Suchergebnisse

This paper builds on the global experience and Mali s context to identify an effective nutrition approach as well as costs and benefits of key nutrition programs, as part of a resilience agenda after the crisis. It is intended to help guide the selection of the most cost-effective interventions as well as strategies for scaling these up. The paper looks at both relevant nutrition-specific interventions, largely delivered through the health sector, and at multisectoral nutrition-sensitive interventions delivered through other sectors such as agriculture, social protection, and water and sanitation that have the potential to strengthen nutritional outcomes in Mali. We first estimate that the costs and benefits of implementing 10 nutrition-specific interventions in all regions of Mali would require a yearly public investment of $64 million. The expected benefits are large: annually about 480,000 Disability-adjusted Life Years (DALYs) and more than 14,000 lives would be saved and over 260,000 cases of stunting among children under five would be averted. However, because it is unlikely that the Government of Mali or its partners will find the $64 million necessary to reach full national coverage, we also consider three potential scale-up scenarios based on considerations of their potential for impact, the burden of stunting, resource requirements, and implementation capacity. Using cost-benefit analyses, we propose scale-up scenarios that represent a compromise between the need to move to full coverage and the constraints imposed by limited resources. We identify and cost six nutrition-sensitive interventions that are relevant to Mali s context and for which there are both evidence of positive impact on nutrition outcomes and some cost information. These findings point to a powerful set of nutrition-specific interventions and a candidate list of nutrition-sensitive approaches that represent a highly cost-effective approach to reducing child malnutrition in Mali.

This paper estimates country-specific costs and benefits of scaling up key nutrition investments in Nigeria. Building on the methodology established in the global report scaling up nutrition: what will it cost? Authors first estimate the costs and benefits of a nationwide scale up of ten effective nutrition-specific interventions. This will require an annual public investment of $837 million and would yield enormous benefits: over 8.7 million DALYs and 183,000 lives would be saved annually, while more than 3 million cases of stunting among children under five will be averted. As it is unlikely that the Government of Nigeria or its partners will find the $837 million necessary to reach full national coverage, authors also consider five potential scale-up scenarios based on considerations of burden of stunting, potential for impact, resource requirements and capacity for implementation in Nigeria. Using cost-benefit analyses authors propose scale-up scenarios that represent a compromise between the need to move to full coverage and the constraints imposed by limited resources and capacities. This analysis takes an innovative approach to nutrition costing by not only estimating the costs and benefits of nutrition-specific interventions, but also exploring costs for a selected number of nutrition-sensitive interventions implemented outside of the health sector. We identify and cost four candidate nutrition-sensitive interventions with impact potential in Nigeria, including bio-fortification of cassava, aflatoxin control, school-based deworming, and school-based promotion of good hygiene. Overall, these findings point to a candidate list of nutrition-sensitive approaches that represent a cost-effective approach to reducing child malnutrition in Nigeria. Moving forward, these results are intended to help guide decision makers as they plan future efforts to scale-up action against malnutrition in Nigeria and develop nutrition financing plans that bring to bear resources from the health, social protection, education, and agriculture sectors.

Robert Fico has long been a dominant figure in Slovakia, having served as prime minister from 2006-10, 2012-18, and then 2023-present. He has upset many believers in transatlantic unity for various reasons — chiefly his opposition to the West's arming of Ukraine, which shares a 60-mile border with Slovakia. Depicting the war there as an "American-Russian conflict," Fico campaigned last year on giving Kyiv "not another bullet." Often characterized as a "pro-Kremlin" politician, he has criticized Western sanctions on Moscow.On May 15, Fico was the target of an assassination attempt. A gunman shot him five times at close range in Handlová, a small town in central Slovakia. Fico survived albeit in critical condition. The attack marked the first assassination attempt on a European prime minister in 21 years. According to Interior Minister Matúš Šutaj Eštok, the alleged assailant, Juraj Cintula, was politically motivated and possibly not acting alone. The attempt occurred shortly after presidential elections, which one of Fico's allies, Peter Pellegrini, won in the second round.Political and social divisionsSlovakia's politics are extremely polarized. Among Slovaks, many staunchly support Fico while many others loathe him. There are those in the country who embrace Western-style liberalism and believe Bratislava's foreign policy should be closely aligned with its Western allies in NATO and the EU, both of which Slovakia joined in 2004. On the conservative end of the spectrum, a majority of Slovak voters support Fico's government as a defender of Slovak traditions by, for example, rejecting "gender ideology.""Each group not only holds different visions for Slovakia's future but also perceives the other's agenda as a direct threat to their way of life and values, and this is exaggerated and weaponized as a means of political capital," Zuzana Palovic, co-author of "Czechoslovakia: Behind the Iron Curtain," told RS.The murder of journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée in 2018, the government's COVID response, and Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 all deepened polarization in Slovakia. Fico's government routinely criticizes the opposition for serving the Western liberal order while his opponents attack him for being too Moscow-friendly and rolling back media freedoms. Many point to Russian propaganda as a significant driver of polarization in this former Soviet satellite, which is the case in other EU member-states too.In the 2020-23 period, a number of Fico's political allies were indicted for corruption and subsequently convicted. "While some of the cases were half-baked, Fico's defense always has been that everything is just a political witch hunt—yes, he sounds like Trump here," according to Andrej Matišák, a journalist who works for the Slovak daily Pravda. "By undermining the work of policemen, prosecutors, and judges, he created another piece of the polarization puzzle," he told RS."The Slovak politicians themselves contributed to the status quo in Slovakia. Political accusations are never ending in Slovakia," said Lívia Benko, a research fellow at the Austrian Institute for European and Security Policy. "The recent political landscape reveals that the number of hateful statements from politicians is on the rise," she added.The assassination attempt has exacerbated tensions within Slovak society. Outgoing President Zuzana Čaputová has emphasized the need to prevent further escalation. But her appeal thus far appears to be ignored by both sides of the political spectrum."The appeal for calmness and unity is not being respected to the extent it should be by either the polarized society, in which family members do not speak to each other over politics, nor by the coalition and opposition," Benko noted."The current political landscape in which politicians and their family members are getting threatening letters is very complex," she added. "Slovak politics are full of conspiracy theories and disinformation. This is all reflected on social media platforms."Talk of 'civil war'Following the assassination attempt, Eštok warned that the country is "on the edge of a civil war" due to the rhetoric on social media. According to Palovic, such language coming from the minister "reflects concerns about the stability and unity of Slovakia — mentally, emotionally, and socially."Matišák said Eštok's talk of civil war was understandable given the powerful emotions at that moment. But he also described it as a "very unfortunate statement.""Only the government has the means to start the civil war, and, in that case, it wouldn't even be a civil war; it would be some kind of putsch against the democratic regime in Slovakia. I don't believe that will happen, so I read the minister's words as an attempt to communicate with his own electorate to suggest that first of all the 'other side' is responsible for what happened. As I said, it is unfortunate, and he should know better," Matišák said."It's the rhetorical equivalent of firefighters starting their job by throwing a canister of gas into the fire," Matej Kandrík, a co-founder of Adapt Institute, a Bratislava-based think tank, told RS."It's both irresponsible and dangerous. Slovakia is nowhere close to a civil war. Unfortunately, [Eštok] is speaking like he is a candidate running in the election and not as a minister of the interior."The road aheadUnsurprisingly, this month's assassination attempt has clearly raised serious concerns about the trajectory of Slovakia's deep-seated societal and political divisions. What comes next will depend heavily on the government's actions, according to Benko, particularly regarding how the state may use the attack as a pretext for cracking down on the opposition and independent civil society groups and media.Doing so, on the other hand, could negatively affect its standing with the EU, an important source of financial and development assistance."The terrible shape of public finances increased the relative importance of EU funds for Slovakia. Suppose the European Commission will stay adamant about protecting the rule of law and the quality of democracy. In that case, it should prevent the most aggressive moves to solidify the power of the government," Kandrík told RS. "Still, I expect the situation to worsen for all pro-democratic actors.""In a normal country, the normal reaction would be for all political elites to lock themselves around the principles of democracy and the rule of law. However, it seems that some people in Slovakia, especially from the pro-government spectrum, are intensifying the polarization," said the Slovak journalist."I am afraid that the main aim of the majority of the players from the governing coalition is to use the current events to strengthen their grip on power [rather than] to calm down the situation. On the other hand, I very much hope I will be proved wrong."Implications for US foreign policyBack in the 1990s, when the autocratic leader Vladimir Mečiar was independent Slovakia's first prime minister, the Slovak government basically ran the country like a mafia state. In the mid-1990s, NATO delayed Slovakia's membership application due to the country's domestic issues. By 1998, then-U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright called Slovakia a "black hole in the center of Europe." That was only six years before it joined the transatlantic alliance and the EU.Today, Washington has much at stake in the future of Slovakia, which sits on the fault line of a divided Europe. Having militarily cooperated closely with the U.S. since 1993, Slovakia remains an important U.S. ally on NATO's eastern flank at a time of intensified hostilities between Russia and the West.Amid a period in which Fico and Hungary's Viktor Orbán increasingly align their countries with Moscow in ways that many Western policymakers believe is a thorn in the EU's side, debates over how Washington and Brussels should try to influence these "renegade EU leaders" in Bratislava and Budapest are sensitive. There is reason to consider how Western pressure on these Russia-friendly NATO and EU members has potential to backfire in ways that further erode the West's unity against Moscow.This month's attempted assassination risks manifesting in an exacerbation of Slovakia's internal tensions, as well as those between Bratislava and Brussels. This would be especially so if Fico's government pushes through initiatives that weaken the rule-of-law. Although the immediate implications of the attempt on Fico's life for Washington's interests are currently difficult to assess, instability in Slovakia could have major ramifications for U.S. foreign policy interests in this part of Europe, particularly within the context of the continent's evolving security architecture.

