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Erase and Forget is an inquiry into the nature of human conscience and the limits of deniability. It premiered at the 2017 Berlin Film Festival, where it was nominated for the Glashuette most original documentary award. Charting 'the deep bonds between Hollywood's fictionalized conflicts and America's hidden wars', Andrea Luka Zimmerman's ERASE AND FORGET is a new investigative documentary which charts the extraordinary life and times of Bo Gritz, one of America's highest decorated veterans and the 'inspiration' for Rambo and Brando's Colonel Kurtz. Using never before seen archive footage of covert US operations, and interviews filmed over a ten year period, ERASE AND FORGET provides a complex perspective of an individual and a country in crisis. ERASE AND FORGET is a compelling inquiry into the nature of human conscience which raises urgent questions about US militarism and gun control, and embodies contemporary American society in all its dizzying complexity and contradictions. Erase and Forget was long-listed for BIFA new talent emerging producer award, with Ameenah Ayub Allen, 2018 / Nominated for Glashuette original documentary award, Berlin Film festival, 2017 /Platinum Reel Award, Nevada International Film Festival, 2018 / Semi finalist, best documentary Hot Springs Womens film festival, 2018 / Spotlight Documentary Film awards, 2017 Erase and Forget was screened at Spring Sessions in Wadi Rum, in Jordan (http://www.springsessions.org/happenings/announcement244?edition=edition2019-en) and in a special session at Goethe Institut Ramallah, including discussion with the director (https://www.events.ps/en/Events/1086/Screening-and-discussion-with-the-director-of-Erase--Forget). --- DIRECTOR'S STATEMENT: "You already know enough. So do I. It is not knowledge we lack. What is missing is the courage to understand what we know and to draw conclusions." Sven Lindqvist, from 'Exterminate All The Brutes' I chose to work with Bo over ten years because I needed to understand how he was part of history (as much as what history). I am fascinated by profound questions of responsibility – on the part of ourselves and others. There can be no moral high ground or hierarchy if we are genuinely seeking to understand extreme behaviour. We are part of a system that makes enormous profits out of structural and political violence. Bo is really a witness to the excesses of the military-industrial complex. I wanted to explore how a highly intelligent man came to believe, through cultural and social conditioning, that killing in such a way and on such a scale might be perceived as virtuous. My years with Bo recorded his reflections on life before, during and after his time as 'the real Rambo – the American Warrior'- when the reasons for transgressing these boundaries had shifted. Bo is a man of a thousand faces. His is a public life lived in the media age. It is a life made from fragments, from different positions, both politically and in terms of their mediation. His life is contradictory and assembled from all these shards. There is no single 'right' life or reading of his public activities. My portrait of Bo is drawn mainly from original material, which I shot over ten years, but it also includes found footage from the world's first truly public archive – the global online media bank, scattered across numerous platforms. My structural approach is instinctual, distinctive, and formally rigorous articulated in tightly selected montages – each emotional unfolding is countered with a denial of feeling, hence producing a confliction emotional experience, truer the creative maladjustment necessary when grappling with structural and political violence and their spectacular representations through Hollywood (dominant) cinema. While working with a broadly chronological, autobiographical narrative, I also operate associatively, tracking parallels and seeking echoes and refrains of action and reflection across the decades of Bo's diverse military, political and social experiences. The exploration of this complex and constantly changing relationship between event and image is one of my key intentions in and for the film. When contentious ideas and actions enter this social mediated space, all too often crude binaries (of action and reaction, right and wrong, etc…) are created. These are, as is evident across the world today, extremely dangerous. I see my film being in creative dialogue with Swedish writer Sven Lindqvist's Exterminate all the Brutes, a seminal work exploring the origins of totalitarian thinking. The film is an inquiry into the nature of human conscience and the limits of deniability. Over the course of a decade of filming, it became clear that the focus must be Bo's own relationship with his public image, activities and response (underpinned by the known and covert activities of his military career). Director's Statement on the Relationship with Cinema: Hollywood's Ghosts Fiction creates reality. Hollywood and political structures in the United States are tightly knit. On a material level, there are exchanges of personnel and funds. Hollywood regularly employs (often retired) covert operators and military staff as advisers and the story rights of military operations often become the properties of major studios. Whereas the purchase of such rights is, by definition, often after the fact, on occasion funding precedes the event. For instance, a covert prisoner-of-war recovery mission led by Bo Gritz was in part financed by Clint Eastwood in return for a possible option on the story. It is variously claimed, that Bo is the soldier who the Rambo series is modelled on. The flow of funds from Hollywood to the military is not exclusive. The Pentagon contributes by providing army assistance (military advisers, helicopters, use of bases, etc…) to productions that it deems supportive of US policy. Such films inform climates of public opinion within which policy operates. They open imaginative spaces and arenas of ethical consideration in which certain kinds of military operations are validated. Furthermore, Hollywood cinema serves as a curious, discursive space for policy makers (and thus for speechwriters as well as scriptwriters). Ronald Reagan, on numerous occasions, publicly drew on the Rambo series to articulate his foreign policy