Suchergebnisse

At the time when Europe celebrates the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, what results from these 50 years of European integration, particularly for France. ; Au moment où l'Europe fête les 50 ans du Traité de Rome, quel bilan tirer de ces 50 années de construction européenne, notamment pour la France.

The 2006 United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UN CRPD) is the first human rights treaty to explicitly acknowledge the right to education for persons with disabilities. In order to realize this right, the convention's Article 24 mandates state parties to ensure inclusive education systems that overcome outright exclusion as well as segregation in special education settings. Despite this major global policy change to tackle the discriminations persons with disabilities face in education, this has yet to take effect in most school systems worldwide.

Focusing on the factors undermining the realization of disability rights in education, Julia Biermann probes current meanings of inclusive education in two contrasting yet equally challenged state parties to the UN CRPD: Nigeria, whose school system overtly excludes disabled children, and Germany, where this group primarily learns in special schools. In both countries, policy actors aim to realize the right to inclusive education by segregating students with disabilities into special education settings. In Nigeria, this demand arises from the glaring lack of such a system. In Germany, conversely, from its extraordinary long-term institutionalization. This act of diverting from the principles embodied in Article 24 is based on the steadfast and shared belief that school systems, which place students into special education, have an innate advantage in realizing the right to education for persons with disabilities. Accordingly, inclusion emerges to be an evolutionary and linear process of educational expansion that depends on institutionalized special education, not a right of persons with disabilities to be realized in local schools on an equal basis with others. This book proposes a refined human rights model of disability in education that shifts the analytical focus toward the global politics of formal mass schooling as a space where discrimination is sustained.

As much as 42 percent of registered voters for Indonesia's 2019 elections are aged 17 to 35 years old. These pemuda, or young people, dominate the social media landscape in the country, making up 66 percent of the 150 million social media users and spending on average 3 hours and 26 minutes online per day. Furthermore, they are expressly sympathetic to more 'purist' interpretations of Islam, and social media function as the main medium through which they learn Islamic moral codes. This paper contends however, that we should not be evaluating the Indonesian millennials as a unified group. Differences in gender, class, education level, religiosity, location and level of Internet access do matter. For instance, in a visibly devout Indonesia, urban male youths are more present in reports about Islamist groups and street politics. Members of hard-line and conservative groups like Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) are made up of mostly young men. Young male preachers are seen to be representative of how Indonesian youths redefine religious proselytization through social media. Young Muslim women, on the other hand, are rarely seen as political actors. They do however also express their views and contentions on social issues and elections, and potentially influence their followers on social media. This paper asks: How do young women express and represent their social and political concerns?

FROM THE BACK COVER Conventional theories of capitalism are mired in a deep crisis: after centuries of debate, they are still unable to tell us what capital is. Liberals and Marxists both think of capital as an 'economic' entity that they count in universal units of 'utils' or 'abstract labour', respectively. But these units are totally fictitious. Nobody has ever been able to observe or measure them, and for a good reason: they don't exist. Since liberalism and Marxism depend on these non-existing units, their theories hang in suspension. They cannot explain the process that matters most – the accumulation of capital. This book offers a radical alternative. According to the authors, capital is not a narrow economic entity, but a symbolic quantification of power. It has little to do with utility or abstract labour, and it extends far beyond machines and production lines. Capital, the authors claim, represents the organized power of dominant capital groups to reshape – or creorder – their society. Written in simple language, accessible to lay readers and experts alike, the book develops a novel political economy. It takes the reader through the history, assumptions and limitations of mainstream economics and its associated theories of politics. It examines the evolution of Marxist thinking on accumulation and the state. And it articulates an innovative theory of 'capital as power' and a new history of the 'capitalist mode of power'.

At the dawn of the 21st century, more and more people realize that 'economics' and 'politics' are intimately related. And yet, these two aspects of social existence are usually studied as separate 'disciplines,' each with its own categories, language, and theories. Can this departmentalization be overcome? Should it? And if so, how? The seminar deals with these questions by critically examining major themes of political economy. Topics are divided into three major categories: (1) elements; (2) aggregates; and (3) global formations. In the first part, students examine closely the origin and implications of concepts such as supply and demand, equilibrium, utility and productivity, market organization, and the role of power. Part two, focusing on aggregates, covers the issues of national accounting, theories of prosperity and crisis, money and finance, economic policy, as well as 'anomalies' such as stagflation. The third part, dealing with global formations, examines trade, capital flows and exchange rates, imperialism, and different aspects of globalization. Throughout the seminar, the emphasis is not only on the 'how,' but also on the 'why.' Where have the concepts and theories come from? Why have they risen to prominence, and what brought them down? Who benefited from them and who paid the price? Do they help us understand the world, or do they serve to conceal it? In these explorations, special emphasis is put on methodology, as well as the importance of empirical/historical analysis.