Eis que a Revista Textos e Debates está fazendo, nesse ano de 2015, vinte anos.
Em 1995, fruto da vontade e empenho de um grupo de professores dos cursos de Ciências Sociais e História, à época agrupados no então Centro de Ciências Sociais e Geociências – CCSG -, hoje Centro de Ciências Humanas – CCH -, a Revista vem contribuindo para divulgar pesquisas e a produção de conhecimento tanto da UFRR quanto de outras unidades acadêmicas do país e de fora do Brasil.
Vemos, assim, que ao longo desses vinte anos a Textos e Debates cresceu, se fortaleceu e tomou uma dimensão para além das fronteiras nacionais. Temos hoje 28 números publicados, com mais de 200 artigos, abordando variadas temáticas na grande área de Ciências Humanas.
Com uma nova equipe no Comitê Editorial, a partir da Edição de número sete a Revista passou a ser publicada semestralmente, com um forte empenho no sentido de garantir a regularidade e a periodicidade, além do esforço para dotar a Textos e Debates de um caráter mais nacional e menos regional, sem deixar, contudo, de refletir as tão importantes questões amazônicas. Assim, a ampliação da divulgação da Revista pelo país afora rendeu contribuições valorosas no campo das ciências sociais e humanas, além das já mencionadas contribuições de pesquisadores de outros países.
Nova mudança aconteceu a partir da publicação da edição de número 18, quando a Revista passou a ser eletrônica, com alguns números sendo garantidos também na versão impressa. Acompanhamos, assim, uma tendência que vem se confirmando e consolidando, que é a publicação de periódicos nessa modalidade eletrônica.
Finalmente, a vinculação da Revista com o Programa de Pós-graduação Sociedade e Fronteiras traz uma perspectiva nova, de ser veículo de publicação de pesquisas envolvendo as dinâmicas sociais, políticas e culturais que envolvem as regiões fronteiriças, particularmente na tríplice fronteira Brasil, Venezuela e República da Guiana, cuja compreensão requer diálogo com diversos campos do conhecimento. Assim, a Revista cresce e se fortalece também no campo das pesquisas interdisciplinares, refletindo, dessa forma, a complexidade própria da vida em regiões de fronteiras.
Podemos dizer que hoje a Revista tem mais qualidade e se constitui num importante espaço de socialização de conhecimento, ferramenta fundamental para ampliar a produção do saber científico e filosófico. Dessa forma, constitui-se, também, numa arma para pensar e construir uma sociedade mais humana e mais justa.
Essa edição especial, bilíngue, traz para os leitores alguns artigos publicados na Revista ao longo desses vinte anos, selecionados por retratarem as questões da região Amazônica abrangendo de forma mais ampla as diversas áreas do conhecimento, isto é, maior amplitude de interesses sobre a questão. Assim, trata-se de uma edição que ao mesmo tempo em que comemora os vinte anos da Revista, brinda a Região amazônica e os pesquisadores de diversas regiões do país e fora dele, que tem se debruçado a estudar e nos ajudar a compreender mais e melhor essa realidade.
Assim, foram escolhidos oito artigos, publicados ao longo desses vinte anos, que apresentam uma reflexão sobre diferentes questões relacionadas ao espaço amazônico e suas fronteiras. O primeiro artigo, publicado originalmente em 2005, aborda uma temática de grande importância para a Revista e para a região amazônica, a questão indígena. Nesse artigo, Entre a maloca e a civilização: os indígenas no processo de colonização de Roraima no século XX, Raimundo Nonato Gomes dos Santos apresenta uma abordagem acerca da construção do não-lugar indígena que, para se constituir, precisou contar com a efetiva participação dos povos indígenas. Povos esses que tiveram, ao longo daquele século, participações diferenciadas nesse processo que o autor chama de modernização do espaço roraimense, ou da construção desse não-lugar que, para se constituir, precisava da "morte" do outro.
Embora esses povos tenham sido constantemente "empurrados para as margens", sua presença no contexto urbano não é "um fenômeno recente". É o que irá abordar Luciana Marinho de Melo em A formação sociocultural de Boa Vista – Roraima e os povos Macuxi e Wapichana da cidade: processos históricos e sentidos de pertencimento. Para a autora, a presença dos povos Macuxi e Wapichana no espaço hoje configurado pela capital roraimense remonta a tempos longínquos, embora por vezes seja apresentada como "uma ocupação recente". Após apresentar um panorama histórico sobre esses povos nesse espaço, conclui a autora: "temos, desse modo, uma estrutura político-administrativa municipal que apresenta dificuldades em contemplar a camada populacional indígena do perímetro urbano". No entanto, e apesar disso, "os Macuxi e Wapichana de Boa Vista vêm construindo uma narrativa de pertencimento que inter-relaciona os aspectos socioculturais engolidos pela história oficial e, posteriormente, pela sociedade em posse do poder público".
Ainda sobre a temática indígena, Maria Auxiliadora Lima de Carvalho apresenta em A dinâmica sociopolítica Yanomami no contexto de criação da Hutukara: pata thëpë e a emergência de jovens lideranças políticas, uma discussão sobre a participação de lideranças tradicionais e de jovens lideranças Yanomami na constituição de um espaço político. A partir do contato interétnico e dos cursos de formação, como o de professorese agentes de saúde, novas possibilidades, inclusive de "representação", serão dadas a esses jovens indígenas que ao dominarem, por exemplo, a língua portuguesa, serão intérpretes necessários junto às lideranças tradicionais, acabando por adquirirem outro status. Sobre a presença dessas jovens lideranças, a autora afirma ainda que "não se trata de uma ruptura, ou crise de gerações entre jovens e velhos, e sim de caminhos distintos de construção de referenciais por meio dos quais constroem a força do seu discurso".
Sobre o processo de colonização do então vale do rio Branco, Jaci Guilherme Vieira e Gregório Ferreira Gomes Filho, apresentam o texto Forte São Joaquim: do marco da ocupação portuguesa do vale do rio Branco às batalhas da memória – século XVIII ao XX. Nesse artigo, os autores dissertam sobre duas questões: a construção do forte como marco da ocupação portuguesa na região e os desdobramentos advindos dessa decisão e, não menos importante, a memória apropriada por setores da sociedade roraimense, para quem o forte é o "marco inicial" da ocupação desse espaço e, consequentemente, da necessidade desta referência para legitimação de seu "lugar social" e as constantes disputas pela terra.
Partindo também do processo de colonização, mas ampliando tanto o espaço quanto as temáticas que perpassam esse processo, Nelvio Paulo Dutra Santos, em Sociedade, ambiente e fronteira na Amazônia: alguns tópicos históricos e políticos, disserta sobre a formação do espaço amazônico com ênfase para as questões sociais, políticas e ambientais. Ao historiar sobre essa formação, apresenta as preocupações geopolíticas do Estado nação e os consequentes projetos para a Amazônia que excluíram seus "antigos habitantes", da mesma forma que "o ambiente foi também tido como um empecilho ao desenvolvimento, pois tudo ficou sob a égide da segurança, não a darwiniana, mas a do regime político e do desenvolvimento". O que leva o autor a concluir que "a Amazônia continua sendo um lugar de atenção e de preocupação".
Essas questões sobre o desenvolvimento, sob outra ótica, são apresentadas por Pedro Staevie, no artigo Crescimento demográfico e exclusão social nas capitais periféricas da Amazônia, no qual disserta sobre o crescimento das cidades dos "estados periféricos da Amazônia": Amapá, Acre, Rondônia e Roraima. Com base em censos demográficos, dados do PIB e do IDH, são apresentados os indicadores socioeconômicos das capitais desses estados, com ênfase na exclusão social e desigualdade, com o objetivo de relacionar essas questões ao crescimento demográfico dessas cidades. Assim, para o autor há uma correlação direta entre o crescimento demográfico e os índices apresentados no artigo, levando a necessidade de "suscitar uma maior observação sobre estes municípios e sobre a relação destes dados com o crescimento demográfico".
Mariana Cunha Pereira, expõe, em seu artigo A memória de brasileiros e guianenses sobre a revolta do Rupununi na fronteira Brasil – Guiana, uma etnografia sobre esse episódio acontecido na fronteira entre esses dois países na década de 1960. Após uma contextualização da Guiana e da região do Rupununi, com aportes históricos retomando a sua colonização, chega a autora ao processo de independência daquele país e o momento do "evento político" que foi a Revolta. Com base nos depoimentos orais de "negros guianenses, indígenas Macuxi e Wapixana e brasileiros regionais", a autora "reelabora essas narrativas" afirmando que "a memória local dos moradores da fronteira sobre o período do conflito é bastante confusa". No entanto, tal acontecimento ficou "como um marco da construção desses dois estado-nação, da inter-relação que os envolve e das consequências para os grupos étnicos, moradores da fronteira, e do modo de perceber e narrar os conflitos de conjuntura de cada realidade".
Com essa edição bilíngue explicitamos nosso empenho em consolidar a Textos e Debates como espaço de debates e de divulgação de conhecimentos, ampliando assim as possibilidades de leitores e interessados em colaborar com a Revista.

Durante los últimos años, el Distrito Capital ha realizado esfuerzos sostenidos muy importantes para mejorar la calidad y la cobertura en la educación, ubicándola como prioridad en la ejecución de la política social; motivo por el cual resulta indispensable que se considere su continuidad y la financiación de los costos crecientes. El anterior pronunciamiento, a modo de conclusión del documento que ahora se presenta, sintetiza de manera clara tanto el balance de los esfuerzos realizados por las últimas administraciones de Bogotá, como el reto y obligación de continuar garantizando el derecho a una educación de calidad para todos los niños, niñas y jóvenes, en el marco de los principios consagrados en la Constitución Nacional. La responsabilidad y las ejecutorias del periodo de gobierno 2004 – 2008 que hoy conoce la ciudad y disfrutan cerca de un millón de estudiantes del sector oficial, es la reafirmación del papel asignado a la educación pública en la construcción de un Estado social de derecho, que requirió la identificación y articulación de múltiples acciones con el propósito de garantizar más y mejor educación para toda la población capitalina. Factores como la organización escolar, la infraestructura, la dignificación de docentes y directivos, la transformación pedagógica de los Proyectos Educativos Institucionales (PEI), el reconocimiento de las comunidades y de su papel en la vida escolar, la gratuidad, la alimentación escolar, entre otros, fueron la preocupación permanente de este periodo de gobierno y marcaron las decisiones de inversión del presupuesto de la Ciudad. En efecto, el Plan Bogotá sin Indiferencia 2004-2008 mejoró las condiciones materiales para el acceso a la educación a través de la puesta en marcha de un programa de construcción y mejoramiento de los colegios, lo que a su vez implicó recursos importantes para la dotación de estas infraestructuras. De manera simultánea, y teniendo como perspectiva la garantía del derecho a la educación para toda la población en edad escolar, se realizaron acciones con el fin de asegurar las condiciones de acceso y permanencia implementando los programas de gratuidad, alimentación escolar, salud, transporte escolar, suministro de útiles escolares y el subsidio condicionado a la asistencia. En este contexto, la Secretaría de Educación Distrital y el Instituto para la Investigación Educativa y el Desarrollo Pedagógico, IDEP, aunaron esfuerzos para realizar la presente investigación, que evaluó el impacto sobre la permanencia y la retención de los estudiantes en el sistema educativo de algunos de los programas arriba reseñados y para el período señalado, encontrando en su conjunto resultados positivos sobre las variables analizadas. La tarea así propuesta contó con un equipo cualificado de expertos de la Universidad Nacional, quienes diseñaron el modelo de evaluación de impacto en los términos establecidos en el Convenio Interadministrativo 1094 del 2009. El propósito definido por la Secretaría de Educación de Bogotá para adelantar esta investigación fue establecer el impacto de las políticas de acceso y permanencia asociadas a la materialización del derecho fundamental a una educación de calidad para todos y todas y así orientar los programas y proyectos de cada plan de gobierno, dando continuidad a los asuntos que requieren mantenerse en el tiempo, más allá del periodo de cada uno de los planes de desarrollo. Para el Instituto para la Investigación Educativa y el Desarrollo Pedagógico (IDEP) fue una oportunidad de continuar desarrollando una de sus tareas centrales como es la producción de información útil en la formulación y ajustes a las políticas públicas del sector educativo. Como referentes geosociales se seleccionaron las localidades de Suba, Ciudad Bolívar, Kennedy, Bosa, San Cristóbal, Usme y Engativá. La metodología adoptada para la evaluación de impacto se apoyó en una encuesta realizada a estudiantes, profesores, directivos y padres de familia, con una muestra de más de 16 mil personas. Así mismo, se revisaron los datos del sistema de matrícula de la SED para comparar la situación de los beneficiarios y de los programas. Este informe de evaluación detalla tanto el modelo de estudio, como aspectos relevantes de la construcción y la implementación de la etodología acogida. El modelo, por su consistencia, puede ser replicado para evaluar el impacto de otros programas educativos y la incidencia de los mismos para el acceso y permanencia de los estudiantes en el sistema escolar. Es importante señalar sobre este primer avance, la necesidad de dar continuidad e integralidad a los programas evaluados. De otra parte, el estudio y sus conclusiones permite inferir, con un alto grado de certeza, que los avances para garantizar el derecho a una educación de calidad para los niños, niñas y jóvenes de Bogotá son indiscutibles. Los datos así lo confirman y el impacto de las políticas educativas de Bogotá en las decisiones de política nacional son claras y contundentes. En 2005, cuando Bogotá inició el programa de gratuidad educativa, se alcanzó a beneficiar a 151.696 estudiantes con la gratuidad total y a 35.696 de manera parcial; para el 2007 esta cifra se cuadriplicó, llegando a 607.262 y 40.611 estudiantes respectivamente en las modalidades señaladas. Como resultado palpable del programa de construcción de nuevos colegios, al finalizar el año 2008, el mapa educativo de Bogotá se transformó: la ciudad contaba con más de 30 colegios nuevos, más de 130 reforzados y un número superior de 43 que se ampliaron o mejoraron en su infraestructura. Con la distribución gratuita de útiles escolares fueron beneficiados en el periodo analizado 195.429 niños y niñas de preescolar, con morrales de sueños 272.000 y con uniformes y zapatos 65.453. Además de estos logros, que se reflejan en cumplimiento de metas e inversión significativa de recursos para la garantía de un derecho constitucional indiscutible, Bogotá avanzó en el posicionamiento de una visión integral del derecho a una educación de calidad en torno a los cuatro elementos que conforman el núcleo esencial: disponibilidad, acceso al sistema eliminado barreras, permanencia y calidad. Igualmente, se hizo evidente el fortalecimiento de la educación pública como medio efectivo para ampliar las oportunidades de los ciudadanos y la consolidación de la democracia posibilitando a la población el acceso a todos los beneficios del conocimiento y la cultura. El compromiso de los últimos gobiernos de la Ciudad con la educación y la decisión de la administración de Bogotá Humana de continuar profundizando la política educativa orientando recursos y programas de gobierno para el fortalecimiento de la educación ofrecida a todos los niños, niñas y jóvenes bogotanos, son un camino clave para superar la segregación social, favorecer la inclusión, y por esta vía, disminuir todo tipo de inequidades e injusticias con las diversas poblaciones. La Secretaría de Educación Distrital y el Instituto para la nvestigación Educativa y el Desarrollo Pedagógico (IDEP) ponen a disposición de los centros de estudio, colegios, entidades públicas y privadas y a todos los ciudadanos y ciudadanas de Bogotá, el presente informe, convencidos que esta evaluación del impacto contribuirá en la definición de acciones estratégicas en materia de educación y para asumir nuevos e importantes retos. ; Presentación. 9 Introducción. 11 La educación y los derechos. 13 Metodología. 15 Criterios generales. 15 Criterios específicos Diseño muestral. 23 Análisis del conjunto de los programas. 27 El modelo integrado. 27 Permanencia y asistencia escolar. 29 Rendimiento académico. 32 Trabajo infantil y juvenil. 33 Convivencia escolar-clima escolar. 34 El resumen de frecuencias. 35 Conclusiones. 39 Subsidios condicionados. 41 El panorama en América Latina. 41 Programa equidad en educación en Bogotá. 42 Principales hallazgos. 44 Conclusiones. 45 Gratuidad y kit de útiles escolares. 47 Una lectura desde la Constitución. 47 La gratuidad en Bogotá. 49 Principales hallazgos. 54 Conclusiones. 59 Transporte escolar. 61 Consideraciones generales. 61 Principales hallazgos. 64 Conclusiones. 67 Alimentación. 69 Consideraciones generales. 69 Principales hallazgos. 72 Conclusiones. 76 Construcciones escolares. 79 Consideraciones generales. 79 Principales hallazgos. 82 Conclusiones. 87 Conclusiones generales de la evaluación de impacto. 89 Anexos. 93 Anexo 1. Primeras y segundas diferencias. 95 Anexo 2. Emparejamiento por puntaje de propensión (PSM). 102 Anexo 3. El diseño de la muestra. 107 Referencias bibliográficas. 114