vision and promote his political aspirations: "After seeing Rambo last night, I know what to do next time this happens." [Ronald Reagan, 1985] Where Reagan at times dipped into the movies to illustrate an argument, Bo is produced as if he were a movie star, by both the media and by his own public performances. On January 31st, 1983, CBS News described Bo's foray into Laos as "the stuff from which movies are made…a case of life imitating art". The inadvertently implied elision of difference between 'life' and 'art' in this strictly nonsensical news-speak is telling. Does the above mean that 'this mission is a model for movies that this mission is modelled on'? Touring the country for his own presidential campaign, Bo is hailed on national television as the 'real-life Rambo' as well as the "model for the real life Rambo". The description of Bo as a mythical figure has been drawn in terms of another such character: Colonel Kurtz. A journalist on Nevada Regional news, declared that Bo is "[…] the mythical Colonel Kurtz in Apocalypse Now…". It was not just the news media however, that tried to fuse Bo with the 'mythical' Colonel Kurtz. In 1975, Francis Ford Coppola's production company approached Bo during the making of Apocalypse Now to ask for permission to superimpose Marlon Brando's face over Bo's. As Bo explains, "he wanted to use the photograph in General William C. Westmoreland's book showing me with Nurse Toi kneeling in front of a lot of really mean-looking Cambodian mercenaries as the headliner for his new movie. Colonel Kurtz was commanding a Cambodian army and I was Major Gritz, and I did command a Cambodian army. Matter of fact I was the first to do so". What does it mean that Bo so eagerly figures himself as the man who inspired these representations? After all, he is not unaware of the fact that Coppola's Kurtz and indeed, the entire plot of Apocalypse Now, is taken from Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness and set in the context of the Indochinese war. Rather, Bo's suggestion that 'Kurtz' is a play on 'Gritz' not only indicates a desire to project himself as famous and infamous, it also points to a willingness to perform his own history, including that of his covert operations, in accordance with the conventions of Hollywood cinema. Bo's willingness to perform according to a 'script' (both inspired by Hollywood and subsequently itself adapted and produced by Hollywood in a feedback loop between the silver screen and covert policy) gives the POW 'production' an actual star – a star who becomes a simulacum of the Hollywood characters and vice versa. Bo's authenticity is produced not only by his own insistence that he is the basis for his Hollywood avatars, but equally by his parallel insistence that he has no interest in these figures or, as he dismissively puts it, 'Hollyweird' and its 'play acting'. This denial, by masking his desire to identify himself as the 'original', therefore makes his identification more plausible, precisely by producing him as 'the real thing'. The chicken comes back to roost Rambo III was released in 1988. The film ends with a dedication printed over its final scene: 'This film is dedicated to the gallant people of Afghanistan'. At the time of its release, the Reagan administration's covert funding for operations in Afghanistan was at its highest. The film premiered as President Gorbachev announced the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan, a policy decision that was welcomed by none more than the marketing team working on Rambo III. The film rode the wave of euphoria for US political and military 'success'. This was, then, a historical context which enabled the film's hero to be figured – both by the film's marketing team and, indeed, by audiences, who read the film in the social and discursive context of the times – as individually responsible for the defeat of the Soviets in Afghanistan. There is another, utterly un-distributed film that stands as testimony to the Reagan government's dedication to the 'gallant people of Afghanistan'. Untitled and shot on Super 8 Sound film in the autumn of 1986, it is the record of a secret training program for Afghan Mujahedeen on US soil. Bo claims that the training program was initiated by the National Security Council (NSC) under the direction of State Department official William Bode and that the funding was allegedly channelled through Stanford Technology, a CIA front-company. Spectres Bo was part of a world where deniability lies at the forefront of action on the uncertain line between knowing and unknowing (post-truth before the event …). The spectral nature of covert operations resides in their being officially, 'neither confirmed, nor denied'. Thus the spectral is produced by official discourse, but admissible to it only as that which cannot be admitted. However, rather than being a product of official denial, it is a product of 'deniability'. This involves not the denial of a particular event, but the denying of official authorisation of an event. Dislocating action and intention, cause and effect, creates a shadow realm from which strategic operations march forward like zombies. An operation appears to have been carried out in the absence of an originating order. The action is spectral in as much as it seems to escape the laws of causality that govern the rest of the world – it is an effect without identifiable cause. A methodology of making This led me to develop a film making approach through which I have tried to understand the person within this context of visibility and invisibility – between deniable reality and fiction. There is a curious symmetry between the careers of Reagan and Bo. On the one hand there is the actor turned politician, who became President and imagined he'd been a soldier; and on the other there is the soldier who would have been President, who flirted with the movies and now defines himself as 'real' in contra-distinction to them. The relationship between Bo and the President he served has surely been subject to Bo's mythologizing autobiographical imagination. Nonetheless, the speculative discursive space that has opened around the relationship (in biographies and autobiographies, in news reports and internet conspiracy sites) has effected a conflation of political drama and movies, of covert operator (whose modus