Suchergebnisse

In politics we will always have friends, opponents and outsiders. They constantly appear to us and at that moment when we have won one and as such has lost the support of the electorate. But political struggle goes on with other people who use the loss of one to take his post in the electorate. But even the opposition has its announced and not announced opponents. The purpose of this research is that through the theoretical and empirical elaboration of the topic we will collect data on the political power struggle between the four main political parties in Macedonia. By means of statistical data, previous surveys and surveys of 100 students we will analyze various indicators and will make their interpretation. Today, in our political and social level, we all work against one another. To work against others, strategies must be prepared to carry out self-proclaiming to the people, how to deface the opponent, how to elaborate, reveal discoveries about the shortcomings and weaknesses of the enemy camp. It is summed up in the goals - to have information that the other is corrupt, unable,so that we can attack. But the question is that working against others is it becoming a political philosophy and permanent strategy,is it becoming a business, but also a struggle without any moral boundaries, especially in Macedonia but also in Albania and Kosovo.

Based on the provisions of the 1945 Constitution of the State of the Republic of Indonesia after the fourth amendment, described in Article 1 paragraph (1) and (2) namely that the State of Indonesia is a unitary State of the Republic, and Sovereignty is in the hands of the people and carried out according to Constitution. One of the noble principles in the 1945 Constitution emphasizes the guarantee of freedom of association as part of Human Rights, where Political Parties are one of the pillars of independence of the association The purpose of this research is to know and analyze the ideal idea which is done by the Government in the settlement of internal disputes of political party, especially the United Development Party (PPP) after the reformation, attributed to the increasing role of political party in the life of nation and state which is not followed by harmonious political communication, this is due to the frequent occurrence of debates that occur when they compete in the political field. The research method used is descriptive qualitative descriptive research using case study. The type of approach used in this research is the approach to empirical data in the field by involving two sources of evidence at the same time that is systemic interview and direct observation to the research which is also associated with Certainty Law.

Thomas B. Pepinsky, R. William Liddle, and Saiful Mujani. 2018. Piety and Public Opinion: Understanding Indonesian Islam. Oxford: Oxford University PressSaiful Mujani, R. William Liddl, and Kuskridho Ambardi. 2018. Voting Behavior in Indonesia since Democratization: Critical Democrats. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.This article aims to review two books written by four foremost scholars in the field of political science. In the context of understanding Islam and the culture of democracy, these two books can answer questions that are often discussed, that is the relationship between religious piety and political behavior in Indonesia. Quantitatively, 99.7% of total Muslims in Indonesia state that religion is an important element in their lives. However, in terms of political preferences, this fact does not have implications for the votes obtained by Islamic-based political parties, especially in the post-Soeharto elections. They, instead of carrying out their own candidates, tend to be supporters in the presidential election and local leaders elections. To figure out this puzzle, these books are very pivotal works to understand the relationship between Islamic piety and politics. Both of these books show that there has been an increase in the level of piety of the Indonesian Muslims in the past two or three decades. However, creating piety does not affect their political behavior - specifically their voting behavior in elections.

The article is aimed at defining peculiarities of trade unions as an element of political system of Ukraine as well as the role of professional organizations in representing interests of employees.The tasks to achieve the mentioned goals are as follows:- to define trade unions' principal functions in the modern political system;- to analyze influence of Ukrainian political parties and state bodies over trade unions' activities;- to define communication instruments of impact making by trade unions on electorate's collective political consciousness.Only when trade unions can get rid of their political and financial dependence and start taking care of employees' problems, they will be able not to just keep "sharing experience" with oldstyle organizations in post-Soviet area, but act equally to the European trade union movement. ; Исследуется состояние современного профсоюзного движения в Украине на примере двух крупнейших профсоюзных организаций страны. Проанализированы причины низкого доверия к этому институту, такие как: чрезмерная заполитизированность, коррупция и теневая экономика.Рассматривается общее состояние профсоюзных организаций в странах Запада и на постсоветском пространстве. ; Досліджується стан сучасного профспілкового руху в Україні на прикладі двох найбільших профспілкових організацій країни. Проаналізовано причини низької довіри до цього інституту, такі як: надмірна заполітизованість, корупція та тіньова економіка.Розглядається загальний стан профспілкових організацій у країнах Заходу та на пострадянському просторі.

