Suchergebnisse

O presente trabalho constitui uma reflexão acerca da importância de se oferecerem oportunidades institucionais de participação política aos cidadãos a fim de se consolidar o regime democrático de governo. Argumenta-se que a participação é indispensável para a consecução de duas metas: a) Conferir maior legitimidade ao regime e às decisões elaboradas em seu âmbito. Discute-se o argumento sobre como a carência de oportunidades de participação acaba por tornar os cidadãos apáticos e insatisfeitos com a democracia. Considera-se, então, a necessidade de promover mecanismos de intervenção mais fortes e frequentes para a esfera civil; b) Implementar as políticas públicas de maneira mais efetiva. A participação possui uma faceta instrumental, por possibilitar uma melhor qualidade na formulação, implementação e efetividade das decisões políticas e programas governamentais. Assim, no texto, defende-se a adoção de novos dispositivos participativos institucionais por meio da demonstração de suas vantagens. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: democracia, participação, legitimidade, instituições, políticas públicas. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION, LEGITIMACY AND DEMOCRATIC EFFECTIVENESS Francisco Paulo Jamil Almeida Marques This paper is a reflection on the importance of offering institutional opportunities for political participation for the citizens, in order to consolidate the democratic system of government. It is argued that participation is essential to achieve two goals: 1) Confer more legitimacy to the regime and the decisions elaborated in its scope. An argument is made about how the lack of participation opportunities eventually make citizens apathetic and dissatisfied with democracy. The need to promote for more frequent and stronger intervention mechanisms to the civil sphere is considered. 2) More effectively implement public policies. Participation has an instrumental facet, by providing a better quality in the formulation, implementation and effectiveness of policy decisions and government programs. So, in this text, the adoption of new participatory institutional devices through the demonstration of its advantages is defended. KEYWORDS: democracy, participation, legitimacy, institutions, public policies. PARTICIPATION POLITIQUE, LÉGITIMITÉ ET EFFICACITÉ DÉMOCRATIQUE Francisco Paulo Jamil Almeida Marques Ce travail présente une réflexion sur l'importance d'offrir des opportunités institu-tionnelles de participation politique aux citoyens en vue de consolider le régime démocratique de gouvernement. Il est estimé que la participation est indispensable pour atteindre deux objectifs: 1) Attribuer une plus grande légitimité au régime et aux décisions élaborées dans son champ d'application. On y discute de l'argument concernant le manque d'opportunités de participation qui rend les citoyens apathiques et insatisfaits quant à la démocratie. C'est alors que l'on prend en considération la nécessité de promouvoir des mécanismes d'intervention plus forts et plus fréquents pour la sphère civile. 2) Mettre plus efficacement en oeuvre des politiques publiques. La participation a un aspect instrumental, car elle permet une meilleure qualité de formulation, de mise en place et d'effectivité des décisions politiques et des programmes gouvernementaux. On défend donc l'adoption de nouveaux dispositifs institutionnels de participation grâce à la démonstration de leurs avantages. MOTS-CLÉS: démocratie, participation, légitimité, institutions, politiques publiques. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh

