the Dnieper Regional State Archive (Kryvyi Rih City Executive Committee Department), which contains material from P I Shevchenko's reports at city meetings of Kryvyi Rih school principals, identified a range of issues that were of priority importance in the organizational and managerial work of the scientist-teacher. It was revealed that during his work P. Shevchenko solved the issues of development of educational infrastructure of the whole city and adjacent districts, ensuring sustainable functioning of schools, preschool, out-of-school, vocational educational institutions of the city and adjacent districts.Within his official powers, P. Shevchenko also took care of preschool institutions, demanded to pay attention to the caloric content and variety of baby food, compliance with sanitary and hygienic norms in the institution, timely repairs in kindergartens, improvement of playgrounds and more. The regional peculiarities of the city, which were characterized by the rapid development of metallurgical production, required systematic career guidance work, to which, first of all, the lessons of labor training were directed. The articulation of these issues before the educators of the city was leading in the activities of P. Shevchenko in the late 70's of the twentieth century.The appeal to the documents that left the imprint of P. Shevchenko's organizational and managerial work as the head of the city department of public education proves the consistent implementation in his managerial activity of the idea of combining study and work, the idea that is now called dual education. In his work, P. Shevchenko was guided by the then decisions of party institutions, but the priority in his work was a personal interest in solving the problems of that time, which was manifested in his ability to form strategic goals and determine the algorithm of priority actions for their implementation. It is proved that P. Shevchenko's activity was concentrated around the problems of the educational branch of the city, pedagogical collectives, apprentices, which were considered as a guarantee of successful social and economic development of the state. ; Констатовано важливість урахування позитивних надбань вітчизняної педагогіки для розвитку сучасної освіти, особливо в умовах інтенсифікації процесу децентралізації органів місцевого управління. Метою статті було висвітлення педагогічного досвіду П. І. Шевченка, колишнього ректора Криворізького державного педагогічного університету, на посаді завідувача міського (м. Кривий Ріг) відділу народної освіти з серпня 1965 р. по жовтень 1979 р., задля вивчення тяглості попередніх управлінських ідей і теорій, як методологічного орієнтиру для сучасних менеджерів освіти. Провідні методи дослідження: аналіз та узагальнення архівного матеріалу, проблемний та ретроспективний аналіз. Вивчення документальних джерел Дніпровського обласного державного архіву (відділ міськвиконкому м. Кривий Ріг), що містить матеріал доповідей П. І. Шевченка на міських нарадах керівників шкіл Кривого Рогу дозволило визначити коло проблем, які мали пріоритетне значення у організаційно-управлінській роботі вченого-педагога.Виявлено, що під час своєї роботи П. Шевченко вирішував питання розвитку освітньої інфраструктури всього міста і прилеглих районів, забезпечення сталого функціонування шкіл, дошкільних, позашкільних, професійно-технічних закладів освіти міста і прилеглих районів. У межах посадових повноважень П. Шевченко також опікувався дошкільними дитячими установами, вимагав приділяти увагу калорійності та різноманітності дитячого харчування, дотриманню в закладі санітарно-гігієнічних норм, проведенню своєчасних ремонтних робіт в приміщеннях дитячих садків, благоустрою дитячих майданчиків тощо. Регіональні особливості міста, що характеризувалися стрімким розвитком металургійного виробництва потребували системної профорієнтаційної роботи, на яку, передусім, були спрямовані уроки трудового навчання. Артикуляція цих питань перед освітянами міста була провідною у діяльності Павла Івановича наприкінці 70-х рр. ХХ ст. Звернення до документів, які залишили відбиток організаційно-управлінської роботи П. Шевченка на посаді голови міського відділу народної освіти доводить послідовне втілення в його управлінській діяльності ідеї сполучення навчання та праці, ідеї, що на сьогодні отримала назву – дуальна освіта. В своїй роботі П. Шевченко керувався тогочасними постановами партійних установ, утім пріоритетною в його роботі була особиста зацікавленість у розв'язанні тогочасних проблем, що виявлялась у його здатності до формування стратегічних цілей та визначення алгоритму першочергових дій для їхньої реалізації. Доведено, що діяльність П. Шевченка була сконцентрована навколо проблем освітньої галузі міста, педагогічних колективів, учнівства, що розглядалися як запорука успішного соціального та економічного розвитку держави.