There exists a conventional stereotype about native Taiwanese elders that were born in and lived through the Japanese rule before 1945. On the one hand, some politicians and political commentators derogatorily call them the "Kominka generation," reinforcing the image of this group of having strong affection for and even intense loyalty to the previous Japanese regime. On the other hand, although many researchers have pointed out this cohorts' strong cultural ties to Han ethnicity — some even possessed nostalgic feelings toward China — in the colonial period, the researchers also emphasized the emergence of their strong sense of being Taiwanese when they suffered various political and cultural discrimination from the new Chinese dominant class after 1945. Therefore, both perspectives falsely imagine this cohort to be definitely identifying themselves as Taiwanese, rejecting Chinese identity, opposing the Kuomintang (KMT), and supporting the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). This paper aims to challenge these stereotypes. By adopting the techniques of grounded theory, the paper shows rich diversity not only in this cohort's perceptions toward the political parties but also in their identity patterns. Furthermore three themes are identified in these participants' explanation for their political orientations: economic development, social stability and security, and the cultural hierarchy that gives the KMT elites higher symbolic values than native political elites.

Post-war reconstruction efforts in Sierra Leone combined with global discourses around issues of democracy and participation have, to some extent, created a space for political engagement of traditionally marginalized groups, including women. Women's political engagement has, in recent times, centered around a campaign for a 30% constitutionally mandated gender quota system which, it is believed, will be the most effective way to get more female representation in legislatures as well as close the wide gap that exists numerically between both genders in the public sphere. This paper seeks to examine women's engagement with political processes in Sierra Leone, their long and unsuccessful struggle for a quota system and how all of this fits into a wider struggle for gender justice in Sierra Leone. The main argument raised in this paper is that the gender quota campaign is fraught with challenges because women in the struggle, especially female parliamentarians, have found it difficult to go beyond the borders of their political parties' ideological stance, and organizational boundaries to collectively and successfully advance the campaign. In addition, the campaign seems to be more centralized in the capital with little or no engagement at the community level. Moreover, because of the widening political divide, meaningfully engaging an elite male cadre that has variedly resisted women's full and equal participation in the public sphere remains a challenge.

In his introduction to this volume, Weyland locates the administrations of Socialist Presidents Ricardo Lagos (2000-06) and Michelle Bachelet (2006- 2010) closest to the moderate pole among current leftist governments in Latin America. We concur and hope to contribute to the discussion by elucidating the sources of this moderation and examining the performance of these governments in the areas of political management, economic policies, and social policies and labor market reforms. The Lagos and Bachelet governments have pursued similar market-friendly economic policies to their predecessors. Although both presidents have made important progress in overcoming the political institutionallegacies of Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship, moderate progress in labor market policies, and impressive progress in two social policy areas, very little improvement has been seen in the realm of fostering citizen participation and empowering labor and social movements through organization and linkages to political parties. We compare the Lagos and Bachelet governments to those of their Christian Democratic predecessors as well as to each other with the goal of identifying policy successes, failures, and omissions. We argue that the administrations' moderation stems from the political experiences of the leadership and their resulting approach to building relationships to the party rank-and-file and to civil society, the fact that these are coalition governments, and the constraints of the Pinochet political and economic legacies.

Este artículo aborda las tres décadas de transición a la democracia desde las perspectivas conceptuales de Max Weber y de Pierre Bourdieu. El autor considera que los habitus creados durante la república militar (1930-83) constituyen una cultura política que obstaculiza un normal desarrollo político. Se dividen dos etapas. Durante la primera se observa la formación de un campo político y de una clase política que entraron en colapso con las protestas de 2001. En la siguiente, se inició una aguda crisis de los partidos políticos que hoy plantea serios interrogantes sobre el futuro de las instituciones. ; This article discusses the three decades of transition to democracy from the conceptual perspectives of Max Weber and Pierre Bourdieu. The author considers that the habitus created during the military Republic (1930-83) constitute a political culture that hinders normal political development. Two stages are divided. During the first is observed the formation of a political field and a political class that entered into collapse with the protests of 2001. In the following, started an acute crisis of political parties which today raises serious questions about the future of the institutions. ; Fil: Sidicaro, Ricardo David. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