En este trabajo se estudian las posibilidades y límites constitucionales
del referéndum local y del referéndum regional en el Estado autonómico
español. Se mantienen unas conclusiones que se apartan de doctrina del Tribunal
Constitucional en sus aspectos esenciales. Se introduce una distinción más
precisa entre consulta popular, como instituto de democracia participativa, y referéndum,
como instituto de democracia semidirecta. Las bases constitucionales del
referéndum local y regional están en la autonomía organizativa de los municipios
y Comunidades Autónomas. El referéndum regional encuentra sus límites constitucionales
en la competencia del Estado para autorizar la convocatoria de consultas
populares por vía de referéndum, la cual debe ser interpretada de manera
restrictiva. Otro límite es la habilitación a la ley orgánica para que desarrolle el
derecho fundamental a participar en los asuntos públicos. Ese mandato también
debe interpretarse de manera restrictiva. Por el contrario el referéndum local tiene
los siguientes límites constitucionales: el mandato del artículo 81.1 CE, en relación
con el art. 23.1; la competencia estatal para regular las bases del régimen local
(art. 149.1.18 CE) y la competencia autonómica sobre régimen local. Por otro lado,
la Constitución no predetermina el modelo de democracia semidirecta a nivel regional
y a nivel local. Pero ese modelo ha resultado ser muy similar al estatal por
voluntad del legislador.
Lan honetan, Espainiako estatu autonomikoan tokiko nahiz eskualdeko
erreferendumak egiteko dauden aukerak eta mugak aztertzen dira. Erreferendumaren
funtsezko alderdiei dagokienez, Konstituzio Auzitegiaren doktrinatik
aldentzen diren ondorio batzuk aurkezten dira. Bereizketa zehatzagoa egiten da
herri-galdeketaren (demokrazia parte-hartzaileko metodoa) eta erreferendumaren
(demokrazia erdizuzeneko metodoa) artean. Tokiko eta eskualdeko erreferendumen
oinarri konstituzionalak udalerrien eta autonomia-erkidegoen antolakuntzaren
autonomian jasota daude. Eskualdeetako erreferendumari muga bat jartzen
dio Konstituzioak, Estatuak baitu erreferendum bidezko herri galdeketen deialdia
baimentzeko eskumena. Eta hori modu murriztailean interpretatu behar da. Beste
muga bat ere badago: auzi publikoetan parte hartzeko funtsezko eskubidea garatzeko,
lege organikoa behar da. Agindu hori ere modu murriztailean interpretatu
behar da. Bestalde, tokiko erreferendumak muga konstituzional hauek ditu: Konstituzioaren
81.1 artikuluak agindutakoa, 23.1 artikuluarekin lotuta; tokiko araubidearen
oinarriak arautzeko Estatuaren eskumena (Konstituzioaren 149.1.18 artikulua);
eta tokiko araubideari buruzko eskumen autonomikoa. Horrez gain, Konstituzioak
ez du finkatzen eskualdeko zein tokiko demokrazia erdizuzenaren eredurik; edonola
ere, Estatu-ereduaren oso antzekoa da, legegileak hala nahi izan duelako.
In this paper we study the constitutional possibilities and limits of
local and regional referendums in the Spanish regional state. We keep conclusions
that deviate from Constitutional Court doctrine in its essential aspects. We
introduce a more precise distinction between popular consultation, as participatory
democracy institute, and referendum, as semi-direct democracy institute. The
constitutional bases of local and regional referendum are in the organizational
autonomy of municipalities and autonomous regions. The regional referendum
has constitutional limits on the power of the State to authorize the call for popular
consultations through referendum, which must be interpreted strictly. Another
limit is the empowerment of the organic Act to develop the fundamental right
to participate in public affairs. That limit should also be interpreted restrictively.
By contrast, the local referendum has the following constitutional limits: the
empowerment of article 81.1 CE in conjunction with art. 23.1 CE, the state power
to regulate the bases of local government (art. 149.1.18 EC) and the regional
power on local government. Moreover, the Constitution does not predetermine
the model of semi-direct democracy at regional and local level. But this model has
proved to be very similar to the state level because the legislator so decided.

The fourth edition of Community Organizing and Community Building for Health and Social Equity provides both classic and recent contributions to the field, with a special accent on how these approaches can contribute to health and social equity. The 23 chapters offer conceptual frameworks, skill- building and case studies in areas like coalition building, organizing by and with women of color, community assessment, and the power of the arts, the Internet, social media, and policy and media advocacy in such work. The use of participatory evaluation and strategies and tips on fundraising for community organizing also are presented, as are the ethical challenges that can arise in this work, and helpful tools for anticipating and addressing them. Also included are study questions for use in the classroom. Many of the book's contributors are leaders in their academic fields, from public health and social work, to community psychology and urban and regional planning, and to social and political science. One author was the 44th president of the United States, himself a former community organizer in Chicago, who reflects on his earlier vocation and its importance. Other contributors are inspiring community leaders whose work on-the-ground and in partnership with us "outsiders" highlights both the power of collaboration, and the cultural humility and other skills required to do it well. Throughout this book, and particularly in the case studies and examples shared, the role of context is critical, and never far from view. Included here most recently are the horrific and continuing toll of the COVID-19 pandemic, and a long overdue, yet still greatly circumscribed, "national reckoning with systemic racism," in the aftermath of the brutal police killing of yet another unarmed Black person, and then another and another, seemingly without end. In many chapters, the authors highlight different facets of the Black Lives Matter movement that took on new life across the country and the world in response to these atrocities. In other chapters, the existential threat of climate change and grave threats to democracy also are underscored. View the Table of Contents and introductory text for the supplementary instructor resources. (https://d3tto5i5w9ogdd.cloudfront.net/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/04143046/9781978832176_optimized_sampler.pdf) Supplementary instructor resources are available on request: https://www.rutgersuniversitypress.org/communityorganizing