This issue of the Journal of Public Policy Perspectives brings together articles that demonstrate the persistent presence of the state with relative independence from the specific issues and ideological signs that legitimize or justify it. The text by Carlos Matías Yáñez analyzes the relationship between policy proposals focused on improving the efficiency of public companies - a relevant ingredient in "state-centric" schemes - and the educational and professional trajectories of the members of their directorships based on the orientation they print. government definitions in political matters. Ezequiel Galván studies the way in which the Pro.Cre.Ar program designed by the present state of the government chaired by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, was altered by state presenteeism during the presidency of engineer Macri, altering its nature and original goals and transforming it into a promotional tool. access to housing for middle sectors, in financial business with a high cost for those who agreed to take it. Juan Montes Cató and Patricia Ventricestudian the active joint interventions of branches of the executive power and the judicial power of a theoretically absent state, aimed at disciplining union activism. Soledad González Alvarizqueta sets her sights on state action in developed and developing countries in response to the 2007-2008 food crisis implemented by the main importers of Argentine fresh fruits, a matter of extreme relevance for several economies and regional social coalitions. Alfredo Ladillinsky investigates the usefulness of the concept of resilience and its articulation with local development, as an effective tool for planning municipal management.The following four texts have as a shared axis policies to promote gender equality, an issue that has acquired centrality in the policy guidelines of the government that began in December 2019. Hernán Toppi's text proposes a comparison of the equality criteria promoted at the level of political representation in the legislative bodies of Paraguay and Argentina; Paula Canelo shows the variations in the participation of women in national and subnational cabinets in Argentina, while Agustina Iglesias Skulj wonders about the effectiveness of a normative decision of the General Inspectorate of Justice to guarantee gender parity in administration and inspection bodies of civil legal persons . Finally, the document issued by the Chief of Cabinet of Ministers "Guidelines for gender equality in State companies and societies" is included. Carlos M. VilasDirector ; El presente número de la Revista Perspectivas de Políticas Públicas reúne artículosque demuestran la presencia persistente del estado con relativa independencia delos temas específicos y los signos ideológicos que la legitiman o justifican. El texto deCarlos Matías Yáñez analiza la relación entre las propuestas de políticas enfocadas enmejorar la eficiencia de las empresas públicas -un ingrediente relevante en los esquemas"estadocéntricos"- y las trayectorias educativas y profesionales de los miembros de susdirectorios en función de la orientación que imprimen las definiciones gubernamentalesen materia política. Ezequiel Galván estudia el modo en que el programa Pro.Cre.Ar diseñado por el estado presente del gobierno presidido por Cristina Fernández deKirchner, fue alterado por el presentismo estatal durante la presidencia del ingenieroMacri, alterando su naturaleza y metas originales y transformándolo de herramientade promoción del acceso a la vivienda para sectores medios, en negocio financiero concosto elevado para quienes aceptaron tomarlo. Juan Montes Cató y Patricia Ventriciestudian las activas intervenciones conjuntas de ramas del poder ejecutivo y del poderjudicial de un estado teóricamente ausente, dirigidas al disciplinamiento del activismosindical. Soledad González Alvarizqueta pone la mira en el accionar estatal en paísesdesarrollados y países en desarrollo como respuesta a la crisis alimentaria de 2007-2008que implementaron los principales importadores de frutas frescas argentinas, asunto deextrema relevancia para varias economías y coaliciones sociales regionales. Alfredo Ladillinsky indaga la utilidad del concepto de resiliencia y su articulación con el desarrollolocal, como una herramienta efectiva para la planificación de la gestión municipal.Los cuatro textos siguientes tienen como eje compartido políticas de promoción dela igualdad de género, un asunto que ha adquirido centralidad en las orientaciones depolítica del gobierno iniciado en diciembre 2019. El texto de Hernán Toppi proponeuna comparación de los criterios de igualdad impulsados en el plano de la representaciónpolítica en los órganos legislativos de Paraguay y Argentina; Paula Canelo muestra lasvariaciones en la participación de mujeres en gabinetes nacionales y subnacionales enArgentina, en tanto Agustina Iglesias Skulj se pregunta sobre la eficacia de una decisiónnormativa de la Inspección General de Justicia para garantizar la paridad de género enorganismos de administración y fiscalización de personas jurídicas civiles. Por último, seincluye el documento emitido por la Jefatura de Gabinete de Ministros "Lineamientospara la igualdad de género en las empresas y sociedades del Estado".Carlos M. VilasDirector

