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In their chapter on a "Legislature by lot", Gastil and Wright propose to launch a bicameral parliament where one chamber would be composed by elected politicians and the other by sortitioned ordinary citizens. Their idea is to combine party-independent problem-solving deliberations in a chamber for which every citizen has the same chance to get selected, with adversial debates on conflicting policy preferences in a chamber for which every citizen was entitled to cast a vote. Given that election and sortition have distinct virtues, this looks like a promising proposal to reintroduce sortition in the selection of political representatives. If the authors envision the interaction between both chambers as a "creative tension", their relationship has received less attention than it would deserve. The assemblies have not only different virtues but also different legitimacies which can become particularly conflictual if each chamber has the power to veto the proposals of the other, as Gastil and Wright recommend. If, as can be expected, the elected chamber is less popular than the sortitioned one, the legitimacy of the election mechanism might be more and more questioned. In turn, elected representatives might try to bring discredit upon the allotted representatives. The conflict would thereby not only occur during the political process but also in public opinion. We propose to address the tension between elected and sortitioned chambers both theoretically and empirically. After having discussed the conflicting legitimacies from the point of view of political theory, we will analyze different concrete propositions that have been made in Belgium by politicians, academics and intellectuals to transform the Senate, the upper-house, in a sortitioned assembly. Their propositions have prompted various reactions that we will also consider to get a better understanding of how inter-chamber relationships in a bicameral elected and sortitioned legislature can and have been envisioned both in theory and practice – and what implications this has for Gastil and Wright's proposal.

In their chapter on a "Legislature by lot", Gastil and Wright propose to launch a bicameral parliament where one chamber would be composed by elected politicians and the other by sortitioned ordinary citizens. Their idea is to combine party-independent problem-solving deliberations in a chamber for which every citizen has the same chance to get selected, with adversial debates on conflicting policy preferences in a chamber for which every citizen was entitled to cast a vote. Given that election and sortition have distinct virtues, this looks like a promising proposal to reintroduce sortition in the selection of political representatives. If the authors envision the interaction between both chambers as a "creative tension", their relationship has received less attention than it would deserve. The assemblies have not only different virtues but also different legitimacies which can become particularly conflictual if each chamber has the power to veto the proposals of the other, as Gastil and Wright recommend. If, as can be expected, the elected chamber is less popular than the sortitioned one, the legitimacy of the election mechanism might be more and more questioned. In turn, elected representatives might try to bring discredit upon the allotted representatives. The conflict would thereby not only occur during the political process but also in public opinion. We propose to address the tension between elected and sortitioned chambers both theoretically and empirically. After having discussed the conflicting legitimacies from the point of view of political theory, we will analyze different concrete propositions that have been made in Belgium by politicians, academics and intellectuals to transform the Senate, the upper-house, in a sortitioned assembly. Their propositions have prompted various reactions that we will also consider to get a better understanding of how inter-chamber relationships in a bicameral elected and sortitioned legislature can and have been envisioned both in theory and practice – and what implications this has for Gastil and Wright's proposal.

A revised version of this paper has been published in: "Basic Income Studies : an international journal of basic income research" - Vol. 13, no. 2, p. 1-16 https://dial.uclouvain.be/pr/boreal/object/boreal:206958 This research draws on two parallel considerations. On the one hand, we notice that the topic of the basic income yields tremendous debates. Opposing arguments run against each other in the academic literature but also in the society in general (Tobin, 1965 ; Belorgey, 2000 ; Maniquet et Neumann, 2016). Would it be relevant to implement such a mechanism in our societies? And if so, under which conditions? Given the controversial character of the debate, we expect citizens to be easily influenced in their position in favour or in disfavour of the implementation of this project. On the other hand, as highlighted, research has demonstrated that discourses and metaphors in particular may play a key role in the representation that individuals have of an abstract (political) concept (Lakoff et Johnson, 1980 ; Lakoff, 1996 ; Charteris-Black, 2011 ; Perrez et Reuchamps, 2015). On this basis, this article aims at determining to what extent the confrontation of individuals to metaphors illustrating the abstract idea of the basic income does have an impact on the way these people apprehend the basic income. More specifically, we tackle the way respondents consider the opportunity to implement or not the basic income in their country. The goal of this survey conducted among students was experimental.