 Bento in the Anthropocene Humanism, and the debates for and against it, is less a perennial philosophical question, returned to again and again, than a moving target, one that reflects the different political, cultural, and economic situation of the moment. The humanism of the renaissance is not the same humanism that was at the center of debates about Stalin and Marx in the sixties. Moreover, I would argue that the question of the human now is profoundly transformed by the Anthropocene, by the awareness that human impact has had an ecological and geological impact on the planet, transforming it for the worst. This does not mean that old debates and discussions of different humanisms in the history of philosophy are relegated to the dustbin of history--just that they take on a different sense and meaning today. Spinoza and Marx's debates with the humanism of their time take on a different sense today. One of Spinoza's central critical statements is against the tendency, shared by rationalists and romantics, philosophers and theologians, to view ourselves as a "kingdom within a kingdom." As Spinoza writes, "Indeed they seem to conceive man in Nature as a dominion within a dominion. For they believe that man disturbs, rather than follows, the order of Nature, that he has absolute power over his actions, and that he is determined only by himself. And they attribute the cause of human impotence and inconstancy, not to the common power of Nature, but I know not what vice of human nature, which they therefore bewail, or laugh at or disdain, or (as usually happens) curse. And he who knows how to censure more eloquently and cunningly the weakness of the human mind is held to be godly."First, a few words about this passage, filled with the rhetorical fire of the scholia, Spinoza weaves together two forms of humanism, two ways of being a kingdom within a kingdom. The first is that of superiority, of humanity as something more than another thing in the world; the second is that of something less, of something fallen from its place in the natural world. These two ideas, humanity as more than nature and humanity as less, rational virtue and depravity, are two sides of the same coin. What would seem to be opposed in the various oppositions of rationalism to romanticism are closer than they would appear. This image of humanity is as much a philosophical position as it is a matter of everyday common sense. It is a spontaneous ideology. It stems from our basic tendency to be conscious of our desires and ignorant of the causes of things. These two things, desires and causes, become two different things, different kingdoms, one governed by causes and the other by our supposed free will. It is primarily as an ideology, an inadequate idea that Spinoza critiques this humanism. It is a way of thinking that makes it difficult to grasp not only what is true, that we are part of nature, but most beneficial. It is only by understanding ourselves as part of nature, as determined like all other things, that we can actively change and improve our condition, rather than alternatively celebrate and bemoan it, by seeing ourselves as part of nature we can transform our nature. As Franck Fischbach has demonstrated, the idea that we are part of nature, and, with it, the notion that it is by seeing ourselves as part of nature that we can increase our capacity to act on it, is a fundamental point shared by Spinoza and Marx. Moreover, as Fischbach also argues, this idea takes on a particular valence in Marx, as Marx often refers to "man's inorganic nature." This idea appears first in the 1844 Manuscripts but continues up through Capital. It is in the latter that we get the formulation "...nature becomes one of the organs of his activity, which he annexes to his own bodily organs, adding stature to himself in spite of the Bible." I assume the second part refers to the divine image of man, and, if one wanted to continue the Marx/Spinoza connections, this could be considered Marx's criticism of the anthropocentric universe and the anthropomorphic god. Marx's overall emphasis, however, is on the way in which the history of humanity is constantly adding organs to itself, transforming the limitations and shape of the human body. We add to our own feet the wheels of the railroad, to our own ears the power of the telegraph, and, all in in all, to our own mind, the power of the general intellect. To quote Marx, "Nature builds no machines, no locomotives, railways, electric telegraphs, self-acting mules etc. These are the products of human industry; natural material transformed into organs of the human will over nature, or of human participation in nature. They are organs of the human brain, created by the human hand; the power of knowledge objectified [vergegenständlichte Wissenskraft]. The development of fixed capital indicates to what degree general social knowledge has become a direct force of production, and to what degree, hence, the conditions of the process of social life itself have come under the control of the general intellect."We could add that in capitalism this process of extension of our inorganic body, as tools and machines extend our capacities and actions, is coupled with its opposite, with as Marx also says in the Grundrisse the reduction of human beings, of human labor, to conscious organs of the machine. The formation of industry is both an increase of our capacities, our ability to see, hear, move, and act, and, in current conditions, a reduction of our capacities. That is a matter for another discussion. I would like to tie Marx and Spinoza's criticism together, not by stressing their shared ontology or anthropology, but by instead arguing for the historical intertwining of these two processes, the tendency to see ourselves as a kingdom within a kingdom and the tendency to transform nature and our natural existence. I would say that it is precisely because we extend our capacities beyond our body and mind that we are able to see ourselves, to misrecognize ourselves as kingdom within kingdoms. In other words, it is through our transformation of nature that we are able to see ourselves as separate from nature. We live a dual lives, in our conception of ourselves we see ourselves as something distinct from nature, as a unique being, but in our practical lives, we endlessly act on and transform nature. The famous two cultures, science and the humanities, is as much an anthropological division as anything else, a division between our two sides--one that transcends nature materially, producing a world outside of its rhythms and another that transforms nature conceptually, producing an understanding of ourselves as something apart from it.I know that this is not necessarily a shocking point, but I still think that it is worth pausing over all of the technological transformation and devices that make it possible for us to remove ourselves from natural limitations, cycles, and events. Electric lights make me indifferent to the cycle of day and night, heat and cooling make me indifferent to the seasons, and, now thanks to containerization and shipping, I am unaffected by the climates and conditions that dictate and determine the seasons of food production. I am able to see myself as a kingdom within a kingdom because humanity in general has transformed its inorganic body. Nature still has its effects, the occasional storm that disrupts power or snow day that shuts down a city, but for the most part humanity, especially those within the elite in the global north, live in an artificial kingdom untouched by nature, as a kingdom within a kingdom. This transformation has its effects on nature as well as society. In part we could call the Anthropocene as the period in which our transformation of nature begins to have its unintended effects. It turns out that make nature the background of our little human kingdom entails burning a great deal of fossil fuels, among other transformations, and the end result is a different, more volatile and active nature. It is thus harder and harder to see oneself as a kingdom within a kingdom as heatwaves take hold of entire regions, intense storms become more and more frequent, and even the air we breathe is filled with viruses that did not exist earlier.  The nature we are a part of, that our kingdom collapses into, is not the nature that we left, it is one thoroughly transformed by industry and technology. It is going to be harder and harder to see ourselves as a kingdom within a kingdom. Spinoza and Marx would both remind us, however, that old illusions die hard, a change of circumstances does not entail a change of conception, especially when this idea, of humanity as a kingdom within a kingdom, is how we are governed and ruled. Since I illustrated this with pictures of Bento on our walks. I will tell a brief anecdote that is part a recounting of the initial provocation that became this piece. Walking Bento is a big part of my life, and a bigger part of the summer, where the walks become an excuse to explore local trails and parks. I used to only think about nature before going on walks by checking the temperature and seeing if I needed a raincoat or sunblock. This summer has been different, an abnormally wet June and July has made so that I have to plan our walks around flash flood warnings that threaten the local rivers while also avoiding the beaches that have been contaminated due to storm runoffs. The warmer summers also mean that ponds are now contaminated with toxic algae blooms that used to be foreign to this state. It is not just travel to such places as Greece, beset by forest fires, or Spain, experiencing record high temperatures, that has been changed, but the simple act of walking the dog has been transformed as well. I find myself having to think about nature in a way that I did not before, being aware of risks that previously did not exist or at least where marginal. The idea of nature as the background noise of our artificial lives is transforming, being replaced with something that is harder to ignore. The question is, will we recognize this, change ourselves and our understanding, or will we go on living in our kingdom even as it collapses around us. 