Leather goods is an age-old tradition born of man's need to carry elements with himself, in fact it is considered to have been used in antiquity in activities such as hunting and farming, even hieroglyphics in Egypt exhibit men who possess a kind of bag strapped to the waist; later, in the fourteenth century, these bags were used to carry money for men and to demonstrate social status for women, who carried perfume, lipstick and fan, then with the changes of the nineteenth century and the appearance of transport by train, Its capacity and structure changed, since then it has evolved towards an object of daily use and an indispensable accessory, to the point of finding a great variety of typologies in the market, from the simple and small lady's purse to party, passing by the leather briefcase for the business executive man to the military's backpack for the campaign. Leather goods have not been benefited from much research as its main branch, clothing, however, studies have focused mainly on ergonomic advances, internal distribution of elements and loads. These analyzes focused on the applied technology and the aesthetics of these articles, have been led by companies with a long history that destine resources to R+D+I activities, as well as small entrepreneurs generally in the area of design. These studies have emphasized in bags to carry on the back, presenting them the greatest technological development in the market due to the extensive studies of use in school age and in the militia due to the weight capacity that bearers can carry.The study developed here addresses the analysis of bags, handbags and / or briefcases from a global perspective due to the breadth of the development of these products by the fashion industry. Allowing a representative observation of these products and their use through laboratory tests, which involve an application in the field of biomechanics from the postural analysis and in the execution of the human gait. Similarly, an approach to the user's thinking and experience in relation to comfort in leather goods and what it represents to him / her, given the conditions of a particular everyday context.Given the above, it is meritorious to make a contribution to the sector from the perspective of comfort and what it can represent for the user, academy and industry, providing resources and starting material for future studies that deepen the aspects discussed here; therefore the intention to emphasize in handbags due to the low development and research versus the backpacks. ; La marroquinería es una tradición milenaria que nace de la necesidad del hombre de portar elementos consigo mismo, de hecho se considera que en la antigüedad era usada en actividades como la caza y la agricultura, incluso jeroglíficos en Egipto exhiben hombres que poseen una clase de bolsas atadas a la cintura; tiempo después en el siglo XIV estas bolsas eran usadas para portar dinero por los hombres y demostrar estatus social en las mujeres, las cuales portaban perfume, labial y abanico, luego, con los cambios del siglo XIX y la aparición del transporte en tren, su capacidad y estructura cambió, desde entonces ha evolucionado hacia un objeto de uso cotidiano y un accesorio indispensable, sin embargo, los estudios hechos al respecto se han enfocado principalmente en los avances a nivel ergonómico, en la distribución interna de elementos y en las cargas. Estos análisis enfocados en la tecnología aplicada y la estética de estos artículos, han encontrar una gran variedad de tipologías en el mercado, desde la encilla y pequeña cartera de dama para fiesta, pasando por el portafolio en cuero para el ejecutivo de negocios hasta el morral del militar para la campaña. La marroquinería no ha sido beneficiaria de tanta investigación, las empresas de amplia trayectoria que destinan recursos para actividades de Investigación, Desarrollo e Innovación -I+D+I- como pequeños emprendedores generalmente del área del diseño. Estos estudios han hecho énfasis en maletas para portar en la espalda, presentando estás el mayor desarrollo tecnológico en el mercado debido a los amplios estudios de uso en edad escolar y en la milicia por la capacidad de peso que soportan quienes las cargan.El estudio desarrollado aquí aborda el análisis de maletas, bolsos y/o maletines desde una óptica global, debido a la amplitud en cuanto al desarrollo de estos artículos por parte de la industria del sector moda. Permitiendo hacer una observación representativa de estos productos y de su uso mediante pruebas de laboratorio, las cuales implican una aplicación en el campo de la biomecánica a partir del análisis postural y en la ejecución de la marcha humana. De igual manera, un acercamiento al pensamiento y experiencia del usuario en relación con el confort2 en marroquinería y lo que para este representa, dadas las condiciones de un contexto particular cotidiano la investigación busca hacer un aporte al sector desde la óptica