Suchergebnisse

The Chinese leadership sets great store by social and political stability in the country, for they see its maintenance and consolidation as a major condition for economic progress, successful modernisation and strengthening of China's international position. The author examines socio-political stability in China and potentially destabilising factors paying special attention to a study entitled "Shaping factors in East Asia by the year 2000 and beyond" by researchers of the Hamburg-based Institute of Asian Affairs. (DÜI-Sen)

The author believes that the intensive growth of national capital in South Korea has been largely ensured by the protectionist policies of the country's rulers who mostly banked on implanting big private corporations in industry, the so-called "chebols". He takes a critical look at capitalist modernisation and discusses student unrest since 1985, activities of the opposition parties, growing social and political tension, the part played by the USA in internal politics of South Korea etc. (DÜI-Sen)

According to the authors, the Reagan Administration's "aggressive" military policies have had a negative impact on the situation in Asia and the Pacific. They discuss the effects of these policies and the world-wide slump in the capitalist markets on the young people in Asia and the Pacific. Wide-spread unemployment among the youth. Increasing deterioration of youth problem and mounting social unrest in many countries of the region. Right-wing and left-wing youth movements in these countries

Critical appraisal of the discussion on the aims of production and the fundamental economic laws of socialism, on the nature of relations of distribution, law of value in the conditions of public ownership, on the correlation of planned and market regulation etc. going on in China since the latter half of 1977. Abolition of state property advocated by some Chinese economists. Social scientists' views on property underwent sharp changes during the last four years

We argue that research on political behavior, including political participation, public opinion, policy responsiveness, and political inequality will be strengthened by studying the role of health. We then provide evidence that self-rated health status (SRHS) is associated with voter turnout and partisanship. Using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) and General Social Survey (GSS), we find that people who report excellent health are more likely to vote and more likely to identify with the Republican Party. Moreover, the effects of health on voter turnout and partisanship appear to have both developmental and contemporaneous components. Taken together, our findings suggest that health inequalities may have significant political consequences.

Studies have shown that same-sex marriage (SSM) ballot measures affected voter turnout and primed voters in a manner that aided the Republican Party in 2004. However, if attitude strength plays a role in these spillover effects, then recent increases in the intensity of support for SSM on the left may have eroded—or even reversed—the pro-Republican electoral boost of these measures. Using individual- and county-level data, I demonstrate that more recent votes on SSM have mobilized more pro-Obama SSM supporters than pro-Republican social conservatives. These findings are important for understanding how ballot measures may potentially affect candidate elections.

This study examines the extent that Latinos' sense of social, economic, and political power shapes their perceptions of commonality with blacks and whites. In accordance with my theory, which builds on the racial threat and group position theories, I find that Latinos' sense of power structures their perceptions of blacks and whites. When native-born Latinos feel economically threatened, they are less likely to perceive commonality with blacks. When native-born Latinos gain some political influence, they identify less with whites. Among Latino immigrants who perceive discrimination, residing in a high-threat economic setting is negatively related to perceiving commonality with whites.

Using data from a national survey of 465 American Muslims conducted just after the 2008 election season, the authors assess whether American Muslims are invested in the practices (political discussion, especially across lines of difference) and norms (tolerance) that many theorists suggest are crucial to the maintenance of liberal democracy. The authors find that American Muslims tend to be intolerant of acts against religion. The authors' explanation draws on intergroup relations theory, finding that post-September 11, 2001, discrimination served an educational function boosting tolerance, and disagreement in Muslim social networks tends to depress tolerance unless it is with an in-group discussion partner. Adapted from the source document.

Political consumerism is the intentional buying or abstention from buying specific products for political, social, or ethical purposes. We develop and test hypotheses regarding the individual sources of political consumerism in the United States. Analysis of survey data shows that similar to voting, education, political interest, and citizen duty promote political consumerism. Akin to protest behavior, political consumerism is enhanced by political distrust and general discontent. In contrast to turnout, political consumerism significantly decreases with age. Given the extraelectoral and self-initiated nature of political consumerism, citizen initiative and a proclivity for individualized forms of activism are significant sources of political consumerism. Adapted from the source document.

It was revealed in 2006 that Republican candidates employ a type of religious code in their political speeches. Their intention is to cue the support of religiously conservative voters without alienating other voters who may not share the same social issue agenda. The authors assess the efficacy of this GOP Code on the support of voters in specific religious traditions in an experimental setting. As expected, the code proves to be an effective cue for white evangelical Protestants but has no effect on mainline Protestants and Catholics. The form and function of the code expands our understanding of religious influence and broadens the spectrum of cues the electorate uses. Adapted from the source document.

Scholars increasingly emphasize that party reputations are valuable electoral assets. The authors measure temporal change in the parties' relative reputations across several distinct policy areas and find that each party tends to have advantages on certain issues but that the patterns are far from permanent. Democrats have strong advantages on social welfare issues, but Republicans have made some gains. Republican advantages on taxes and "law and order" have been weaker. The authors also find that party competition has strengthened impressions of the parties. Results support the notion that parties carry a collective-if occasionally transitory-reputation on a host of issues. Adapted from the source document.

A large telephone survey conducted after the attacks of September 11, 2001, suggests that the willingness to tolerate discrimination varies significantly across domains, with a very high tolerance of discrimination against poorly educated immigrants and a strikingly low tolerance of discrimination against the genetically disadvantaged. Regardless of domain, tolerance is greater among men than among women. A survey conducted simultaneously over the World Wide Web, using volunteer panels, replicated the phone survey results and revealed an even larger sex gap. This finding suggests that a social desirability bias leads women to overstate and men to understate their tolerance of discrimination in public.

In this article we look at the pattern of interest group engagement in direct democracy elections. Using a social network analysis of campaign contributions we examine whether or not patterns of group conflict conform to a stable split along a single (left/right) dimension. While we find that it is the case that there are stable components to group participation in direct democracy elections and that group alliances do lie along a left/right dimension we also find this characterization to be a simplification of actual patterns of engagement. Not only is there evidence of single-issue engagement, there is also evidence of a second—insider/outsider—dimension to direct democracy politics.