Preliminary Material /Randall E. Osborne and Paul Kriese -- INTRODUCTION /Richard T. Hull , Randall E. Osborne and Paul Kriese -- INTRODUCTION TO PART ONE /Matthew Crosston -- GLOBAL SECURITY: NEEDED: A NEW DEFINITION FOR A NEW CENTURY /Laura Meder -- FIGHTING TERROR AND SPREADING DEMOCRACY: WHEN THEORY AND PRACTICE COLLIDE /Matthew Crosston -- WRAP-UP OF PART ONE /Matthew Crosston -- INTRODUCTION TO PART TWO /Karen Lombardi -- LOVE AND HATE AS MORAL IMPERATIVES: RELIGIOUS PARADOX AS A CHALLENGE TO GLOBAL SECURITY /Randall E. Osborne , Paul Kriese and Stan Friedman -- SELF VERSUS OTHER; "US" VERSUS "THEM": THE SELF AS BASIS FOR CONFLICT /Anré Venter -- THE PSYCHOLOGY OF GROUP MEMBERSHIP AND ALIENATION: PROJECTIVE IDENTIFICATION AND THE OTHER /Karen Lombardi -- THE PSYCHOLOGY OF WHITENESS: MOVING BEYOND SEPARATION TO CONNECTION /Terri A. Karis -- DETERRING TERROR /Kevin C. M. Benson -- WRAP-UP OF PART TWO /Karen Lombardi -- INTRODUCTION TO PART THREE /C. Dominik Güss -- A "NON-MEDIA" LOOK AT THE MIDDLE EAST: ENHANCING GLOBAL SECURITY THROUGH EXPOSURE AND UNDERSTANDING /Sanaa Mounir Sadek -- INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON SOCIAL JUSTICE: ESSENTIALS FOR THE EFFORT TOWARD GLOBAL SECURITY /John M. Davis -- A CULTURAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL THEORY OF SUICIDE TERRORISM AND WHAT TO DO ABOUT SUICIDE TERRORISM /C. Dominik Güss , Teresa Tuason and Vanessa Teixeira -- WRAP-UP OF PART THREE /C. Dominik Güss -- INTRODUCTION TO PART FOUR /Elizabeth Leigh Cralley and Brian Richard Wetzler -- PROPOSED STRATEGIES FOR INTEGRATION OF MILITARY AND CIVILIAN AGENCIES IN THE WAR ON TERRORISM WITHIN THE UNITED STATES AND ITS TERRITORIES /Richard Frizzell -- FROM COOPERATIVE INTERGROUP CONTACT TO PERSONAL MOTIVATION: A SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE ON PROMOTING A MORE INCLUSIVE WORLDVIEW /Elizabeth Leigh Cralley and Brian Richard Wetzler -- PARTICIPATORY SUSTAINABILITY: BUILDING SUSTAINABILITY FOR COMPLEXITY AND CHANGE /Vicente L. Lopes and Vincent Luizzi -- Human Sustainability: Overview of Survival Technologies and Impediments to Their Development and Deployment /Stephen Paley , George K. Oister and Richard T. Hull -- ADAPTATION, SUSTAINABILITY AND JUSTICE /Jorge M. Valadez -- WRAP-UP OF PART FOUR /Elizabeth Leigh Cralley and Brian Richard Wetzler -- AN EXPLORATORY ESSAY ON JUSTICE, SECURITY, AND GENUINE PEACE /Joseph J. Califano -- EPILOGUE /Elizabeth D. Boepple -- WORKS CITED /Randall E. Osborne and Paul Kriese -- ABOUT THE AUTHORS /Randall E. Osborne and Paul Kriese -- INDEX /Randall E. Osborne and Paul Kriese -- VIBS /Randall E. Osborne and Paul Kriese.