A revised version of this paper has been published in: "Basic Income Studies : an international journal of basic income research" - Vol. 13, no. 2, p. 1-16 https://dial.uclouvain.be/pr/boreal/object/boreal:206958 This research draws on two parallel considerations. On the one hand, we notice that the topic of the basic income yields tremendous debates. Opposing arguments run against each other in the academic literature but also in the society in general (Tobin, 1965 ; Belorgey, 2000 ; Maniquet et Neumann, 2016). Would it be relevant to implement such a mechanism in our societies? And if so, under which conditions? Given the controversial character of the debate, we expect citizens to be easily influenced in their position in favour or in disfavour of the implementation of this project. On the other hand, as highlighted, research has demonstrated that discourses and metaphors in particular may play a key role in the representation that individuals have of an abstract (political) concept (Lakoff et Johnson, 1980 ; Lakoff, 1996 ; Charteris-Black, 2011 ; Perrez et Reuchamps, 2015). On this basis, this article aims at determining to what extent the confrontation of individuals to metaphors illustrating the abstract idea of the basic income does have an impact on the way these people apprehend the basic income. More specifically, we tackle the way respondents consider the opportunity to implement or not the basic income in their country. The goal of this survey conducted among students was experimental.

Dans le cadre des mutations de la démocratie, les conceptions qu'ont les élus de la représentation politique et de la participation citoyenne méritent d'être analysées, car elles permettent de comprendre la potentielle insertion de nouvelles formes démocratiques dans les régimes parlementaires actuels. La position des élus oscille entre méfiance et usage des dispositifs de démocratie participative. Grâce à une méthode qualitative de codage d'entretiens avec des parlementaires fédéraux belges, nous montrons que les représentants nationaux ne partagent pas tous la nécessité d'une participation citoyenne. Ils soulignent que la politique demande une compétence technique ainsi qu'une forme de professionnalisation afin de comprendre les enjeux et les contraintes liées à la gouvernance moderne. Les discours des parlementaires diffèrent néanmoins sur la question de la place à accorder aux citoyens, ce qui invite à distinguer trois profils idéal-typiques : élitiste, corporatiste et hybride.

Dans le cadre des mutations de la démocratie, les conceptions qu'ont les élus de la représentation politique et de la participation citoyenne méritent d'être analysées, car elles permettent de comprendre la potentielle insertion de nouvelles formes démocratiques dans les régimes parlementaires actuels. La position des élus oscille entre méfiance et usage des dispositifs de démocratie participative. Grâce à une méthode qualitative de codage d'entretiens avec des parlementaires fédéraux belges, nous montrons que les représentants nationaux ne partagent pas tous la nécessité d'une participation citoyenne. Ils soulignent que la politique demande une compétence technique ainsi qu'une forme de professionnalisation afin de comprendre les enjeux et les contraintes liées à la gouvernance moderne. Les discours des parlementaires diffèrent néanmoins sur la question de la place à accorder aux citoyens, ce qui invite à distinguer trois profils idéal-typiques : élitiste, corporatiste et hybride.

A revised version of this paper has been published in: "Basic Income Studies : an international journal of basic income research" - Vol. 13, no. 2, p. 1-16 https://dial.uclouvain.be/pr/boreal/object/boreal:206958 The debate on the opportunity to implement a basic income is vivid in the academic, political and civil society spheres. Scholars, politicians and citizens deliberate on its mere implementation but also on its characteristics. Based on the one hand on this analysis that there is no agreement in the basic income debate, and on the other hand on the fact that previous studies assert that metaphors may influence the way individuals consider an abstract concept, we ran an experiment among first-year bachelor students, splitting them randomly into several groups. The aim of our research was to assess the impact of a metaphor on the respondents' preferences regarding the basic income. Accordingly, participants were shown a text on the basic income with or without a metaphor – while the control group had no text at all. Logistic and multinomial regression models help us uncover the impact of the presence of metaphors. Our results indicate that metaphors do impact the political preferences of participants. Those who read a text with a metaphor tend to disagree less with the implementation of a basic income than participants who were not confronted with a metaphor. The reading of a text without metaphor has no impact on the positioning regarding the basic income. This demonstrates that it is indeed the metaphor that shaped the behaviour of participants in favour of the basic income. Most interestingly, it seems that the level of political knowledge of participants plays a determining role. Metaphors frame participants' preferences conditioning a certain score on political knowledge. Participants with low levels of political knowledge are more likely to be influenced by the metaphor. These results suggest that political discourses may be critical to the framing of citizens' political preferences.