Actual importance of research theme: Combating hunger and providing the Earth's population with sufficient amount of products is considered one of the strategic priorities of human civilization sustainable development by the UN up to 2030. The rapid growth of this planet's human population in the 21st century, estimated at 7.6. billion people, leads to the global demand for production and foodstuff. Simultaneously, traditional strategies of extensive development conventional in the 20th century and "target" intensification of agriculture do not take expected positive effect nowadays. World economy requires for new strategies of agricultural production, as well as promoting 'green revolution' based on the ground of IT technology advances and "Industry 4.0.". The generalization of world experience concerning development and implementing agricultural production strategies in the 21st century is of greater theoretical and practical importance for all countries which export agricultural production in mass scales, including Ukraine which focuses on the leadership in the world agricultural business. Thus, the urgency of the issue confirms the actual importance of this article. The problem statement. Foodstuff output in world economy is growing slowly and does not meet the increasing demand for food and agricultural products in industry in global scales. Under these conditions the manufacturers of agricultural products like farmers, agro-businesses and agro-holdings, as well as transnational corporation alter and modify agricultural strategies that were conventional in the 20th century. Among the new strategies transition to precision farming and innovational agriculture based on implementing IT technologies takes the leading role. The core and socio-economic consequences of such strategy implementation require further study. Analysis of latest studies and publication. The important contribution to the study of the core and dimensions of agricultural production strategies linked to innovation and investment development as well as to improvement property relations is made by such Ukrainian scholars as P. Makarenko, V. Pilyavskiy [1] and O. Shul'ga [2]. Foreign scientists like Smaller, C., andW. Speller, withH. Mirza, N. Bernasconi-Osterwalder, andG. Dixie [3] paid the specific attention to the study of strategic priorities concerning risks minimization and profit maximization by agro-businesses and TNC within the realization of agricultural contracts at world markets. Overseas researchers KeatingB., HerreroM., CarberryP. [4] emphasized on actual importance of compliance with strategy of foodstuff security in global environment in their studies. However, the issue of developing the strategy of precise agricultural production based on widespread use of innovation and IT technologies, research into socio-economic consequences accompanying their implementation in the 21st century remains poorly studied. Research challenge of general issue. The issue of studies the core and elements of agricultural production development process in world economy is highlighted in world economic literature pretty well. Nevertheless, the study of TNCs and agricultural businesses strategies and strategies concerning transition of TNCs to the development of precise agriculture is really meaningful. Besides, at present time the trends of direct foreign investments as for agricultural lands purchase and priorities analysis of their use by TNCs in developed and developing world countries are uncertain. Socio economic consequences of mass precise agriculture introduction for national economy in countries with agrarian specialization also require detailed researching. Problem statement, objective of research. The objective of research is to highlight the core and define the regularity of formation, as well as emphasize the basic expected socio-economic consequences of precise agriculture development strategy implementing on the grounds of generalization the world experience of agricultural TNC sactivity. To achieve the objective set the article aimed at solution the following tasks: to note the main 'players' at the world agricultural market and study the priorities of their economic activity; to study the core and the elements of 'green revolution' strategy, as well as strategy of transition to precise agricultural production based on implementing innovations and IT technologies; to define strategic goals of TNCs as for the use of acquiring land ( at the cost of direct foreign investments) on the grounds of generalization developed and developing countries experience; to point out the expected socio-economic consequences of mass implementation of precise agricultural production strategies by TNCs and national agro-businesses for the economy of the countries specialized in agriculture. Method and methodology of the study. While studying the world experience of implementation the precise agricultural production development strategies theoretical and empirical methods of scientific research were employed. Historical and logical methods, abstract and specific methods, methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as causal (cause-and-effect) method were applied in the article to define strategic priorities of agricultural business and agricultural TNC specialization, to point out expected socio-economic consequences of mass transition to precise agricultural production in the countries with agrarian specialization. Synergetic approach, method of expert estimates and casual methods were applied to ground "green revolution" strategy, as well as strategy of TNCs as for transition to precise agriculture based on innovations and IT technologies. The results of study. Agricultural production is presented by farmers, households, state agricultural sector, national agro-businesses and agro-holdings, international TNCs. As a rule, farms are focused on domestic market; they specialize in production of minor parties of manual crop production and horticulture, grow vegetables, fruit and berries, as well as they are engaged in poultry farming, beekeeping, dairy production, stockbreeding in rather small scales. The farmers in developed world countries, particularly EU countries, concentrate on organic production which is of high demand among middle-class representatives. In EU countries farming is traditionally supported by the state, as it bears both economic and social valuable functions, i.e. assists in rural development and creates workplaces in countryside. The main stakeholders at the mass agricultural market in the world are considered large national and international agro-holdings an TNCs specialized in agricultural production and its industrial processing. TNCs shaped the closed loop – from selection to agricultural production, from its processing to its manufacturing. At the cost of large production scales, as well as capital concentration and centralization it is the agricultural TNCs which leads in production and export of foodstuffs at world markets. TNCs ' leadership at world agriculture markets is grounded on 'green revolution' strategy implementing, which consists of such elements as innovations, bio-selection to produce performance breed, intensive growth in crop productivity, including the one using GMO which makes cropping insensitive to water shortage, high temperatures and droughts. Agrarian TNCs in the 21st century actively implement the strategies of transition to precise agriculture based on the use of innovations and IT technologies. As the world experience confirms, strategies of transition to precise agriculture combine the following innovations: astronaut and aviation technologies, unmanned technologies, unmanned aerial vehicles; mass transition to the use of apparatus to analyze the ground online; spreading of "agro-scouting" innovation technologies as for field information gathering concerning the condition and development of agriculture; implementation intellectual system of managerial decision-making support; introduction of monitoring and control auto-system and implementation of IT-system as for account of agriculture process elements. The development of precise agriculture for national world economies which are agriculture-based offers a lot of benefits, such as: increase in labor productivity in agriculture; the decrease in employment that saves working capital of agro-businesses; industrialization and technical renovation of agrarian sector which promotes the market for IT products, precise machine building; increase in commerce and export potential of the country, mainly, in the sphere of monostructural crop production (grain, corn, soya, raps, oilseeds etc.). Such strategies also provide revitalization of direct foreign investment processes by TNCsconcerning purchasing farmland in the developing countries with their further listing as raw materials supplier for TNCs. The latter shape and control international links of production value added to all kinds of agricultural products. Among the risks which implementation of precise agriculture strategies bear for national developing country's economy which are agriculture-based the following should be mentioned: risks concerning decrease in farms and decline in production of labor-intensive small-scale agriculture products (vegetables, fruit, honey etc.); risks of jobs recession and, respectively, the number of rural population and others. There are also other risks linked to these processes like risks of growing volumes of ready foodstuffs import, chronic scarcity of state budget and increase in internal debt, enhancing migration processes etc. In case of falling world prices for foodstuffs and worsening global conditions for agriculture products, including agrarian raw materials, in particular, due to another world economic crisis, the abandonment of occasional farmland purchased by TNCs in developing agrarian countries, their further freezing and ceasing the processing for better times should not be excluded. Under such circumstances the risks of famine for countries which could lose the managerial control over own land resources are also a threatening exercise as for implementing such TNC strategy. The field of results application. International economic relations and world economy, development of agriculture competitive strategies in world countries and agrarian TNCs in world economy. Conclusions. Farms, agro-businesses, agro-holdings and agrarian TNCs are the economic centres of mass agriculture production in all world countries. Farms are mainly specialized in labour-intensive small-scale agriculture production like horticulture, gardening, bee-keeping etc. Large agro-businesses and agrarian TNCs choose the strategy of specializing in mass monostructural agriculture production such as crop production (grain, corn, soya beans and industrial crops). In developed world countries TNCs apply the strategy of farmlands multi-purpose use, including the goals aimed at development and processing livestock and crop production; at development of renewable energy and bio-energy. In developed world countries TNCs focus on processing all kinds of agriculture products and foodstuffs production with high value added. Purchasing of farmlands by TNCs in developing countries, in particular, at the cost of direct foreign investment, provides for implementation the strategy of purchased lands engagement, mainly, to develop crop production as a raw basis for their further processing in the native countries for TNCs. The general world trend of agrarian TNCs development is use of innovation technologies, transition to precise agriculture based on IT technologies, aviation and astronautic technologies, unmanned aerial vehicles and other innovations which positively impact labor productivity and mass industrial production profitability, as well as choose transition to monostructural agrarian specialization as a priority, but bear a set of social risks for developing countries' economies. Transition of Ukrainian agro-businesses and agro-holdings to the strategy of precise agriculture development based on innovations and IT technologies provides Ukraine's competitiveness at the world agrarian markets. This process should go hand-in-hand with land reform taking into account Ukrainian farming interests. Establishing industrial processing of agriculture raw products and production of ready foodstuffs with high value added should be strategic for Ukraine.