This article analyzes the constitutional right of free expression, exercised by political demonstrations, in the political context of contemporary Japan, where consensus among political parties on the constitutional framework itself is lacking. The Japanese people possess an unusually strong sense of cultural unity, and strong emphasis is placed on harmony and consensus in social relations. On the other hand, the excesses and strident tone of many mass demonstrations strikingly illustrate the absence of consensus between groups and the pervasive tendency toward "groupism" which distinguish the Japanese from the American political setting. Although the sociopolitical tensions may have become great in some sectors of the American constitutional system, the United States still enjoys a broadly based, deep and longestablished consensus among its leaders of support for the constitution which has yet to develop in Japan. It wo)uld be less than humble for an American observer to pass judgment on the work of the Japanese Supreme Court on the assumption that the social and political context of constitutional law in Japan closely parallels that of the United States. The paradoxes of the sociopolitical setting within which demonstrations take place in Japan must be penetrated if the reader is to see the Supreme Court decisions delineating the relationship between the public welfare and the freedom of assembly in proper perspective.

Bibliography: leaves 164-168. ; This thesis takes as its starting point the beliefs that government should be neutral between the conceptions of the good life of its citizens; that it should take as one of its foremost goals the maximization of their freedom, and with a tentative acceptance of the view that individuals have natural rights. It attempts to answer the following questions: 1. Is there a natural right to property? 2. can an individual acquire exclusive control over an object independently of the actions or acquiescence of others? 3. Do private property rights infringe or protect freedom? 4. Is equality a desirable goal? If so, what form of equality should a society pursue? 5. Is a free society compatible with an egalitarian society? 6. Does it make sense to speak of distributive justice? In answer to the first two questions the author discusses and rejects John Locke's Labour Theory of Acquisition; in response to the others she discusses the theories of Karl Marx, G A Cohen, Robert Nozick, Michael Oakeshott, John Rawls, Alan Ryan and Ronald Dworkin and attempts conceptual analyses of "freedom", "equality", "justice" and "property". Finally, it is concluded that: 1. There is no natural right to property. 2. The form of property rights adopted requires the hypothetical consent of concerned parties. 3. Private property rights in areas of everyday contact are valuable - for privacy, autonomy and individuality. Security of property rights on a large scale, on the other hand, can threaten the freedom of others. 4. Equality is desirable. Rawls's version, that no inequality be permitted unless it improves the position of the worst-off, or a variant of this, best conforms to the constraint of 2. 5. This version of equality is compatible with freedom. 6. There are deep and conflicting intuitions regarding distributive justice.

One of the most significant events in European politics the past two decades is the emergence of radical right-wing parties, mobilizing against immigration and multiethnic societies. Such parties have established themselves in a large number of countries, often with voter shares exceeding ten and sometimes even twenty percent. Many of these parties exert a real influence on the policy within respective country.The emergence of the recent wave of radical right-wing party politics has generated a large and growing literature, spanning a variety of dimensions-such as ideology, voting, a.

This incisive work provides a comparative political analysis of the women's movement in England, the United States, and Sweden from the 1960s to the present. Based on extensive interviews in each of the three countries, Feminism and Politics focuses not only on the internal dynamics of the movements themselves, but also on the relationship of feminist politics to the political process as a whole and to the economic and ideological context. Joyce Gelb finds that differences in the feminist movements in each country relate to systemic and cultural differences. In Britain the closed nature of the political system has greatly narrowed opportunities for feminist political activities. By contrast, the feminist movement in the United States has enjoyed relative autonomy and success, primarily because it has been unconstrained by the necessity of working through existing groups such as unions and political parties. In Sweden Gelb finds a situation in which the state has implemented many feminist policies but has allowed little ideological or political space for an autonomous movement. In its scope and analysis, Feminism and Politics offers a valuable perspective on women's political activities. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1989

This paper analyzes the consequences of the 1992 change in the voting rule in the Finnish Parliament. Before this reform, one third of all Parliament members could delay a law proposal for reconsideration by the Parliament. This rule was abolished in 1992 which meant that the Finnish Parliament finally adopted a simple majority rule to decide on new legislation. The empirical part of this article analyzes the effects of the reform on the parliamentary parties voting power. The voting power of the big parties increased compared to that of the small parties. However, the variation among smaller parties was greater. The biggest losers were medium size parties. Considering the government and the parliament as institutions, the emphasis clearly moved to the government. Considering parties in the government coalitions as a whole (adding up their share in the government and in the Parliament), the picture was quite clear. The opposition lost at least some of its voting power. This change was clearest in the case of the party government model in which the opposition lost its voting power completely.