L'objectif de cette contribution est d'offrir un retour critique de deux chercheurs en science politique engagés au cœur de deux expériences de démocratie délibérative organisée en Belgique en 2011-12. Nous étions tous deux investis dans la cellule méthodologique du G1000, composés de plusieurs universitaires belges néerlandophones et francophones. Cette cellule avait pour tâche de définir le design du projet dans son ensemble, de la sélection des participants à l'organisation des délibérations tout en assurant une recherche universitaire. L'un de nous était intégré à l'équipe d'organisation du G100. Après un retour rapide sur les deux expériences, nous souhaitons proposer un regard réflexif sur notre engagement en mettant en évidence plusieurs tensions dues à l'interaction entre différents types d'acteurs de la participation.

L'objectif de cette contribution est d'offrir un retour critique de deux chercheurs en science politique engagés au cœur de deux expériences de démocratie délibérative organisée en Belgique en 2011-12. Nous étions tous deux investis dans la cellule méthodologique du G1000, composés de plusieurs universitaires belges néerlandophones et francophones. Cette cellule avait pour tâche de définir le design du projet dans son ensemble, de la sélection des participants à l'organisation des délibérations tout en assurant une recherche universitaire. L'un de nous était intégré à l'équipe d'organisation du G100. Après un retour rapide sur les deux expériences, nous souhaitons proposer un regard réflexif sur notre engagement en mettant en évidence plusieurs tensions dues à l'interaction entre différents types d'acteurs de la participation.

Alors que les régimes démocratiques n'ont jamais été aussi répandus sur la planète et que paradoxalement une profonde crise de légitimité frappe les gouvernements représentatifs, la démocratie participative est souvent proposée comme une voie possible pour sortir de ce paradoxe . Mais pour que cette proposition réalise ce potentiel, pour qu'elle ne soit pas un simple alibi démocratique, il faut qu'elle soit également légitime. Or, et malgré leur développement exponentiel , toute forme de démocratie participative n'emporte pas automatiquement une telle légitimité. Il convient dès lors de définir, dans un premier temps, quels sont les critères de légitimité pour un dispositif participatif et les appliquer, dans un second temps, à des dispositifs concrets. Ce chapitre propose une telle entreprise à l'endroit du G1000, une initiative participative qui a vu le jour en Belgique en 2011, au moment où ce pays était confronté à la plus longue crise politique depuis sa création en 1830. Dans cette perspective, nous explorerons la légitimité interne d'un processus participatif, en distinguant la légitimité en termes d'input, de throughput et d'output, ainsi que les conditions favorables à un tel processus.

Alors que les régimes démocratiques n'ont jamais été aussi répandus sur la planète et que paradoxalement une profonde crise de légitimité frappe les gouvernements représentatifs, la démocratie participative est souvent proposée comme une voie possible pour sortir de ce paradoxe . Mais pour que cette proposition réalise ce potentiel, pour qu'elle ne soit pas un simple alibi démocratique, il faut qu'elle soit également légitime. Or, et malgré leur développement exponentiel , toute forme de démocratie participative n'emporte pas automatiquement une telle légitimité. Il convient dès lors de définir, dans un premier temps, quels sont les critères de légitimité pour un dispositif participatif et les appliquer, dans un second temps, à des dispositifs concrets. Ce chapitre propose une telle entreprise à l'endroit du G1000, une initiative participative qui a vu le jour en Belgique en 2011, au moment où ce pays était confronté à la plus longue crise politique depuis sa création en 1830. Dans cette perspective, nous explorerons la légitimité interne d'un processus participatif, en distinguant la légitimité en termes d'input, de throughput et d'output, ainsi que les conditions favorables à un tel processus.