Folder cover page with the seal of the Pro-Serrano Committee titled "File # 38 "D". Speeches from Gen. Obregón to the city" A selection of speeches given by Gen. Alvaro Obregón during his first campaign. Speech given in Guanajuato in January, 1920, in which he refers to the nomination of an official candidate, who is intended to triumph over the will of the people, but they will not succeed because those people will defend their rights. Eng. Ignacio Bonillas, who is an honorable man who loves his country, when he realizes that he intends to impose a group of men to defend their own interests, will reconsider. If he does not and gets carried away by ambition, President Carranza will surely reconsider, will turn his back on false friends and, hearing the voice of the people, will rectify the situation. If not, the army will defend the voice of the people. (From the book "Sonora and Carranza" pp. 126-127). Speech given by Manuel Vargas in San Francisco del Rincón, Guanajuato on the occasion of Gen. Obregón's visit on January 21st, 1920. In this speech, he exalts Gen. Alvaro Obregón's patriotism and virtues. Speech given by Gen. Alvaro Obregón en the Teatro Morelos de Aguascalientes on February 6th, 1920, in which he affirms that the mistakes of his enemies, more than their successes, will give him the victory. This is because those who slander him in the name of the Catholic Church will be unmasked because he is sure that the Church condemns such slander. He also references the Meeting of the Governors convened in the capital, which was not well attended due to questions of honor. However, the next government of Mexico should have been chosen in that meeting. He assures that President Carranza will finally reflect and not let himself be carried away by those who go against the will of the people, for which Obregón has fought so much. He invites the other candidates to explain their government platform so the people can choose. (From the book "Sonora and Carranza" pp. 123-124). Speech given by Gen. Alvaro Obregón at the Teatro Calderón de Zacatecas on February 8th, 1920. In this speech, he expresses his appreciation for the friendliness expressed by the free men who surround him. He denounces the persecution suffered by public administration employees and the members of the army that support his candidacy, which was born out of the people's will. (From the book "Sonora and Carranza" pp. 128-129). Speech given by Gen. Alvaro Obregón in Saltillo, Coahuila on March 2nd, 1920. In this speech, he affirms that he does not have the funds necessary to corrupt consciences nor to bring the safe conduct of impunity, because his way is one of sacrifice. He makes an apology for Madero, the apostle of democracy, son of Coahuila and reflects that it was in Coahuila where the fight began against the government radiating violence and it was precisely Venustiano Carranza who led the fight for freedom (From the book "Sonora and Carranza" p. 20). Speech given by Gen. Alvaro Obregón in Piedras Negras, Coahuila on March 9th, 1920 in which he explains his motives for joining the fight. First, the defense of effective suffrage which is in danger due to the ambitions of a few men who do not want to lose their power and riches. Second, to obtain, if the people's will elects him to the Presidency, better economic equality among all social classes and avoid the need for workers to cross the border to make a living under employers who do not respect them, while others are disposed to spend millions to win elections. He promises to work to consolidate the credit of the nation within the borders and internationally, guaranteeing business for men (From the book "Sonora and Carranza" pp. 121-122). Speech given by Gen. A. Obregón in Monterrey, Nuevo Leon on April 4th, 1920, in which he proclaims that the truth must be told even if it is considered injurious by the despots that accuse him of attacking the President and the army. They accuse Obregón, who left a part of his own body in the army, Obregón, who lost a hand defending the rights of the people. He denounces the tyranny and lies of the administration and promises to defend the rights and liberties of the pueblo (From the book "Sonora and Carranza" pp. 130-132). Speech given by Gen. A. Obregón in Mexico City on May 9th, 1920, in which he honors all soldiers and officials who defended the cause of liberty in anonymity. He mentions the figures of Francisco and Rómulo Figueroa, Fortunato Maycotte, Salvador González and Cosío Robelo. He ensures that he will not continue to attack the Carranza administration because it would be cowardly to do it, now that he has fallen. He asks for a moment of gratitude in the hearts of those that made possible the triumph of liberty. Speech given by Rosaura Castillo in Zitácuaro, Michoacán on Februrary 5th, 1923. She speaks about women, their sphere of action and their role in society. These speeches were selected for Gen. Francisco R. Serrano for his campaign speeches. / Portada de carpeta con el sello del Comité Pro-Serrano titulada "Expediente #38 "D". Discursos del Gral. Obregón A. Ciudad". Selección de discursos pronunciados por el Gral. Alvaro Obregón durante su primera campaña política: Discurso pronunciado en Guanajuato en enero de 1920, en el que hace referencia a la postulación de un candidato oficial, al que se pretende hacer triunfar por encima de la voluntad del pueblo, pero no lo lograrán porque ese pueblo defenderá sus derechos y el Ing. Ignacio Bonillas, que es un hombre honorable que ama a su patria, cuando se dé cuenta de que lo pretende imponer un grupo de hombres para que defienda sus propios intereses les dará la espalda y si no lo hace y se deja llevar por la ambición el Presidente Carranza seguramente recapacitará, dará la espalda a sus falsos amigos y oirá la voz del pueblo y rectificará y si no, ahí está el ejército para defender esa voz (Del libro "Sonora y Carranza" pp. 126-127). Discurso pronunciado por Manuel Vargas en San Francisco del Rincón, Gto. con motivo de la visita del Gral. Obregón el 21 de enero de 1920, en el que exalta el patriotismo y virtudes del Gral. Alvaro Obregón. Discurso pronunciado por el Gral. Alvaro Obregón en el Teatro Morelos de Aguascalientes el 6 de febrero de 1920, en el que afirma que los errores de sus enemigos, más que sus aciertos, le darán la victoria, porque aquellos que lo calumnian en nombre de la Iglesia Católica serán desenmascarados porque él está seguro de que la Iglesia condena la calumnia; hace referencia a la Junta de Gobernadores convocada en la capital a la que muchos no asistieron por honradez, pero en la que se debe haber decidido quién será el próximo gobernante de México. Asegura que el Presidente Carranza finalmente reflexionará y no se dejará llevar por quienes pretenden contrariar la voluntad del pueblo por la que tanto ha luchado; invita a los otros candidatos a exponer su trayectoria y programa de gobierno para que el pueblo elija (Del libro "Sonora y Carranza" pp. 123-124). Discurso pronunciado por el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, en el Teatro Calderón de Zacatecas el 8 de febrero de 1920, en el que agradece la demostración de simpatía que le han dado los hombres libres que están a su alrededor. Denuncia la persecución que sufren los empleados de la administración pública y los miembros del ejército que apoyan su candidatura que ha nacido de la voluntad popular (Del libro "Sonora y Carranza" pp. 128-129). Discurso del Gral. Alvaro Obregón en Saltillo, Coah. el 2 de marzo de 1920, en el que afirma que sus manos no tienen oro para corromper conciencias ni trae el salvoconducto de la impunidad, sino que su camino es el del sacrificio. Hace una apología de Madero, el apóstol de la democracia, hijo de Coahuila, y recuerda que fue en Coahuila donde se inició la lucha contra el gobierno emanado de la violencia y que fue precisamente Venustiano Carranza quien encabezó la lucha por la libertad (Del libro "Sonora y Carranza" p. 20). Discurso pronunciado por el Gral. Alvaro Obregón en Piedras Negras, Coah. el 9 de marzo de 1920, en el cual expone los motivos por los que se ha lanzado a la lucha: primero, la defensa del sufragio efectivo que está en peligro por la ambición de unos cuantos hombres que no quieren perder el poder y la riqueza que éste les proporciona; segundo, procurar, si la voluntad popular lo lleva a la Primera Magistratura, un mayor equilibrio económico entre todas las clases sociales y evitar que nuestros trabajadores crucen la frontera buscando el pan con patronos que no los respetan, mientras otros están dispuestos a gastar millones para obtener el tiunfo en las elecciones. El promete esforzarse en consolidar el crédito de nuestra nación dentro y fuera de las fronteras, dando garantía a los hombres de empresa (Del libro "Sonora y Carranza" pp. 121-122). Discurso pronunciado por el Gral. A. Obregón en Monterrey, N.L. el 4 de abril de 1920, en el que proclama que hay que decir la verdad aunque sea considerada injuria por los déspotas que lo acusan de injuriar al Presidente y al ejército, él, que dejó en el ejército una parte de su cuerpo, él, que perdió una mano defendiendo los derechos del pueblo. Denuncia la tiranía y las mentiras de la administración y promete defender los derechos y las libertades del pueblo (Del libro "Sonora y Carranza" pp- 130-132). Discurso del Gral. A. Obregón en la ciudad de México el 9 de mayo de 1920, en el que rinde honores a todos los soldados y oficiales que en el anonimato defendieron la causa de la libertad y recuerda las figuras de Francisco y Rómulo Figueroa, de Fortunato Maycotte, de Salvador González y de Cosío Robelo y asegura que no atacará más a la administración de Carranza porque sería una cobardía hacerlo ahora que está caído. Pide un monumento de gratitud en los corazones de quienes hicieron posible el triunfo de la libertad. Discurso pronunciado por Rosaura Castillo en Zitácuaro, Mich. el 5 de febrero de 1923, en el que habla de la mujer, su esfera de acción y su papel dentro de la sociedad. Estos discursos fueron seleccionados para el Gral. Francisco R. Serrano para hacer sus discursos de campaña.

Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs ; The purpose of this review is to canvas policies and, to the extent possible, practices of major multilateral and bilateral development agencies, aimed at including disability in development. Development that includes disability, as referenced in this review, is understood as development in which persons with disabilities participate as both actors and beneficiaries. It can be achieved by disability specific initiatives, by adding disability-specific components to development programs, by fully inclusive programming, designed to include disability concerns into all development processes, or by a combination of these approaches. While this review does not claim to be exhaustive, it does attempt to provide as comprehensive as possible an overview of policies and practices on disability and development (D&D), both within and among the United Nations (UN) system, and among major bilateral development agencies. It should be noted that this is a dynamic issue and thus many development agencies are either in the process of crafting new disability policies or strategies or are currently reviewing their existing approaches with a view to modifying or amending them. Section two of this report reviews the international legal and policy framework pertinent to the consideration of D&D with particular attention to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Section three reviews multilateral agencies and structures, particularly those within the UN system, and reviews their existing policies and/or practices related to D&D. Section four includes coverage of regional structures supporting the inclusion of disability in development. Section five identifies bilateral development agencies that, either as matter of written policy or as evidenced through practice, have taken steps to design and implement programs and practices that are inclusive of disability. Section six provides conclusions.

Without appropriate policies to address the expected rise in the care burden, population aging can reduce womens access to economic opportunities and decelerate future growth, thereby threatening the agenda of poverty reduction and shared prosperity in Europe and Central Asia. Based on the analysis of existing and newly collected quantitative and qualitative data, several key policy recommendations can be formulated for policymakers consideration: (a) improvement of the accessibility, affordability, and quality of formal childcare and eldercare options offers a way to address challenges related to excessive reliance on informal care and to capitalize on current opportunities; (b) the design of future demographic, health, and education policy reforms should take into account any potential effects on informal care providers; (c) care leave (both paid and unpaid) can shape families choices about care and market work; (d) flexible work arrangements can function as effective alternatives to unpaid leave; and (e) care-related allowances (both in-kind and cash) aim to promote quality care for children and elders and recognize the work of caregivers but may have negative repercussions on caregivers labor force outcomes. Increased recognition of the critical role of care in aging societies and careful review of the policy environment related to formal and informal care provision can help governments to harness the full potential of demographics, thereby promoting poverty reduction and shared prosperity.