ABSTRAK Siti Nurcholidah. 5116500180. Upaya untuk menjaga profesionalisme ASN salah satunya adalah pemberlakukan Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Nomor 37 Tahun 2004 tentang Larangan Pegawai Negeri Sipil menjadi Anggota Partai Politik, yang intinya adalah ASN dilarang menjadi anggota dan atau pengurus parpol. Pendekatan yang dipergunakan dalam penulisan skripsi ini adalah pendekatan hukum normatif-empiris yang menggunakan data sekunder dan data primer yang berasal dari buku-buku, atau literatur-literatur hukum, peraturan perundang-undangan, wawancara serta bahan-bahan lainnya. Data yang telah terkumpul akan diklasifikasikan dan diketahui gejala gejalanya kemudian dihubungkan dengan teori yang ada dan dianalisa secara kualitatif, sehingga diperoleh gambaran yang jelas tentang netralitas ASN dalam Pemilukada. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian adalah 1) bahwa penyelenggaraan kebijakan dan manajemen ASN berdasarkan asas netralitas. 2). Penetapan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang No 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati Dan Walikota Menjadi Undang-undang dalam Pasal 70 ayat (1) yang melarang pelaksanaan kampanye melibatkan ASN. 3) Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan Umum yang mengatur terkait sanksi pidana terdapat dalam Pasal 494. 4). Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 37 Tahun 2004 tentang Larangan ASN Menjadi Anggota Partai Politik. 5). Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 42 Tahun 2004 tentang Pembinaan Jiwa Korps dan Kode Etik Pegawai Negeri Sipil. 6). Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 53 Tahun 2010 tentang Disiplin ASN yang mengatur berkaitan dengan Larangan bagi ASN terdapat pada Pasal 4 dan Hukuman Disiplin bagi ASN yang tidak netral terdapat pada Pasal 7. 7). Terdapat 3 ASN yang teridikasi/ diguga melakukan ketidaknetralan ASN berdasarkan data yang diperoleh dari Bawaslu Kabupaten Tegal. Kata Kunci : Netralitas, ASN. ===================================================================================================== ABSTRACT Siti Nurcholidah. 5116500180. One of the efforts to maintain the professionalism of ASN is the enactment of Government Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number 37 of 2004 concerning Prohibition of Civil Servants from becoming Members of Political Parties, which in essence is that ASN is prohibited from becoming members and or administrators of political parties. The approach used in writing this thesis is the normative-empirical legal approach that uses secondary data and primary data derived from books, or legal literature, laws and regulations, interviews and other materials. The data that has been collected will be classified and the symptoms are known and then linked to the existing theories and analyzed qualitatively, so that a clear picture of the neutrality of ASN in the General Election is obtained. Based on the results of the study are 1) that the implementation of ASN policy and management is based on the principle of neutrality. 2). Establishment of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2014 concerning Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors Become Laws in Article 70 paragraph (1) which prohibit the implementation of campaigns involving ASN. 3) Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections governing criminal sanctions is contained in Article 494. 4). Government Regulation Number 37 of 2004 concerning Prohibition of ASN Becoming a Member of Political Parties. 5). Government Regulation Number 42 of 2004 concerning Corps Soul Development and Civil Service Code of Ethics. 6). Government Regulation Number 53 Year 2010 concerning ASN Discipline governing relating to Prohibition for ASN is found in Article 4 and Disciplinary Punishment for ASN that is not neutral is found in Article 7. 7). There are 3 ASNs that have been indicated / suspected of doing neutrality based on data obtained from the Tegal Regency Election Supervisory Body. Keywords: Neutrality, ASN.

Belgian parliamentary election returns (N = 143 cantons) & census data for 1961-1970 are analyzed to assess the relation between the support base of individual parties & the modernization level of the different regions, focusing on the status of nationalist vs unitarist parties. It is hypothesized that regional (ethnically defined) contrasts in sequence & rate of modernization have given rise to two forms of nationalism, one "cultural" & primarily based in Flanders, the other "economic" & centered in Wallonia, each reflecting nationalist party electoral support. While findings appear to support this hypothesis, they also indicate a less distinctively ethnic composition for each party as ethnic conflict escalated during this period. This development is interpreted in terms of (1) accommodative reactions on the part of established unitarian parties, & (2) attempts to widen the electoral support base within the nationalist parties themselves. 6 Tables. Modified HA.