New German Patriotism and National Identity
In: Obščestvo: filosofija, istorija, kulʹtura = Society : philosophy, history, culture, Heft 7, S. 48-53
ISSN: 2223-6449
161610 Ergebnisse
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In: Obščestvo: filosofija, istorija, kulʹtura = Society : philosophy, history, culture, Heft 7, S. 48-53
ISSN: 2223-6449
In: Family & community history: journal of the Family and Community Historical Research Society, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 169-181
ISSN: 1751-3812
In: Polity, Band 52, Heft 3, S. 370-383
ISSN: 1744-1684
In: Social justice
In: A GlassHouse book
In: German politics and society, Band 37, Heft 3, S. 55-71
ISSN: 1558-5441
Germans have now been unified for thirty years, longer than they had been separated by concrete barriers, yet the Wall in their respective heads has persisted. Unequal wages, a lack of investment in structurally weak regions, and ongoing western elite domination continue to fuel Eastern perceptions of second-class citizenship, despite significant shifts in the fates of key social groups who initially saw themselves as the "winners" and losers" of unification. This article considers the dialectical identities of four groups whose collective opportunity structures have been dramatically reconfigured since 1990: eastern intellectuals and dissidents; working women and mothers; eastern youth; and middle-aged men. It argues that the two groups counted among the immediate winners of unification—dissidents and men—have traded places over the last three decades with the two strata counted among unity's core losers, women and youth. It also testifies to fundamental, albeit rarely noted changes that have taken hold with regard to the identities of western Germans across thirty years of unification.
In: Journal of prevention & intervention in the community, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 179-181
ISSN: 1540-7330
This research investigates the representation of Jokowi's figure as the governor of Jakarta, the presidential candidate, and the President of Indonesia in the Jakarta Post by using nomination and predication strategies of Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) proposed by Reisigl and Wodak (2009). By employing descriptive qualitative method, this research examines fifteen editorials focusing on Jokowi. The findings reveal three main points. First, deixis and synecdoches become the nomination strategies that signify changes. The strategies signal that the Jakarta Post prefers to focus on Jokowi when he becomes the president since his every action represents the action that the government and Indonesia take. Second, the Jakarta Post prefers to use positive predication strategies in presenting Jokowi's figure in all categories except in the KPK issue. Third, the signification of the representation indicates that nomination and predication strategies are employed to represent the shift in political support towards Jokowi: from positive to negative. The Jakarta Post supports Jokowi since his performance as a leader is in line with the Jakarta Post values. However, the fact that the Jakarta Post no longer gives him its full support on the KPK issue indicates that his action contradicts the Jakarta Post's ideology that supports anticorruption movement.Keywords: Jokowi, the Jakarta Post, discourse historical approach, nomination strategies, predication strategies
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In: Task Force on Artificial Intelligence Hearing, House Committee on Financial Services (FSC), United States Congress, 2019
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Working paper
In: Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy, Band 26, Heft 2
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In: Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 173-184
ISSN: 2541-8769
In: Journal of lesbian studies, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 402-414
ISSN: 1540-3548
"Islam exists in global history with its richly variegated cultural and social realities. When these specific cultural contexts are marginalized, Islam is reduced to an ahistorical religion without the ability to contribute to humanity. This limited understanding of Islam has been a contributing factor in many of the violent conflicts in the present day. Reflecting on Islam in Indonesia, the world's third largest democracy, supporting the largest Muslim population, Ahmad Syafii Maarif argues for an understanding that is both faithful to Islam's essential teachings and open to constantly changing social and cultural contexts. Building on this, he then addresses critical contemporary issues such as democracy, human rights, religious freedom, the status of women, and the future of Islam. Through this book the breadth and depth of the ideas of one of Indonesia's foremost Muslim scholars are made accessible for English language readership."
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Lebanon is a polyglot country, where Western languages such as English or French, or more traditional/oriental languages such as Classical Arabic, have much societal and political power. Although all Lebanese speak Levantine Arabic (Shaami), many of them master multiple languages and can decide to strongly identify with a select few not only for the love of the language, but mostly for the message each language brings with it: is Lebanon a cosmopolitan Westernized country that differentiates itself from the Arab world? Or should Lebanon look towards its Oriental roots and celebrate its Muslim-Arabic heritage? This paper seeks to prove that, in Lebanon, the implicit or explicit choice of language is a tool to convey one's political, religious, and cultural views. This created a strong divide between Eastern and Western oriented Lebanese in the 20th century and is one of the main causes for the political turmoil in modern Lebanon.
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Situating education within world-systems analysis and in the longue durée of capitalist history affords a critical view of public schooling and Islamic education in the US. While the American Muslim community copes with the aftermath of 9/11 and the effects of the war on terror, the business of providing Islamic education to young American Muslims and educating them about the larger world they live in remains a challenge. Public schooling represents democracy, the right to free and universal education, and the prospect of social mobility, but it also hides the underlying historical forces of colonialism, capitalism, cultural domination, cultural genocide, and segregation. Yet, unlike many centuries past, Islamic education during the Cold War also served a geopolitical agenda against communism, distorting and defaming the teachings of Islam. Contrasting epistemological and ontological dissimilarities between California public school standards and Islamic education makes visible the tensions and tendencies that arise out of combining the two in a private Islamic school. Centering on a private Islamic school located in the Silicon Valley, and with a view to serving the learning needs of Muslim children in the US post 9/11, this dissertation surveys the fears and hopes of the Muslim community, and the opportunities and challenges of Islamic education that lie ahead. Effectively, the necessity arises in formulating a new vision of Islamic education that prepares young American Muslims to contribute positively to an increasingly militarized, racialized, divided world. Based on the longue durée of Abrahamic faiths, relating modern and Islamic history, Islamic education inside the US must re-conceptualize the understanding of the Qur'an and Islam, so as to develop a spirituality and worldview that prepare young American Muslims to serve the social and political needs of their communities, their country, and the world at large.
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