W artykule przyglądam się temu, jaką edukację polityczną warto rozwijać we współczesnej polskiej szkole i wszędzie tam, gdzie buduje się w ludziach zdolność do wspólnej i niewyalienowanej pracy. Kierunek rozważań wyznaczyła konieczność ustosunkowania się myśli pedagogicznej – i równoległego dostosowania praktyk wychowawczych – do zmian w sposobie koordynacji społeczeństwa, które dokonują się w atmosferze groźby wybuchu wojny. Rozważania te buduję na dotychczasowych badaniach własnych z obszaru uczenia się w ruchach społecznych, analizując trzy porządki zapewniające koordynację społeczeństw (neoliberalizm, nacjonalizm, militaryzm) w kontekście wykluczanych przez nie wartości: dobra wspólnego, samorządu i pokoju. Rezultatem pracy jest matryca przyporządkowująca te kontrwartości różnym typom współpracy (koordynacji, kooperacji i kolaboracji). Matryca pozwala identyfikować specyfikę konkretnych przykładów mobilizacji społecznej, jak i rozpoznawać luki w kształceniu kolektywnych umiejętności współdziałania. Rezultaty analizy pozwalają zoperacjonalizować praktyki oporu pod kątem celów wychowania i stawiają w nowym świetle problemy powiązań i nawarstwiania się wrogich szkole ideologii neoliberalizmu, nacjonalizmu i militaryzmu. ; The paper analyses types of political education worth developing in contemporary Polish schools and in other places dedicated to building human capacity to work together in a non-alienated way. The analysis is based on my own research from the area of learning in social movements. I analyze three orders ensuring social coordination (neoliberalism, nationalism, and militarism) in the context of the values they exclude: the common good, self-government and peace. The result of the work is a matrix assigning these counter-values, accordingly, to coordination, cooperation and collaboration. The matrix allows for identification of the specificity of some examples of social mobilization, as well as identification of gaps in teaching collective interaction skills. The results of the analysis can be used to operationalize the practices of resistance in terms of educational goals. They also put in a new light the problems of connections between and building up of ideologies hostile to schools, that is, neoliberalism, nationalism and militarism. ; satkow@gmail.com ; Uniwersytet Gdański ; Amici, F., & Bietti, L.M. (2015). Coordination , collaboration and cooperation. Interdisciplinary perspectives. Interaction Studies, 16 (3), 7–12. ; Armingeon, K., & Guthmann, K. (2014). Democracy in crisis? The declining support for national democracy in European countries, 2007–2011. European Journal of Political Research, 53 (3), 423–442. ; Bajaj, M. (2014). Pedagogies of resistance and critical peace education praxis. Journal of Peace Education, 12 (2), 154–166. ; Bieler, A., & Jordan, J. (2017). Commodification and 'the commons': The politics of privatising public water in Greece and Portugal during the Eurozone crisis. European Journal of International Relations, 24 (4), 934–957. ; Bocharova, O., & Giza, T. (2015). Ludzie w sytuacji granicznej – cazus Donbasu. Między niebem a ziemią. W: Сzłowiek w sytuacji granicznej. Filizoficzne, kulturowe i historyczne wymiary refleksji i jej implikacje pedagogiczne (s. 234–248). Radom: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Instytutu Technologii Eksploatacji. ; Bohle, D. (2018). European Integration, Capitalist Diversity and Crisis Trajectories on Europe's Eastern Periphery. New Political Economy, 23 (2), 239–253. ; Braathen, E. (2000). New Social Corporatism: A Discursive-Critical Review of the WDR 2000/1, 'Attacking Poverty'. Forum for Development Studies, 27 (2), 331–350. ; Brantmeier, E.J. (2007). Connecting Inner and Outer Peace: Buddhist Meditation Integrated with Peace Education. In Factis Pax, 1 (2), 120–157. ; Brzechczyn, K. (2013). O ewolucji solidarnościowej myśli społeczno-politycznej w latach 1980–1981. Studium z filozofii społecznej. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. ; Cabada, L., & Tomšič, M. (2016). The Rise of Person-Based Politics in the New Democracies: The Czech Republic and Slovenia. Politics in Central Europe, 12 (2), 29–50. ; Callan, E. (1997). Creating Citizens: Political Education and Liberal Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ; Christiano, T. (1990). Freedom, Consensus, and Equality in Collective Decision Making. Ethics, 101 (1), 151–181. ; Clark, P. (2007). Hybridity, holism, and "traditional" justice: the case of the gacaca courts in post-genocide Rwanda. The George Washington International Law Review, 39 (4), 765–838. ; Diani, M. (2009). The structural bases of protest events: Multiple memberships and civil society networks in the 15 February 2003 anti-war demonstrations. Acta Sociologica, 52 (1), 63–83. ; Eisenstein, C. (2011). Sacred Economics: Money, Gift, & Society in the Age of Transition. Berkeley: Evolver Editions. ; Ertesvåg, S.K. (2014). Teachers' collaborative activity in school-wide interventions. Social Psychology of Education, 17 (4), 565–588. ; Fegley, R. (2008). Comparative Perspectives on the Rehabilitation of Ex-Slaves and Former Child Soldiers with Special Reference to Sudan. African Studies Quarterly, 10 (1), 35–69. ; Ferrelli, A. (2016). Military Use of Educational Facilities during Armed Conflict: An Evaluation of the Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use during Armed Conflict as an Effective Solution. Ga. J. Int'l & Comp. L., 44 (2), 339–367. ; Foreman, E., Perry, C., & Wheeler, A. (2015). Higher Education Scholarships: A review of their impact on workplace retention and career progression. Open Review of Educational Research, 2 (1), 155–166. ; Fotaki, M., Kenny, K., & Scriver, S. (2015). Whistleblowing and Mental Health: A New Weapon for Retaliation? W: D. Lewis & W. Vandekerckhove (eds), Developments in Whistleblowing Research (s. 106–121). International Whistleblowing Research Network Under. ; Gerdes, F. (2006). Forced Migration and Armed Conflict. An Analytical Framework and a Case Study of Refugee-Warriors in Guinea. ; Giroux, H.A. (2017). War Culture and the Politics of Violence. Symploke, 25 (1–2), 191–218. ; Glăveanu, V.P., & Laurent, C.D. Saint. (2015). Political Imagination, Otherness and the European Crisis. Europe's Journal of Psychology, 11 (4), 557–564. ; Góralczyk, B. (2017). Powrót Historii, czyli rewolucja antyliberalna. Studia Europejskie, 1, 9–32. ; Gower, A.L., Cusin, M., & Borowsky, I.W. (2017). A Multilevel, Statewide Investigation of School District Anti-Bullying Policy Quality. Journal of Chool Health, 87 (3), 174–181. ; Greybush, N.J. (2011). Privatizing Iceland's Geothermal Energy Sector: A Critical Analysis. Retrieved from http://martindale.cc.lehigh.edu/sites/martindale.cc.lehigh.edu/files/Private-Geother.pdf ; Harris, I. (2004). Peace education theory. Journal of Peace Education, 1 (1), 5–20. ; Head, G. (2003). Effective collaboration: Deep collaboration as an essential element of the learning process. Journal of Educational Enquiry, 4 (2), 47–62. ; Ignatowicz, A. (2009). Tajna oświata i wychowanie w okupowanej Warszawie: Warszawskie Termopile 1939–1945. Warszawa: Fundacja "Warszawa Walczy 1939–1945". ; Jabłecka, J. (1993). Niezależność, autonomia i wolność akademicka a modele koordynacji szkolnictwa wyższego. Nauka i Szkolnictwo Wyższe, 1, 58–77. ; Janicka, I. (2016). Are These Bubbles Anarchist? Peter Sloterdisjk's Spherology and the Question of Anarchism. Anarchist Studies, 24 (1), 62–84. ; Kawula, S. (1980). Wychowanie dla pokoju i w warunkach pokoju.pdf. Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Pedagogicznej w Bydgoszczy, Studia Pedagogiczne, 6, 99–107. ; Kołodko, G. (2017). Jak zniszczyć kraj. Ekonomia i polityka greckiego kryzysu. Ekonomista, 2, 204–224. ; Kotarbiński, T. (1975). Traktat o dobrej robocie. Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich. ; Kowzan, P. (2012). Pierwszych pięć tysięcy lat długu Davida Graebera. Praktyka Teoretyczna, 5, 255–266. ; Kowzan, P. (2015). Kooperacja, koordynacja i kolaboracja. O trudnych relacjach międzyludzkich w ruchach społecznych wokół edukacji. W: Kooperatyzm jako czynnik formowania inteligencji w Polsce. Warszawa, Gdańsk. ; Kowzan, P. (2016). Światopogląd Grundtviga w świetle polskich tłumaczeń jego pism – implikacje dla ruchu uniwersytetów ludowych. W: T. Maliszewski (red.), Uniwersytety ludowe – pomiędzy starymi a nowymi wyzwaniami (s. 167–190). Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek. ; Kowzan, P. (2017). Monografia długu jako urządzenia wychowawczego [The Monograph of Debt as an Educationl Dispositif]. University of Gdańsk. ; Kowzan, P., & Krzymiński, D. (2012). Pomiędzy alienacją a emancypacją: rola rad doktoranckich w ustalaniu pozycji doktorantów na przykładzie Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego. W: M. Trawińska, M. Maciejewska (red.), Uniwersytet i emancypacja: wiedza jako działanie polityczne – działanie polityczne jako wiedza (s. 57–73). Wrocław: Interdyscyplinarna Grupa Gender Studies. Retrieved from http://www.gender.uni.wroc.pl/download/ebook_uniwersytet_emancypacja/uniwersytet_i_emancypacja.pdf. ; Kowzan, P., Krzymiński, D., Hurko, K., Życzyńska, J., Koenig, M., Bloch, P., Rainka, D., Mojzykiewicz, M., Bigus, W. (2018). Protestujące dzieci. Teraźniejszość – Człowiek – Edukacja: Kwartalnik Myśli Społeczno-Pedagogicznej, 1, 45–62. ; Kowzan, P., & Prusinowska, M. (2009). Uczenie się (w) ruchu: Studenci przeciw komercjalizacji edukacji. Rocznik Andragogiczny, 208–234. ; Kucinskas, J. (2014). The unobtrusive tactics of religious movements. Sociology of Religion: A Quarterly Review, 75 (4), 537–550. ; Kwiek, M. (2015). The unfading power of collegiality? University governance in Poland in a European comparative and quantitative perspective. International Journal of Educational Development, 43, 77–89. ; Lenin, W.I. (1951). Co robić? Palące zagadnienia naszego ruchu. Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza. ; Leoni, J. (2006). 'Communicating Quietly: Supporting Personal Growth with Meditation and Listening in Schools'. Support for Learning, 21 (3), 121–128. ; MacFarquhar, N. (2015). Seizing Assets in Crimea, From Shipyard to Film Studio. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/11/world/seizing-assets-in-crimea-from-shipyard-to-film-studio.html?_r=0. ; Masschelein, J., & Simons, M. (2013a). In Defence of the School. A Public Issue. Leuven: Education, Culture & Society Publishers. ; Masschelein, J., & Simons, M. (2013b). The Politics of the University: Movements of (de-)Identification and the Invention of Public Pedagogic Forms. W: T. Szkudlarek (red.), Education and the Political: New Theoretical Articulations (s. 107–120). Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. ; Matuszewski, S., & Laskowski, P. (2018). "Rządzący używają pojęcia narodu, by oferować fałszywą dumę". List nauczycieli Liceum im. Jacka Kuronia do uczniów. Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved from http://wyborcza.pl/7,95891,22981443,rzadzacy-uzywaja-pojecia-narodu-by-oferowac-falszywa-dume.html?disableRedirects=true. ; Mendel, M. (2007). Ometkowane serce szkoły. O tym, jak widać w szkole ślady wielkich korporacji w przestrzeni uczniowskiej i co one znaczą. W: M. Dudzikowa & M. Czerepaniak-Walczak (red.), Wychowanie. Pojęcia, procesy, konteksty. Gdańsk: Gdańskie Wydawnictwo Psychologiczne. ; Midthassel, U.V., Minton, S.J., & O'Moore, A.M. (2009). Conditions for the implementation of anti-bullying programmes in Norway and Ireland: A comparison of contexts and strategies. Compare, 39 (6), 737–750. ; Milerski, B., & Śliwerski, B. (2000). Pedagogika. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. ; Milton, S. (2018). Higher Education and Post-Conflict Recovery. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Naczyk, M. (2014). Budapest in Warsaw: Central European Business Elites and the Rise of Economic Patriotism Since the Crisis, 1–30. ; Nowak, J. (2016). The Good, the Bad, and the Commons: A Critical Review of Popular Discourse on Piracy and Power During Anti-ACTA Protests. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 21 (2), 177–194. ; Oręziak, L. (2014). OFE. Katastrofa prywatyzacji emerytur w Polsce. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Książka i Prasa. ; Page, J. (2008). The United Nations and peace education. W: Encyclopedia of peace education (s. 75–83). ; Perelman, A.M., Miller, S.L., Clements, C.B., Rodriguez, A., Allen, K., & Cavanaugh, R. (2012). Meditation in a Deep South Prison: A Longitudinal Study of the Effects of Vipassana. Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 51 (3), 176–198. ; Polanska, D.V., Piotrowski, G., & Martinez, M.A. (eds.). (2018). Skłoting w Europie Środkowej i Rosji. Gdańsk: Europejskie Centrum Solidarności. ; Ponticelli, J. (2011). Austerity and Anarchy: Budget Cuts and Social Unrest in Europe, 1919–2008. ; Potulicka, E., & Rutkowiak, J. (2010). Neoliberalne uwikłania edukacji. Kraków: Impuls. ; Radil, S.M., Dezzani, R.J., & McAden, L.D. (2016). Geographies of U.S. Police Militarization and the Role of the 1033 Program. The Professional Geographer, 69 (2), 203–213, https://doi.org/10.1080/00330124.2016.1212666. ; Ratajczak, M. (2011). Poza paradygmat immunizacji: biopolityka w projekcie filozoficznym Roberta Esposita. Praktyka Teoretyczna, 2–3, 173–186. Retrieved from http://www.praktykateoretyczna.pl/PT_nr2-3_2011_Biopolityka/13.ratajczak.pdf. ; Roth, S. (2015). The Paradoxes of Aid Work: Passionate Professionals. London, New York: Routledge. ; Rutkowiak, J. (2010). Czy istnieje edukacyjny program ekonomii korporacyjnej? W: E. Potulicka & J. Rutkowiak (red.), Neoliberalne uwikłania edukacji (s. 13–37). Kraków: Impuls. ; Sayarı, S. (2014). Interdisciplinary Approaches to Political Clientelism and Patronage in Turkey. Turkish Studies, 15 (4), 655–670. ; Sekuła, Z. (2015). Partycypacja pracowników w zarządzaniu a dialog społeczny na poziomie zakładu pracy. Gospodarka Rynek Edukacja, 16 (3), 5–11. ; Sloterdijk, P. (2014). Musisz życie swe odmienić. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. ; Smith, H. (2014, marzec). Greece protests over government plans to sell off historic national buildings. Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/mar/16/greece-protests-sell-off-historic-buildings. ; Sowa, J. (2015). Inna Rzeczpospolita jest możliwa! Widma przeszłości, wizje przyszłości. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo W.A.B. ; Stahler-Sholk, R. (2007). Resisting neoliberal homogenization: The Zapatista autonomy movement. Latin American Perspectives, 34 (2), 48–63. ; Starego, K. (2012). Sensus communis jako wspólnota równych. Teoretyczne podstawy animacji jako procesu demokratyzacji. Zoon Politikon, 3, 163–188. ; Straubhaar, R. (2012). A Broader Definition of Fragile States: The Communities and Schools of Brazil's Favelas. Current Issues in Comparative Education, 15 (1), 41–51. ; Suchodolski, B. (1983). Wychowanie dla pokoju. W: Wychowanie dla pokoju (s. 11–40). Wrocław: Wszechnica Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, Polska Akademia Nauk. ; Sun, K. (2013). China and the Arctic: China's Interests and Participation in the Region. East-Asia Arctic Relations: Boundry, Security and International Politics. Waterloo: The Centre for International Governance Innovation. ; Szadkowski, K. (2017). The University of the Common: Beyond the Contradictions of Higher Education Subsumed under Capital. W: M. Izak, M. Zawadzki, & M. Kostera (red.), The Future of University Education (s. 39–62). London: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Szkudlarek, T. (2005). "Koniec pracy" czy koniec zatrudnienia? Edukacja wobec presji światowego rynku. W: T. Szkudlarek, A. Kargulowa, & S.M. Kwiatkowski (red.), Rynek i kultura neoliberalna a edukacja (s. 13–32). Kraków: Oficyna Wydawnicza "Impuls." ; Szkudlarek, T. (2013). Introduction: Education and the Political. W: T. Szkudlarek (red.), Education and the Political: New Theoretical Articulations (s. 1–13). Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. ; Szwabowski, O. (2014a). Paradygmat i pedagogika. Hybris, 25, 110–138. ; Szwabowski, O. (2014b). Uniwersytet metropolitalny, korupcja i wychowanie przez dług. Teraźniejszość – Człowiek – Edukacja: Kwartalnik Myśli Społeczno-Pedagogicznej, 68 (4), 173–184. ; Szyling, G. (2015). Pytania o ocenianie w szkole wyższej. Zarys zagadnienia. Dyskursy Młodych Andragogów, 16, 9–22. ; Varoufakis, Y. (2017). Adults in the Room: My Battle with Europe's Deep Establishment. London: The Bodley Head. ; Virilio, P. (2006). Speed and Politics. Los Angeles: Semiotext(e). ; Walters, R. (2014). Air Pollution and Invisible Violence. W: P. Davies, P. Francis, & T. Waytt (red.), Invisible Crimes and Social Harms. Critical Criminological Perspectives (s. 142–160). London: Palgrave Macmillan. ; Williams, J. (2011). Pedagogika długu. W: J. Sowa & K. Szadkowski (red.), EduFactory: Samoorganizacja i opór w fabrykach wiedzy (s. 95–110). Kraków: korporacja ha!art. ; Włodarczyk, C., & Badora-Musiał, K. (2017). Trwałość niektórych wyobrażeń: niespełnione obietnice profesjonalizmu. Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje, 36 (1), 43–62. ; Zalewska, E. (2000). Ideologiczne konteksty działalności zawodowej nauczycieli w okresie transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego. ; Zbróg, Z. (2010). Dynamika rozwoju niepublicznych szkół podstawowych. Forum Oświatowe, 43 (2), 143–159. ; Zielińska, M. (2016). Polacy w Reykjaviku: Miejsce, mobilność i edukacja. Gdańsk: Stowarzyszenie Na Styku. ; Zielinska, M., Kowzan, P., & Prusinowska, M. (2011). Social Movement Learning: From Radical Imagination to Disempowerment? Studies in the Education of Adults, 43 (2), 251–267. ; Ziółkowski, P. (2014). Samorząd uczniowski – idee, uwarunkowania i doświadczenia. Bydgoszcz: Wydawnictwo Uczelniane Wyższej Szkoły Gospodarki. ; Zomorrodian, A. (2011). New approach to strategic planning: The impact of leadership and culture on plan implantation via the three Cs: Cooperation, collaboration and coordination. ASBBS Annual Conference, 18 (1), 1121–1132. ; 1(9) ; 24 ; 42