From electronic government to information government / Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and David Lazer -- Technological change and information flows in government -- Global perspectives on e-government / Darrell M. West -- Case illustration: FirstGov: the road to success of the U.S. government's web portal / Maria Christina Binz-Scharf -- Electronic government and the drive for growth and equity / Edwin Lau -- Case illustration: "E-government is an outcome": Michael Armstrong and the transformation of Des Moines / Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and David Lazer -- Challenges to organizational change: multi-level integrated information structures (MIIS) / Jane E. Fountain -- Case illustration: from computerization to convergence: the case of e-government in Singapore / Ines Mergel -- Case illustration: Dubai's electronic government / Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and David Lazer -- The blurring of the informational boundary between state and society -- Weak democracy, strong information: the role of information technology in the rulemaking process / Cary Coglianese -- Case illustration: the EPA EDOCKET system / Gopal Raman -- Freedom of information and electronic government / Herbert Burkert -- Case illustration: protecting privacy by requesting access: Marc Rotenberg and EPIC / Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and David Lazer -- Socio-technologies of assembly: sense making and demonstration in rebuilding lower Manhattan / Monique Girard and David Stark -- Case illustration: the rise and fall (?) of participatory electronic information infrastructures / Åke Grönlund -- "Open-source politics" reconsidered: emerging patterns in online political participation / Matthew Hindman -- Case illsutration: cyberprotesting globalization: a case of online activism / Sandor Vegh -- Evaluating the impact of reengineering information flows -- The challenge of evaluating m-government, e-government, and p-government: what should be compared with what? / Robert D. Behn -- Case illustration: the Swiss e-government barometer: Kuno Schedler feels the temperature of e-government services / Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and David Lazer -- Information quality in electronic government: toward the systematic management of high-quality information in electronic government-to-citizen relationships / Martin J. Eppler -- Case illustration: information quality in electronic government websites: an example from Italy's Ministry for Public Administration / Lorenzo Cantoni -- It takes a network to build a network / David Lazer and Maria Christina Binz-Scharf -- Case illustration: TeleCities: sharing knowledge among European cities / Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and David Lazer -- The governing of government information / Viktor Mayer-Schönberger and David Lazer

Audience participation has become a buzzword in Public Service Media policies, strategies and debates. Different types of audience involvement—for example, adding social media to programs or media co-creation projects with young people—have been linked to the achievement of societal objectives such as increasing the diversity of media content. Yet, audience participation has failed to live up to its promises in the practice of public broadcasters. This article addresses the challenges of the implementation of audience participation in a Public Service Media context, especially in the phase of content creation. We critically question the underlying assumption in Public Service Media scholarship and media theories that more audience participation is automatically better for the achievement of societal objectives. Insights from political theory on participatory and deliberative models of democracy are adopted to move from an instrumental to a more purposeful vision on audience participation in Public Service Media. ; La participación de la audiencia se ha convertido en una palabra de moda en las políticas, estrategias y debates sobre los medios de comunicación de servicio público. Los distintos tipos de participación de la audiencia —por ejemplo, la incorporación de los medios sociales a los programas o los proyectos de cocreación mediática con los jóvenes— se han vinculado a la consecución de objetivos sociales como el aumento de la diversidad de los contenidos mediáticos. Sin embargo, la participación de la audiencia no ha cumplido sus promesas en la práctica en el caso de los entes públicos. Este articulo aborda los retos de la aplicación de la participación de la audiencia en el contexto de los medios de comunicación de servicio público, especialmente en la fase de creación de contenidos. Cuestionamos críticamente el supuesto subyacente en los estudios de los medios de comunicación de servicio público y en las teorías de los medios de comunicación de que una mayor participación de la audiencia es automáticamente mejor para la consecución de los objetivos de la sociedad. Se adoptan ideas de la teoría política sobre los modelos participativos y deliberativos de la democracia para pasar de una visión instrumental a otra más propositiva acerca del papel de la participación de la audiencia en los medios de comunicación de servicio público.