Following World War Two, the progress towards international accountability and international criminal justice came to a halt as a result of the Cold War. But only three years since the end of the Cold War and forty-five years after the post-WWII prosecutions, the international community was forced to face the ethnic tensions and civil war tearing apart the republics that once comprised the former Yugoslavia. United Nations Security Council Resolution 780 (1992), appointed a Commission of Experts to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity amounting to violations of international humanitarian law in the territory of the former Yugoslavia and it was expected that the Commission would be the historic link to the post-WWII experiences. Despite the Commission's mandate being the broadest of its kind since Nuremberg, those who opposed its work sought to hamper its success through bureaucratic and political chicanery, including the failure to fund the Commission's work. The investigation into the conflict is detailed in this book including the uncovering of 187 mass graves, the interviewing of 223 victims of rape and sexual assault, and the utilization of prison camps and mass expulsion for the purpose of ethnic cleansing. Along with the author's personal insights and insider anecdotes on the conflict, this book highlights the continuing need for the pursuit of accountability and international criminal justice in a world of thriving bureaucracy and realpolitik. The Commission broke the glass ceiling of realpolitik by fighting the hard battle that lead to the success of its mandate and to the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. This timely work reminds us all that indeed the past is prologue. About the author M. Cherif Bassiouni served as member and chair of the Commission of Experts established by United Nations Security Council Resolution 780 (1992), whose work is at the center of this book, as well as in twenty-one other UN positions. He is an Emeritus Professor of Law at DePaul University College of Law where he taught for 45 years and was a founding member of the International Human Rights Law Institute. He was also a founder of the Siracusa Institute, formerly the International Institute of Higher Studies in Criminal Sciences, in Siracusa, Italy, where he served as President and now Honorary President. He also served as the Secretary-General, President and Honorary President of the prestigious L'Association Internationale de Droit Pénal. He has authored 30 books and 271 articles, and has edited 44 books and co-authored 5 on International Criminal Law, Comparative Law, Human Rights and U.S. Law. His works have been written in and published in Arabic, Chinese, Farsi, French, German, Hungarian, Italian, Portuguese, Russian and Spanish. His work has been cited by many international courts, including the International Court of Justice and the European Court of Human Rights, as well as the highest courts of nine countries. He has testified before the U.S. Congress 18 times, most recently in July 2014 in connection with the events in Syria. He has been the recipient of numerous honorary degrees and medals from various nations and received the Nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1999