Student peer-assessment (SPA) is known as an innovative collaborative method of learning. While the values of SPA are wildly accepted (Topping, 1998; Cho & al. 2006), it can be problematic for teachers to implement this kind of method in large classrooms and to insure that students accept and benefit of it. In the Belgian context, implementing student peer-assessment at the Bachelor level is challenging in multiple ways: First, while the number of universities using this kind of method is increasing , Belgian universities have still to take the step. The experience presented in this article will, therefore, be of particular interest in terms of sharing of practices. Second, the use of SPA as a learning and assessment method means to challenge student's learning habits and to ask them to replace individual and competitive learning for collaborative learning. Both challenges raise sets of questions about the institutional, personal or technological capacity to adapt . Among all the issues raised by student peer-assessment, the question of how students benefit of this practice still needs to be studied. This contribution will focus on this specific question and will discuss the implications of implementing SPA in first year bachelor students in political sciences. Using the data of a pre and post questionnaire and of students' results, our main argument is that online SPA can significantly help students to improve their learning outcomes. This working-in progress paper will be divided into three parts. The first part briefly presents the project implemented (objectives and design). The second part presents the research that has been carried out. The results of the research will be presented in the third part. The last part is dedicated to a more general discussion on student peer-assessment.

Student peer-assessment (SPA) is known as an innovative collaborative method of learning. While the values of SPA are wildly accepted (Topping, 1998; Cho & al. 2006), it can be problematic for teachers to implement this kind of method in large classrooms and to insure that students accept and benefit of it. In the Belgian context, implementing student peer-assessment at the Bachelor level is challenging in multiple ways: First, while the number of universities using this kind of method is increasing , Belgian universities have still to take the step. The experience presented in this article will, therefore, be of particular interest in terms of sharing of practices. Second, the use of SPA as a learning and assessment method means to challenge student's learning habits and to ask them to replace individual and competitive learning for collaborative learning. Both challenges raise sets of questions about the institutional, personal or technological capacity to adapt . Among all the issues raised by student peer-assessment, the question of how students benefit of this practice still needs to be studied. This contribution will focus on this specific question and will discuss the implications of implementing SPA in first year bachelor students in political sciences. Using the data of a pre and post questionnaire and of students' results, our main argument is that online SPA can significantly help students to improve their learning outcomes. This working-in progress paper will be divided into three parts. The first part briefly presents the project implemented (objectives and design). The second part presents the research that has been carried out. The results of the research will be presented in the third part. The last part is dedicated to a more general discussion on student peer-assessment.

In Belgium, the idea of 'openness' is a well spread notion in electoral political discourses and the 2012 local election in Wallonia is no exception to this trend. Despite a clear victory, it is indeed very common for local political leaders in Belgium to announce that they will open their majority to other lists. The idea of 'openness' is also part of the local electoral campaign in terms of recruitment: non-partisan candidates – who clearly want to distinguish themselves from the party – are recruited to figure on the lists as 'independent candidates'. They are called 'candidates d'ouverture' as a sign of openness towards the civil society, the opposition, or dissidents from other political parties. Actually, these candidates are recruited for various reasons: there are sometimes used to demonstrate the citizen character of the list, to enhance the fact that the list 'makes politics differently from established political parties', to underline the local roots of the list, and sometimes the 'candidates d'ouverture' are simply used to complete vacancies on a list.

The name of a party is an important dimension of its political position. Often, the label used by a political party in its name tells much about its ideology. But, since in most cases, only a few parties compete for each election it is difficult to undertake large qualitative and quantitative analyses of party names. Local elections can provide an interesting option, however. Indeed, in several cases, we find lots of different names, and not only the usual national party labels. In the last local elections in Wallonia, one of the three Belgian Regions, 1012 lists were in competition. Such data provide a fertile ground for analysis. To study the name of the lists, we proceed in two steps. First, we build a typology of the names. We classify the lists in different categories: lists with national party name, lists with a clear reference to a national party, lists with an ideological label, lists with a clear reference to the commune's name, lists with a reference to the communal level but also lists with a reference to democracy, to a union or alliance, to change and an alternative way of doing politics, to the future, with puns, and with a reference to a person. In the second step, using multinomial regressions, we show where the different types of lists can be found and above all we look at their electoral performances and thus test the hypothesis whether the party name matters or not.