La participación de la audiencia se ha convertido en una palabra de moda en las políticas, estrategias y debates sobre los medios de comunicación de servicio público. Los distintos tipos de participación de la audiencia —por ejemplo, la incorporación de los medios sociales a los programas o los proyectos de cocreación mediática con los jóvenes— se han vinculado a la consecución de objetivos sociales como el aumento de la diversidad de los contenidos mediáticos. Sin embargo, la participación de la audiencia no ha cumplido sus promesas en la práctica en el caso de los entes públicos. Este articulo aborda los retos de la aplicación de la participación de la audiencia en el contexto de los medios de comunicación de servicio público, especialmente en la fase de creación de contenidos. Cuestionamos críticamente el supuesto subyacente en los estudios de los medios de comunicación de servicio público y en las teorías de los medios de comunicación de que una mayor participación de la audiencia es automáticamente mejor para la consecución de los objetivos de la sociedad. Se adoptan ideas de la teoría política sobre los modelos participativos y deliberativos de la democracia para pasar de una visión instrumental a otra más propositiva acerca del papel de la participación de la audiencia en los medios de comunicación de servicio público. ; Audience participation has become a buzzword in Public Service Media policies, strategies and debates. Different types of audience involvement—for example, adding social media to programs or media co-creation projects with young people—have been linked to the achievement of societal objectives such as increasing the diversity of media content. Yet, audience participation has failed to live up to its promises in the practice of public broadcasters. This article addresses the cha-llenges of the implementation of audience participation in a Public Service Media context, especially in the phase of content creation. We critically question the un-derlying assumption in Public Service Media scholarship and media theories that more audience participation is automatically better for the achievement of societal objectives. Insights from political theory on participatory and deliberative models of democracy are adopted to move from an instrumental to a more purposeful vision on audience participation in Public Service Media.

The Pakatan Harapan 2018 election manifesto, had as one of its commitments, to strengthen the authority of local government and to make local councils more accountable. Many took this to mean that local government elections would resume, after an absence of more than 60 years. While Pakatan Harapan's tenure as Malaysia's ruling government was short-lived, their rise to power did put local government back in the spotlight, as well as raise the prospect of the resumption of local government elections in the country. There are a number of reasons why a more democratic and participatory approach to local government is to be hoped for in Malaysia. These include the view that it discourages public malfeasance and produces local officials that are more responsive to the needs of the citizens they serve. There are however challenges that come with introducing a more democratic form of local government, especially for countries which are attempting to transition from authoritarianism to a democracy at the national level and which have a diverse multi-ethnic population of differing socio-economic backgrounds. In order to better understand what these challenges are and how they can be overcome, I examine two case studies, that of Mexico and India, which have some similarities to Malaysia in terms of regime-type and demographics. I consider the evolving approach taken by these two countries towards local government, in terms of their structure and practices, with a view to gleaning potential lessons for Malaysia. This paper begins with a brief historical overview of the system of local government in Malaysia up to the present day. This is then followed by a discussion of Mexico and India's own uneven experience with democratizing their local governments. What these case studies reveal is the manner in which countries with an authoritarian past often undergo a transitional period, in which even as structures of local governance become more democratic, local officials and citizens remain trapped in old authoritarian modes of behavior. And that unless interventionist steps are taken, democratizing local government structures alone, does not necessarily lead to greater citizen empowerment, especially for those from the more marginalized sections of society.

Este trabajo tiene como objetivo fundamental delinear los aspectos teórico- ideológicos de la Revolución Bolivariana y del modelo político en el cual está enmarcado dicha revolución: El Socialismo del Siglo XXI. Para tal fin, se utilizó una investigación de carácter descriptiva, con un diseño de tipo documental, mediante fuentes primarias. La Revolución Bolivariana se define como una revolución nacionalista, antiimperialista y socialista, y las nociones originarias de sus fundamentos ideológicos están plasmados en el ''árbol de las tres raíces'', el cual consiste en una combinación de las ideas de Simón Bolívar, Simón Rodríguez y Ezequiel Zamora. Por otra parte, la inscripción del Socialismo del Siglo XXI en el tablero político fue promovida por el fallecido presidente Hugo Chávez a partir de septiembre de 2005 y su base epistemológica tiene su versión más elaborada en la tesis expuesta por Dieterich (2006 y 2008). Las ideas de este autor apuntan a que las bases teóricas del Socialismo del Siglo XXI surgen directamente de la filosofía y la economía marxista y se sustentan en cuatro ejes fundamentales: 1. El desarrollismo democrático regional. 2. La economía de equivalencias. 3. La democracia participativa y protagónica 4. Las organizaciones de base.This work has as fundamental objective to delineate the theoretical-ideological aspects of the Bolivarian Revolution and the political model in which this revolution is framed: The XXI Century Socialism. For this purpose, a descriptive investigation was used, with a documentary type design, through primary sources. The Bolivarian Revolution is defined as a nationalist, anti-imperialist and socialist revolution, and the original notions of its ideological foundations are embodied in the `` tree of the three roots '', which consists of a combination of the ideas of Simón Bolívar, Simón Rodríguez and Ezequiel Zamora. On the other hand, the inscription of Socialism of the 21st Century on the political board was promoted by the late President Hugo Chávez from September 2005 and its epistemological base has its most elaborate version in the thesis presented by Dieterich (2006 and 2008). The ideas of this author suggest that the theoretical foundations of XXI Century Socialism arise directly from Marxist philosophy and economics and are based on four fundamental axes: 1. Regional democratic developmentalism. 2. The economy of equivalences. 3. Participatory and leading democracy 4. Grassroots organizations