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 행정학과(행정학전공), 2012. 2. 정광호. ; 국문 초록 본 연구에서는 고구려연구재단과 동북아역사재단의 설립과정을 역사적 사회 환경적 관점, Allison의 정부정치 모형적 관점, 그리고 Kingdon의 정책흐름 모형적 관점에서 비교 분석하여 두 기관의 설립, 두 기관의 제도적 성취 및 역할 범위의 차이를 가져온 요인이 무엇인가를 밝혀보고자 하였다. 일반적으로 조직설립을 다루는 이론으로서 역사적 사회 환경적 관점에서는 조직 환경론, 특히 구조적 상황이론과 조직생태이론이 유용한 분석도구로 활용되어져 왔다. 이러한 이론들은 조직설립이 그것을 둘러싼 맥락 또는 상황에 의존한다는 결정주의적 입장을 취하고 있기 때문에 특정 상황적 요인의 존재 또는 발생으로 조직이 설립되었다는 것을 설명하는 데는 유용한 관점인 것으로 인식되어져 왔다. 하지만, 본 연구에서는 조직 환경론적 관점만으로는 왜 특정 공공조직은 특정 상황 또는 맥락의 존재에도 불구하고 설립 또는 사멸되지 않으며, 왜 유사한 공공조직간 제도적 성취의 차이가 발생하는 가를 설명하는 데는 한계가 있다고 보고 조직설립과 관련된 조직 환경론적 관점의 한계를 적시함과 동시에 준 정부조직 설립과정의 특수성을 감안하여 정부정치모형과 정책흐름 모형을 추가로 적용함으로써 고구려연구재단 및 동북아역사재단 설립과정에 대한 비교분석을 시도하였다. 먼저, 역사적 사회 환경적 관점에서는 구조적 상황이론과 조직 생태이론을 적용하여 두 기관의 설립을 가져온 역사적 배경이 무엇이며, 동북아역사재단 설립과 더불어 이에 흡수 통합된 고구려연구재단의 사멸 요인이 무엇인지를 밝혀보고자 하였다. 동 연구 결과에 의하면, 고구려연구재단의 사멸은 낮은 신뢰성 및 예측가능성, 신생조직의 불리, 작은 조직 규모 및 예산, 핵심적 조직 변화의 시도 및 동북아역사재단의 설립에 기인한 것으로 나타났다. 두 번째로, Allison의 정부정치 모형을 통하여 두 기관 설립을 둘러싸고 벌어진 참여자들의 흥정과 타협을 분석하여 이들의 입장·선호·인식·기대이익 등의 차이가 두 기관의 설립 및 제도적 성취에 어떠한 영향을 주었는가를 설명하였다. 그 결과 두 기관의 설립 및 제도적 성취의 차이 발생은 핵심참여자로서의 대통령과 행정기관의 인식 및 선호의 차이에 의해 크게 영향을 받은 것으로 나타났다. 다시 말해, 고구려연구재단 설립과 관련된 대통령 및 행정기관의 인식 및 입장은 한·중 양국의 외교관계 등을 의식해서 상당히 유화적이었던 반면, 일본의 역사교과서 왜곡 및 독도 영유권 도발로 시작된 동북아역사재단 설립과 관련하여서는 대통령과 행정기관의 인식이 매우 단호하였던 것으로 밝혀졌다. 세 번째로, Kingdon의 정책 흐름 모형을 적용하여, 두 기관 설립을 둘러싼 문제 및 정책의 흐름의 차이가 어떠하였는지를 비교 분석하였다. 먼저, 문제 흐름의 측면에서 고구려 역사 왜곡 문제에 대한 정책 당국자 또는 학계의 인식은 약했으며, 정책의 흐름도 시민단체 주도로 이루어져 일관성 및 강도가 약했다는 것을 확인하였다. 반면, 일본의 역사 교과서 왜곡 및 독도 영유권 도발로 촉발된 동북아역사재단 설립을 둘러싼 문제의 흐름은 강하고 일관성이 있었으며, 정책 흐름 역시 대통령과 행정기관의 주도하에 하향식으로 이루어져 일관되고 강하게 진행되었다. 이러한 두 가지 흐름상의 차이가 두 조직간 제도적 성취의 차이를 가져온 또 다른 설명 요인이었다고 할 수 있다. 본 연구의 결과, 발견된 시사점은 다음과 같다. 먼저, 역사적 사회 환경적 관점만으로는 공공조직 설립과정을 명확히 이해하는 데는 한계가 있다는 것을 확인하였다. 다시 말해, 역사적 사회 환경적 관점은 조직의 구조나 기능을 결정하는 요인으로 특정 환경 혹은 맥락을 강조해왔지만, 동 관점만으로는 왜 특정 환경의 존재에도 불구하고 왜 특정시점에는 조직 설립 또는 사멸이 이루어지지 않다가 다른 시점에 와서야 이루어지는가에 대해서는 명쾌한 해답을 제공하지 못하는 한계가 있다는 것이다. 두 번째, 준 정부조직은 민간조직과는 달리 법적·행정적·제도적 제약 조건하에서 설립되는 경우가 많기 때문에 준 정부 조직의 설립과정을 보다 명확히 이해하기 위해서는 보다 다양한 관점 즉, 정부 정치적 관점 및 정책 흐름적 관점 등을 통한 기존 이론의 보완 또는 대체가 필요하다는 것이다. 특히 우리사회가 다원화된 사회로 진행되어감에 따라 공공조직 설립과정을 이해하기 위해서는 참여자의 정치적 흥정과 타협을 다루는 정부정치적 관점에 대한 고려가 필요할 것으로 본다. 주요어: 역사적 사회 환경적 관점, 구조적 상황이론, 조직 생태이론, Allison의 정부정치 모형, Kingdon의 정책흐름 모형, 준 정부조직 ; ABSTRACT A Comparative Analysis of the Establishment Processes of Two Quasi-Governmental Organizations: The Cases of the Koguryo Research Foundation and the Northeast Asian History Foundation Si Yung Jung Department of Public Administration Graduate School of Public Administration Seoul National University The purpose of this study is to analyze through a comparative approach the establishment processes of the Koguryo Research Foundation and the Northeast Asian History Foundation from the perspectives of historical-social environment, Graham Allison's Governmental Politics Model, and John W. Kingdon's Policy Streams Model in order to clarify the establishment processes of these two organizations and to identify which factors determined their institutional achievements. Generally, both contingency theory and organizational ecology theory have been widely used as tools for analysis of organizational establishment. These theories have strengths for explaining the contingencies and contexts which determine the establishment of organizations. However, these theories have weaknesses in explaining the reasons why an organization fails to be established in the presence of a certain contingency or why there are differences of institutional achievements between certain similar organizations. To further the understanding of organizational establishment and the incidence of differences of institutional achievement between the two organizations, this study adopted the Governmental Politics Model and the Policy Streams Model. In the perspective of the historical-social environment, both contingency theory and organizational ecology theory were adopted as tools for analysis. Contingency theory assumes that the structure or management style of an organization depends on the