A la hora de estudiar la obra de Eugenio Hermoso hay una deuda personal pendiente con el artista, puesto que al ser natural del mismo pueblo y sus pinturas formar parte de mis recuerdos desde la época infantil, puede decirse que fueron mi primer contacto con el arte. Resultó estimulante enfrentarse a una labor de investigación sobre la ingente producción pictórica de Hermoso por lo poco estudiada que está, ya que aunque hay obras que sí han sido abordadas desde una perspectiva técnica e iconográfica, seguía sin haber un estudio que abordase la trayectoria de manera global. Hermoso es uno de esos artistas que en ocasiones resultan incómodos por su vinculación con las estructuras culturales del período posterior a la Guerra Civil, pero esta relación no es tan simple y merece la pena un estudio pormenorizado de las distintas etapas políticas en las que se desarrolló su producción pictórica para hacer una contextualización de su obra sin caer en juicios simplistas ni sectarismos. Creemos contribuir así en la medida de nuestras posibilidades a la conformación de una visión global del arte español producido en España del siglo XX que a día de hoy aún está incompleta o que ha sido tratada con demasiados prejuicios políticos por la proximidad temporal. Para intentar entender la gestación de la personalidad artística de Eugenio Hermoso hemos comenzado nuestro trabajo analizando de qué manera influyó en el niño de familia de campesinos la educación recibida en el entorno doméstico y en la escuela. En qué modo se reflejan en sus temas y su iconografía las vivencias de estos años de niñez y sus experiencias mientras trabajó en el campo para contribuir a la economía familiar. En un repaso por sus años de juventud no podía faltar un análisis de la época en que vivió en Sevilla. Fue su primer contacto con la sociedad urbana, pero sobre todo la primera vez que recibió una enseñanza reglada orientada al campo artístico. Ahí conoció a alguien que sería muy importante en su vida, José Jiménez Aranda. Éste al ver que Hermoso podía seguir evolucionando en su aprendizaje y que quedarse en Sevilla suponía un freno para él, le animó a marcharse a Madrid a la Escuela Especial de Pintura y Escultura. La enseñanza académica recibida por Hermoso en estas dos instituciones marcará profundamente su personalidad artística, y siempre tendrá una visión bastante conservadora y academicista de lo que debía ser el arte y las estructuras que debían regir el panorama artístico. Los trabajos de copia en el Museo del Prado, como los anteriormente realizados en el Museo de Sevilla supusieron, para el artista en formación que era, la asimilación de iconografías y técnicas aprendidas directamente de la contemplación de los grandes maestros de la pintura española como Velázquez, Goya, El Greco, Murillo o Francisco Pacheco. Este aprendizaje se producirá al mismo tiempo que el descubrimiento de la vida cultural de una gran ciudad como Madrid. A pesar de no ser esta una gran capital cultural en los albores del siglo XX, sí que contaba con instituciones como el Ateneo o el Círculo de Bellas Artes. En estas dos concretamente Hermoso completaba su formación con clases complementarias a la de la Escuela, con el uso de los fondos de sus bibliotecas o escuchando las tertulias que se formaban en sus salones. En los cafés de la ciudad asistió en ocasiones a otras protagonizadas por los principales actores de la cultura española del momento como Valle Inclán. Un segundo gran bloque del trabajo lo compone el estudio de lo que llamamos La Carrera Oficial. Denominamos así a la trayectoria que seguían los artistas que acudían a las convocatorias de exposiciones y concursos oficiales en pos de las distintas condecoraciones que ordenaban el escalafón artístico. Hermoso comenzó a acudir a las Exposiciones Nacionales en 1904 y hasta 1947 no consiguió la Medalla de Honor, máximo galardón concedido por las instituciones artísticas. Durante esos cuarenta y tres años, los resultados que obtuvo en las distintas convocatorias a las que acudió fueron dispares. En los primeros años tuvo una buena acogida, hasta que en 1906 consiguió uno de sus mayores logros con la obra titulada La Juma. Los años posteriores fueron algo más discretos hasta que a principios de la segunda década de siglo llegaron las primeras malas críticas. Remontó esta situación buscando la esencia frexnense, aquello que resultaba más exótico en la capital, y en la mitad de la década de los veinte con una apuesta por el desnudo. Los años posteriores vendrán acompañados de las turbulencias políticas que afectaron inevitablemente al desarrollo de estos certámenes, en los que el grado de politización de los jurados aumentó progresivamente, primero en los años de la República y después durante la posguerra. La producción pictórica de Hermoso, enmarcada dentro de la órbita conservadora tuvo poca aceptación en las convocatorias republicanas, hasta el punto de que en alguna ni llegó a participar. Tras la guerra la evolución de la política cultural no fue la que él esperaba. Acomodó su obra a los gustos del momento mostrando interés por temas religiosos en los años de plomo de la posguerra y en la década de los cuarenta le concedieron el galardón de la Medalla de Honor. Este era el máximo del escalafón, pero las Exposiciones Nacionales de Bellas Artes ya eran un formato en decadencia que no medía el pulso de la producción pictórica del país. Había un paulatino desinterés de los estamentos oficiales por el arte más próximo al academicismo y un interés creciente por acercarse a las vanguardias en una maniobra de maquillaje político orquestada para mejorar la imagen del país en el exterior. Podemos hablar así de que fue un triunfo algo amargo, puesto que a pesar de lograr lo que tantos años llevaba ansiando, fuera de los círculos artísticos académicos la pintura de Hermoso no gozaba ya del favor de la crítica especializada. En un último capítulo desarrollamos dos conceptos entre los que pensamos que se mueve la parte más personal de su producción pictórica: utopía y distopía. Dentro del apartado denominado utopía analizamos las evidentes influencias de las ideas utópicas y los movimientos sociales de los siglos anteriores en los cuadros de Hermoso. Vemos cómo la visión del artista acerca de determinados temas importantísimos en la configuración de estas teorías (el territorio, la importancia del campo y la naturaleza, el retorno a la pureza, la arquitectura utópica, el interés por la historia y las tradiciones o la religión) recoge numerosas similitudes con los planteamientos de algunos de los pensadores más importantes de los siglos precedentes, como Fourier, Sant Simon o Marx. El territorio en el que Hermoso circunscribe su utopía es su pueblo y el campo que lo rodea. Un territorio especial para él por muchos motivos. Un paisaje que conoce por haberlo vivido y haberlo trabajado en sus primeros años de vida, pero mágico por ser la confluencia entre el sur de Extremadura (duro y seco), el norte de Andalucía (una influencia más amable que invita a mirar hacia Sevilla) y la proximidad con Portugal (con un aire nostálgico propio de la "saudade" del país vecino. El campo será elegido por Hermoso como el escenario más habitual de sus cuadros. Un lugar idílico en el que debe desarrollarse la vida del hombre, en armonía con la naturaleza y lejos de la deshumanización de la vida urbana. Esta idea también aparece en numerosas teorías utópicas. Las arquitecturas que aparecen en las obras de Hermoso, pese a no ser muy abundantes, responden siempre al mismo patrón. Son escenarios construidos frecuentemente para sus cuadros, ya que no existen en la realidad, pero formados a partir de edificios existentes mezclados según las necesidades del pintor. Habitualmente son calles, casas o plazas de Fregenal, cortijos o casas de campo de los alrededores del pueblo. Utiliza así la arquitectura para remitirnos nuevamente al territorio mágico para él, que con las transformaciones y las modificaciones que realiza se convierte en una especie de meta paisaje al servicio del artista. En toda teoría utópica aparece un deseo de vuelta a la pureza. Se interpreta el tiempo presente como una época decadente, y se plantea la búsqueda de un cierto estado de candidez bucólica que existió en un momento anterior. Las utopías nacen como reacción a las sociedades y a sus planteamientos, y Hermoso reacciona contra el mundo urbano fundamentalmente y contra las ideas de vanguardia que suponen la perversión total del esquema de valores que había regido tanto la vida de las personas como el campo artístico. El artista encuentra en sus campesinos frexnenses la humildad y la bondad que la sociedad de su tiempo estaba arrinconando poco a poco con el frenético modo de vida urbano del siglo XX. Encuentra en el territorio que rodea Fregenal el escenario perfecto para recrear una especie de Arcadia en la que no avanza el tiempo, todo permanece igual, ajeno a los avatares de la época tan turbulenta que le tocó vivir. La historia y las tradiciones también tienen una importancia capital en el discurso pictórico de Hermoso. Como artista formado en la Academia, el mundo clásico fue una referencia constante. Pero las tradiciones, tan habituales en el mundo rural, también tuvieron hueco en sus pinturas. Así encontraremos referencias a la mitología clásica o a los orígenes romanos de Fregenal de la Sierra, pero encontraremos a personajes de leyendas como María y Miguel. En su obra hay una simbiosis entre la gran historia de la civilización grecorromana y una historia más íntima, transmitida generalmente de manera oral. La primera era consecuencia de su formación académica, la segunda de sus vivencias personales en el pueblo. La religión ocupa un espacio importante en la obra de Hermoso. Pero la visión que tenía de esta está próxima a una religiosidad popular que utiliza de manera transversal en algunas obras entremezclada con conceptos de justicia social. No le preocupa el ritual religioso ni la jerarquía eclesiástica, y sus santos y vírgenes son gente de su pueblo, modelos habituales que humanizan la iconografía hasta el punto en que es difícil adivinar la temática sin conocer el título. Como último bloque que tocamos dentro del apartado dedicado a la utopía hermosiana tenemos uno dedicado a la mujer, a cómo el artista la representa y a las connotaciones que podemos extraer del análisis de estas piezas. Su visión es la propia de un artista de profundas ideas conservadoras, y viendo los numerosísimos ejemplos de retratos femeninos (son la gran mayoría de su producción), adivinamos de dónde viene esa visión y cómo entronca en una corriente con gran presencia en la sociedad de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Igualmente analizamos cómo el ambiente social y político influyó en sus representaciones femeninas posteriores a la guerra civil. El hecho de que dentro de la ingente producción de Hermoso haya una mayoría abrumadora de personajes femeninos tiene una relación directa con el protagonismo que tienen en su vida tres mujeres que le dejarán marcado: su madre en los años de infancia y juventud, su esposa en la mitad de su vida y por último su hija con la que vivió hasta el final de sus días. La distopía es un concepto anglosajón con el que queremos denominar la percepción negativa que tenía el pintor acerca de diferentes aspectos de la vida, la sociedad y el mundo artístico. Encontramos así que la elaboración de algunas piezas en las que recrea una visión utópica, que desgranamos con anterioridad, no quiere decir que tuviese una visión crítica acerca de los problemas de su tiempo. Los cuadros que analizamos en este bloque componen un corpus dedicado íntegramente a desplegar una visión ácida, dura y desencantada de lo que él creía eran los males de la sociedad de su tiempo. Estas pinturas tienen en general unas características particulares entre las que destacan la consideración de ser obras destinadas a un ámbito privado, y la espontaneidad e inmediatez de la ejecución por tratarse en muchos casos de cuadros de pequeño formato casi abocetados. Por estos motivos podemos decir que para un investigador constituyen un auténtico filón del que extraer numerosas conclusiones acerca de su personalidad artística y de su visión del mundo. Si bien no tienen la envergadura de otras piezas de mayor tamaño y dificultad técnica, componen un grupo digno de ser estudiado independientemente. La crítica de arte, más o menos especializada y fundamentalmente la de ideas renovadoras, fue objeto de sus "dardos" pictóricos. Acusaba a los críticos de ser un grupo de poder que desde la sombra se convierte en juez y señor del panorama artístico. Esta facultad que había pertenecido a la Academia como institución es progresivamente asumida por este nuevo actor del panorama artístico. Su relación con algunos críticos de arte será tremendamente agria, destacándose especialmente la que mantuvo con Eugenio D`Ors. Como uno de los máximos dirigentes de la política cultural tras la guerra civil, para Hermoso era uno de los responsables de la deriva que iba tomando el panorama artístico durante la posguerra y los años posteriores. Nos sirven así los cuadros que hemos analizado para hacer un recorrido por los distintos momentos que vivió la política cultural española en esos años tan convulsos durante la república y la dictadura. La sociedad civil también es objeto de críticas por parte del pintor. Hermoso consideraba que el nuevo modo de vida, fundamentalmente urbano, estba acabando con una serie de valores tradicionales por los que él tiene gran aprecio. La obsesión por las apariencias o el amiguismo son algunos de los vicios que mostró en alguna de sus obras, imitando lo que hicieron años atrás artistas como Goya. Pero el grueso de las críticas se lo llevó el mundo del arte y la evolución de la pintura. Como uno de los adalides de las posturas más conservadoras dentro del panorama artístico español, arremetió con gran fuerza contra aquellos que buscan la superación de los límites de la pintura académica y se sumaron a las diferentes corrientes de vanguardia. En sus cuadros deja claro que sólo concibe la adhesión a estos postulados por juventud o por ignorancia. Los reconocimientos y los méritos son otro de los temas que aborda en la llamada Serie Nertóbriga. En los años en que Hermoso comienzó a realizar esta serie (mediado el siglo XX), España se encontraba sumida en la posguerra. Hermoso se mostró claramente partidario del nuevo orden establecido tras la contienda. Esperaba que tras unos años difíciles durante la II República le llegase su momento de gloria en el nuevo estado fundado por los ganadores de la guerra civil, pero nada más lejos. El reconocimiento oficial le llegó muy tarde y no precisamente en su mejor momento pictórico. El Régimen Franquista consideró más interesante políticamente apoyar a algunos artistas de vanguardia que trabajan la abstracción, dado que esto le proporcionaba cierta imagen aperturista en el exterior que en nada tenía que ver con la realidad. Así pues señala en sus obras a los poderes del Estado como eran El Ejército, la Iglesia Católica y la Crítica como responsables de la deriva tomada por la política cultural y los reconocimientos artísticos. Durante sus muchos años de profesión Hermoso sufrió en sus propias carnes el problema de las falsificaciones. No en vano no es extraño que aparezca hoy en día algún cuadro que se vendió como suyo en lotes de subastas, pero que en realidad es una falsificación. Por este motivo no olvida a los falsificadores en sus pinturas críticas, pero también menciona la connivencia forzosa de los maestros que enseñan a los discípulos las técnicas de los pintores para que luego ellos puedan imitarlas y así suplantarlos. Esta tesis es además un recorrido por toda la obra de Eugenio Hermoso en el que analizamos su evolución técnica desde las obras de juventud hasta las de madurez. En una búsqueda de una evolución que no supusiese una ruptura con la pintura de los clásicos, una alternativa a las vanguardias planteada desde unos postulados conservadores.