English abstract: In the last thirty years, Latin America has seen a significant growth in a set of approaches, schools of thought and social movements, which posit that is impossible to effect a transformation in the region without processes focused on inclusion and democracy. Recent analyses on some of these trends reveal the existence of linear and deterministic assumptions in the various models used to address the issue. From the analytical dimension to the regulatory, this work puts forward an inclusive and participatory development model. Unlike technological systems based on income maximization, private appropriation and benefit restriction, Social Technological Systems represent a systemic strategic vision: new development paths, new ways of thinking about problems and socio-technical solutions, and new ways of exercising democracy.Spanish abstract:En los últimos treinta años, América Latina ha visto crecer significativamente un conjunto de enfoques, corrientes y movimientos sociales que sostienen la imposibilidad de transformar la región si no es a través de procesos que valoricen la inclusión y la democracia. Recientes análisis sobre algunas de estas corrientes ponen en evidencia la continuidad de supuestos lineales y deterministas. De la dimensión analítica a la regulatoria, este trabajo propone un modelo de desarrollo inclusivo y participativo. Frente a los sistemas tecnológicos basados en la maximización de la renta, la apropiación privada y la restricción de los beneficios, los Sistemas Tecnológicos Sociales responden a una visión estratégica sistémica: nuevos senderos de desarrollo, nuevas formas de concebir problemas y soluciones socio-técnicas, nuevas formas de ejercer la democracia.French abstract:Durant les trente dernières années, l'Amérique latine a connu la croissance significative d'un ensemble d'approches, d'écoles de pensée et de mouvements sociaux qui revendiquent l'impossibilité d'une transformation dans la région sans processus inclusifs et démocratiques. Des analyses récentes de certaines de ces tendances révèlent l'existence de suppositions linéaires et déterministes dans les modèles utilisés. Partant d'une dimension analytique vers une perspective règlementaire, ce travail revendique un modèle de développement inclusif et participatif. A la différence des systèmes technologiques fondés sur la maximisation des revenus, l'appropriation privée et la restriction des bénéfices, les Systèmes Sociaux Technologiques représentent une vision systémique stratégique : des voies et des manières nouvelles pour penser les problèmes et les solutions sociotechniques et des formes novatrices d'exercice démocratique.

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a participação do Conselho Nacional na construção e realização da 15ª Conferência Nacional de Saúde (CNS), bem como os principais componentes desse evento, o desenho institucional, no que se refere a sua dinâmica participativa, e as propostas e diretrizes aprovadas, e relacionar esse fenômeno político à conjuntura brasileira. Este estudo de caso sobre a 15ª CNS teve como fonte de produção de dados entrevistas com 27 conselheiros nacionais e a revisão documental de atas, notícias e outras fontes do Conselho relacionadas à 15ª Conferência. O Conselho Nacional desenvolveu estratégias para politizar a elaboração das diretrizes e intensificou a participação da sociedade por meio das conferências livres. O debate em torno da saúde em 2015 envolveu milhares de pessoas no país – afinal, foram realizadas 4.706 conferências municipais, 26 estaduais, a conferência distrital e a nacional. As principais pautas da 15ª Conferência foram a defesa da democracia e o financiamento público da saúde. A 15ª CNS ainda prevaleceu com o formato burocrático. Além das inovações na forma das conferências, é necessário ampliar a permeabilidade dos tomadores de decisão à participação social e democratizar o processo de planejamento e a gestão em saúde. ; This article aims to analyze the participation of the National Council in the construction and realization of the 15th National Health Conference (CNS), as well as the main components of this event, the institutional design regarding its participatory dynamics, and the approved proposals and guidelines, relating this political phenomenon to the Brazilian context. This case study on the 15th CNS had, as data sources, the interviews with 27 national counselors and the documentary review of minutes, news and other sources of the Council related to the 15th Conference. The National Council developed strategies to politicize the elaboration of guidelines and intensified society participation through free conferences. The Health debate in 2015 involved thousands of people in the country – after all, 4,706 municipal and 26 state, district and national conferences were held. The main agendas of the 15th Conference were the defense of democracy and the public financing of health. Nonetheless, the bureaucratic format still prevailed in the 15th CNS. In addition to innovations in the form of conferences, one must increase the permeability of decision-makers to social participation and democratize the health planning and management process.