environment which surrounds the organization. In the perspective of contingency theory, the creation of the Koguryo Research Foundation was initiated by the Chinese distortion of Koguryo history, while the Northeast Asian History Foundation was created by the Japanese distortion of history and sovereignty provocation over Dokdo. The perspective of organizational ecology theory was adopted to explain the reasons why the Koguryo Research Foundation was closed and then merged into the Northeast Asian History Foundation after two and one-half years of activity. Through this perspective, this study found that the closure of the Koguryo Research Foundation resulted from such factors as lower reliability and accountability, the liability of newness, the small size of its organization and budget, the attempt of essential organizational change, and the creation of a new organization, the Northeast Asian History Foundation. In the perspective of the Governmental Politics Model, this study examined how the political resultants, the Koguryo Research Foundation and the Northeast Asian History Foundation, were drawn through bargaining and negotiation by the players involved in the game. This study revealed that the differences in the institutional achievements between the two quasi-governmental organizations resulted from the differences of the players' perceptions, preferences, and stands on the issue. In terms of perception, the perception of key players such as the president of the Republic of Korea and his administration on the issue of the Chinese distortion of Koguryo history was pacificatory, while the perception of the president and the administration on the issue of the Japanese distortion of history and the issue of Dokdo was quite determined. Through this lens, this study also found that the players perceived the issue not only on the basis of national interests, but also on the basis of their organizational interests and personal concerns. Finally, through the viewpoint of the Policy Streams Model, this study examined how the streams of problems and policy alternatives proceeded along the processes of the founding of the two quasi-governmental organizations. According to the analysis, the streams of problems surrounding the founding of the Koguryo Research Foundation were weaker than the streams of problems concerning the Northeast Asian History Foundation. In the perspective of policy streams, those concerning the founding of the Northeast Asian History Foundation were consistent and strong due to the determined stand of the president on the issue, while the policy streams regarding the Koguryo Research Foundation were incremental, inconsistent, and mutated due to the lack of presidential support and the passive attitude of the administration toward the issue. The first implication of the study is that a variety of aspects of organizational establishment should be reviewed to understand the process of organizational founding more clearly. Though organizational environment theories have assumed that environment or context determines the structure or function of the organization, the theories can not clearly explain why the birth or closure of an organization occurred in a specific time in spite of the presence of previous contingencies. The second implication is that policy makers or researchers should consider such factors as politics, administration, and the legality of the issues regarding the establishment of a quasi-governmental organization, because quasi-governmental organizations are governed by legal, administrative, and other institutional constraints unlike private organizations. The third implication is that, as Korea society is growing more pluralistic, the relevance of the Governmental Politics Model is likely to become higher in explaining the establishment processes of quasi-governmental institutions in the Republic of Korea. Keywords: Historical-social Environment, Contingency Theory, Organizational Ecology Theory, Graham Allison's Governmental Politics Model, John W. Kingdon's Policy Streams Model, Quasi-Governmental Organization ; Master