Moldova has suffered over the last two decades from rising poverty, territorial secession, armed conflict, and the spillover effects of a regional financial crisis, with declining population size and life expectancy, and an economy approximately one-half of what it was in 1990. The return of the Moldovan Communist Party (PCRM), which won two major elections after 2001, contributed to increasing centralization of governmental authority along with a reform agenda that emphasized greater state control over the economy, fiscal support to state enterprises and collective farms, land consolidation, economic protectionism, and the tolerance of monopolies in industry and energy. At the same time, the government has increased social expenditures, and taken major steps to improve public financial management. Bank engagement was moderately effective at the country and project levels, and substantially effective at the sector level. There was progress in several aspects of public financial management (PFM). Regulatory streamlining has reduced costs to business, although resistance to civil service reform has left much work to be done. The Bank has also helped achieve progress on Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) issues in primary education, roads, and private sector development. Education progress is highly uneven across regions, for example, overweight trucks continue to tear up roads, and private investment is not enough to make a dent in high unemployment. A graduated approach to country systems and road sector technical audits help address GAC issues at the project level. The overall impact of GAC strategy implementation was moderate. The GAC committees set up at the regional and sectoral Bank department levels are particularly useful mechanisms for disseminating practices from the GAC Council. Staff has been proactive in using Country Governance and Anticorruption (CGAC) resources. However, three applications for window one funding were not approved, reducing the ability of this small program to seize opportunities.

Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) have been introduced in Romania as a prerequisite for accessing EU funds under the Regional Operational Program (ROP). The IDPs designed for growth poles represent a specific category of strategic planning documents as: 1) they need to be considered within the frame of the national policy to whose implementation they contribute; and 2) they represent a first endeavor to think of development across functional areas rather than confined to the administrative borders of the main cities. The objectives of this report are: i) to carry out a strategic evaluation of the seven IDPs and assess how the current plans compare with the diagnostic of the challenges identified in the work on urban development; and ii) to provide clear recommendations for the improvement of existing IDPs which will contribute to the elaboration of the future generation of plans implemented during the next programming period and will help improve the targeting of investments to enhance their economic impact.

In May 2015, the IFC Corporate Governance Group called together 40 experts in the field and members of the IFC Corporate Governance Private Sector Advisory Group. These participants explored key changes in international corporate governance standards and codes of best practice in the wake of the recent global financial crisis and how these changes have helped draw corporate attention to sustainability issues. The group found that many issues that became evident regarding banks in the financial crisis, and led to changes in the governance of banks, also have flowed through into broader corporate governance developments. This publication arises from the issues and information from these discussions. Specifically, part A discusses developments from global or regional groups involved in corporate governance. Part B addresses developments in corporate governance practice, and part C looks at developments in corporate governance codes and standards.