The article shows the weakness of mainstream Polish political science. Its main weakness, according to the author, is omitting the industrial and corporate power conflict among the factors determining the contemporary politics. As a result, the relations between political science and political economy have become weak. Its place as a source of inspiration for political scientists has been taken by social philosophy. It seeks the various non-economic sources of politics. The postulated critical political science puts in the spotlight the main processes of the global capitalist economy located in a phase of stagnation and closing in on the natural limits of its duration. In particular, closer attention should be focused on tracking a new, already the fifth configuration of the market society. It will be the several partial processes weave; the recovery process of autonomy by the state to corporations and the financial sector (deglobalisation); the process of recovering control of the state by the old and new social movements (democracy participatory), and the process of transformation of the energy economy, coupled with the process of changing lifestyles: from consumerism to paideia as a human community responsive to its activity on the development, openness and creativity in shaping new rules for civilization. ; Artykuł ukazuje słabości mainstreamowej polskiej politologii. Główną jej słabością według autora jest pomijanie wśród czynników determinujących współczesną politykę konfliktu przemysłowego i władzy korporacji. W efekcie osłabły związki nauki o polityce z ekonomią polityczną. Jej miejsce jako źródło inspiracji dla politologów zajęła filozofia społeczna. Poszukuje ona różnych pozaekonomicznych źródeł polityczności. Postulowana politologia krytyczna umieszcza w centrum uwagi główne procesy globalnej gospodarki kapitalistycznej, znajdującej się w fazie stagnacji i zbliżającj się do przyrodniczych granic swego trwania. W szczególności bliższej uwagi wymaga śledzenie nowej, już piątej konfiguracji społeczeństwa rynkowego. Będzie to spolot kilku procesów cząstkowych; procesu odzyskiwania autonomii przez państwa wobec korporacji i sektora finansowego (deglobalizacja); proces odzyskiwania kontroli nad państwem przez stare i nowe ruchy społeczne (demokracja partycypacyjna), a także proces transformacji energetycznej gospodarki, sprzężony z procesem zmiany stylu życia: od konsumpcjonizmu do paidei jako wspólnoty ludzkiej ukierunkowującej swoją aktywność na potrzeby rozwojowe, na otwartość i kreatywność w kształtowaniu nowych zasad funkcjonowania cywilizacji ogólnoludzkiej.

A veinte años de la muerte de Paulo Freire, rescatamos un elemento central de su pensamiento pedagógico: su convencimiento de que la educación puede hacer una valiosa contribución a la formación de sujetos democráticos y eventualmente a la construcción de una sociedad más justa y democrática. Freire decía que la educación no cambia el mundo pero cambia a las personas que van a cambiar el mundo. Así, es posible argumentar que la educación no democratiza a la sociedad pero puede generar personas más democráticas que van a construir sociedades más democráticas. Esta relación entre el nivel micro (la construcción de personas más democráticas) y el nivel macro (la construcción de sociedades más democráticas) puede ser mediada, al nivel meso, por la democratización de las escuelas y los sistemas educativos. Este texto aborda estas relaciones, y está organizado en cinco secciones. La primera describe las preocupaciones teóricas y prácticas de Freire en relación al proyecto democratizador. La segunda analiza las conexiones entre democracia, participación y educación ciudadana. La tercera explora la participación estudiantil las escuelas. La cuarta examina los presupuestos participativos escolares. La última sección presenta un resumen y algunas conclusiones preliminares. ; On the 20th anniversary of the passing of Paulo Freire, in this article we highlight a central feature of his pedagogical thinking: his conviction that education can make a contribution to the development of democratic subjects and eventually to the construction of a more just and democratic society. Freire used to say that education does not change the world but it changes people who are going to change the world. Thus, it is possible to argue that education does not democratize society but can nurture more democratic people who are going to build more democratic societies. This relationship between the micro-level (nurturing democratic citizens) and the macro-level (building more democratic societies) can be mediated, at the meso-level, by the democratization of educational institutions and systems. This paper addresses these relationships, and is organized into five sections. The first describes Freire's theoretical and practical contributions in relation to the democratizing project. The second analyzes the connections between democracy, participation and civic education. The third explores student participation in schools. The fourth examines participatory school budgets, and the last section presents a summary and preliminary conclusions.