Introduction. The article presents the author's interpretation of the Kyrgyz-Chinese cooperation within the framework of "One Belt – One Way" (OBOW) strategy. On the basis of the studied materials, the author analyzes positive and negative factors and problems of implementing "One Belt – One Way" project between the two countries. The researcher pays particular attention to the prospects of the project in creating favorable conditions for close economic ties between the regions of the two countries that lie along the Silk Road.

Methods. The historical and legal, comparative and other methods form the theoretical and methodological basis of the article. The historiography of the issue – the consideration of Chinese "One Belt – One Way" strategy in the Kyrgyz Republic by foreign and Kyrgyz scientists and expert communities – is a direct object of the study.

Analysis. The activity of the Chinese OBOW initiative should be considered in the context of the integration of the Kyrgyz Republic into the world community, thereby determining its place and role, its political and legal system. Many Western and Russian scientists believe that the main tool for promoting the Chinese strategy in relations with partners is the provision of loans, which cannot but cause concern and discussion around the OBOW project. The main debatable dominants in the analysis of facts and analytics are investment, trade and economic, transport and infrastructure directions, and mining industry.

Results. The results of the study show that the potential areas for expanding the Chinese presence in Kyrgyzstan will remain transport and communications, mining, hydropower, etc. In Kyrgyzstan, the Chinese OBOW initiative is treated differently, there are a lot of positive and negative opinions concerning it. First, the OBOW project is perceived as a competitor to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in Eurasia. Second, the migration flows of Chinese citizens are increasing every year, the "Chinese demographic threat" is growing every year, and the people of Kyrgyzstan are concerned about this issue. Third, environmental safety, the safety of life and health of people, flora and fauna, the environment and others are also concerned. Fourth, the corruption of some Chinese companies creates a negative opinion of citizens.

The purpose of the article is to present the specific relationship between the EU, which is a unique international organisation, and its Member States, which are the source of integration and, paradoxically, its natural limit. The article contains an analysis of provisional measures imposed on Poland by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) as an example of a judicial and autonomous control mechanism concerning Member States and their obligations under EU law. Case European Commission v. Poland (2017) serves as a central element of the considerations. On 27 July 2017, the CJEU imposed a temporary injunction against logging in the Polish Bialowieza Forest, a UNESCO World Heritage Site and the last old-growth forest in Europe, while the case is being tried with the final Court decision expected in December 2017. Nevertheless, the Polish minister of the environment said on 31 July that the Polish government will ignore the ruling and that the logging will continue in tune with the "protective measures" for the forest, since the Bialowieza Forest seems to be under attack from the Spruce Bark Beetle. This species of beetle is a pest which colonises primarily spruce trees (Ips typographus for the lovers of the Latin language). The assumption made in the article is that provisional measures (applied under EU procedural law) have dogmatic roots in the tradition of civil proceedings in Member States. What is involved here are national procedures aimed at securing a claim in certain circumstances which establish a prima facie case on the inefficiency of the future decision. The specificity of provisional measures results from the specificity of EU law, which, in order to be effective, requires a judicial review. Provisional measures are one of the tools to guarantee its effectiveness. Despite relatively strict conditions for the applicability of provisional measures by the CJEU, they can help ensure effectiveness of UE law. The measures imposed to stop the destruction of the Białowieża Forest can be an example here. ; The following paper constitutes a part of the research conducted within the framework of the statutory research at the Faculty of Law of the University of Warsaw. ; Robert Grzeszczak: r.grzeszczak@wpia.uw.edu.pl ; Mateusz Muchel: m.muchel@wpia.uw.edu.pl ; Robert Grzeszczak - University of Warsaw ; Mateusz Muchel - University of Warsaw ; Annexes to the Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council: A new EU Framework to Strengthen the Rule of Law, Annex I: The Rule of law as a foundational principle of the Union (Brussels, 11.3.2014, COM(2014) 158, final. ; Azoulai, L. "Integration through law" and us. (2016). International Journal of Constitutional Law, 14(2), 449–463. ; Belgium v. 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