This paper delves into the relationship between the education in human rights and ethics from a controversial perspective. It is a direction that seeks to help people become active and participatory citizens in a pluralistic democracy. Three fundamental ethical principles are analyzed, and they allow teaching human rights through controversy: Human rights: a global ethics of human rights; human rights: an ethical minimum; human rights and moral pluralism. This article proposes to relate human rights education with the critical-dialogical pedagogy. In this perspective are identified four critical inquiry tools that serve to develop different dimensions for a critical understanding in the social sphere: the approach of the problem, the reflexive skepticism, the multiperspectivity, and systemic thinking. ; Este artículo incursiona en la relación entre la educación en derechos humanos y la ética en una perspectiva controversial. Es una orientación que se propone formar ciudadanos activos y participativos en una democracia pluralista. Se plantean tres principios éticos fundamentales que permiten enseñar los derechos humanos a través de la controversia: Los derechos humanos: una ética global, Los derechos humanos: una ética de los mínimos, Derechos humanos y pluralismo moral. El artículo se propone vincular la educación en derechos humanos con la pedagogía crítica-dialógica. En esta perspectiva se identifican cuatro herramientas de la indagación crítica que sirven para desarrollar diferentes dimensiones de una comprensión crítica en el ámbito social: el planteamiento del problema; el escepticismo reflexivo; la multiperspectividad y el pensamiento sistémico. ; Este artigo aventura-se sobre a relação entre educação em Direitos Humanos e a ética, em uma perspectiva de controvérsia. É uma abordagem que visa formar cidadãos ativos e participativos em uma democracia pluralista. Serão apresentados três princípios éticos fundamentais, que permitem apresentar os direitos humanos através da controvérsia: Os Direitos Humanos: Uma ética global; os Direitos Humanos: uma ética dos mínimos; os Direitos Humanos e o pluralismo moral. O artigo tem como proposta vincular a Educação em Direitos Humanos com a pedagogia crítica-dialógica. Nesta perspectiva, serão utilizadas quatro ferramentas de investigação crítica, que servem para abordar diferentes dimensões de uma compreensão crítica no campo social: a apresentação do problema; o cepticismo reflexivo; as perspectivas múltiplas e o pensamento sistêmico.

In 1989, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child lay the groundwork for children´s access to education, to play, to express themselves, and to have their views heard. This article explores participation as a supportive framework for democracy, environmental justice, and cultural inclusion. It presents methods that have fostered cultural inclusion and connection to nature, by analyzing three projects in Boulder, Colorado and Salinas, California. Participatory methods included nicho boxes, photovoice, and garden art. These cases demonstrate how children's rights to participation, through nature and the arts, help create just sustainabilities through the creation of culturally relevant practices that bridge social and environmental justice ; En 1989, la Convención de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos del Niño establece una base para que los niños tengan acceso a la educación, a jugar, a expresarse y tener sus opiniones oír. Este artículo explora la participación como un marco de apoyo para la democracia, la justicia ambiental y la inclusión cultural. Presenta métodos que han fomentado la inclusión cultural y la conexión con la naturaleza, analizando tres proyectos en Boulder, Colorado y Salinas, California. Los métodos participativos incluyeron cajas nicho, photovoice, y arte del jardín. Estos casos demuestran cómo los derechos de los niños a la participación, a través de la naturaleza y las artes, ayudan a crear sostenibilidad justicia, a través de la creación de prácticas culturalmente relevantes que contribuyen a la justicia social y ambiental ; Em 1989, a Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos da Criança proporcionou uma base para que as crianças tivessem acesso à educação, para jogar, para se expressar e para que as suas opiniões fossem ouvidas. Este artigo explora a participação como um quadro de apoio para a democracia, a justiça ambiental e inclusão cultural. São apresentados métodos que promoveram a inclusão cultural e a conexão com a natureza, analisando três projetos em Boulder, Colorado e Salinas, Califórnia. Os métodos participativos incluídos nicho, photovoice e jardinagem. Estes casos mostram como os direitos das crianças à participação, através da natureza e das artes, ajuda a criar sustentabilidade através da criação de práticas culturalmente relevantes que contribuem para uma justiça social e ambiental