operandi is disguise, dissemblance, subterfuge) and movie actor. And so, focusing on such a figure as Bo, has allowed me to trace a series of discursive and imaginary movements that issue not so much into an exchange between domains, as a conflation of domains. Bo seems to induce a certain ontological confusion, a collapse of fiction and history, biography and popular myth, which is not restricted to his own imagination. It is a confusion that the media are happy to propagate (this is so for his detractors as well as his champions, for the major news channels and fringe internet conspiracy blogs alike). And how timely for our times this is… --- '.like a Lynchian nightmare of right-wing America.' Total Film ★★★★ 'The film is so loopy you end up like Laocoön, wreathed by serpents of paradox and contradiction.' Financial Times ★★★★ 'Zimmermann marshals her material…with relentlessly thought-provoking confidence.' Empire ★★★★ 'An especially probing portrait of a wounded man and his role in the fetishisation of state-sanctioned violence.' Time Out ★★★★ 'This illuminating portrait of a rather broken champion is enriched by extraordinary archive footage.' Filmuforia ★★★★ 'Gripping and jaw-dropping, it's a documentary that needs to be seen to be believed.' Morning Star ★★★★ 'Bo's nonchalance when talking about his behaviour in countries such as Panama makes your jaw drop. An education.' EVENING STANDARD 'This is a new way to make a documentary, exploiting the bountiful public record of the Internet age.' Variety …like a Lynchian nightmare of right-wing America. Tim Coleman, Total Film Erase and Forget reflects the kind of ideological instability that has contributed to the US's surreal political moment. Jessica Loudis, Frieze ERASE AND FORGET explores 'the deep bonds between Hollywood's fictionalized conflicts and America's hidden wars' through a complex portrayal of US soldier, whistle-blower and ex-presidential candidate Bo Gritz, taking us to a world before President Trump. One of America's highest decorated veterans, the 'inspiration' behind RAMBO, Colonel John 'Hannibal' Smith (THE A-TEAM) and Brando's Colonel Kurtz (APOCALYPSE NOW), Gritz was at the heart of American military and foreign policy – both overt and covert – from the Bay of Pigs to Afghanistan, before turning whistle-blower and launching anti-government training programmes. Today he lives in the Nevada desert where he once secretly trained Afghan Mujahedeen, is loved by his community and still admired as a hero figure by white supremacists for his role in the Ruby Ridge siege of 1992. This event was a key turning point in the rise of the far right and militia anti-Government groups in the US. Filmed over ten years, Zimmerman's film is an artist's perspective of an individual and a country in crisis, which raises urgent questions about US militarism and gun control. Deploying confessional and exploratory interviews, news and cultural footage, creative re-enactment and previously unseen archive material, ERASE AND FORGET explores the implications on a personal and collective level of identities founded on a profound, even endemic violence. It examines the propagation of that violence through Hollywood and the mass media, the arms trade and ongoing governmental policy. Revealing the filmmaker's own nuanced relationship with a controversial subject, without judgment and sensationalism, ERASE AND FORGET proposes a multi-layered investigation of war as a social structure, a way of being for individuals and countries in what is becoming an era of 'permanent conflict'.

The Tanzanian economy has grown at an average annual rate of around 6-7 percent for more than a decade. The rate of inflation has declined since January 2016, although it trended upwards in thepreceding few months due to increases in domestic food prices and the lagged impacts of the sharp depreciation of the Tanzanian Shilling during the first half of 2015. However, the Shilling stabilized in the second half of 2015, with the real exchange rate now close to the equilibrium level. The current account deficit has also improved, standing at around 8.7 percent of GDP in 2014/15. The level of aid inflows declined during 2014/15, although this was offset by increases in FDI and external non-concessional borrowing, maintaining the overall balance of payments in a stable position. Tanzania's infrastructure and social services deficits are already massive and projected to increase into the future. Traditional financing instruments are clearly insufficient to bridge the profound gap between existing public resources and financing requirements. By leveraging synergy between the public and private sectors, PPPs can mobilize additional sources of finance to fund the development of vitally needed infrastructure; to deliver on budget and on time to a greater extent than in the case of publicly financed projects; and to deliver higher quality services than in the case of publicly managed projects. Tanzania's own policy documents identify PPP as a key instrument to attract new investment and to deliver infrastructure more efficiently.

Bhutan's hydropower generation potential raises the prospect of tremendous development opportunities for the country: fast increasing export revenue, sustained economic growth, and rapid poverty reduction. Driven by developments in the hydropower sector, the country has grown at an average rate of 7 percent per year over the last decade, while poverty has declined remarkably fast. But hydropower development also creates significant challenges as follows: (i) macroeconomic instability; (ii) lack of self-reliance; and (iii) few private sector jobs. This policy note assesses the opportunities and challenges associated with hydropower development. It informs a possible strategy supportive of macroeconomic stability, fiscal self-reliance and private sector development. And it argues that fundamental changes in public finance, amounting to a paradigm shift, are central to the implementation of such strategy.

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You will find a full line of Pure Drugs and Fine Stationery at the People's Drug Stoie Prescriptions a specialty. * f THE GETTYSBURG JIERGDRY The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College Vol. XII. GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1904 No. 8 CONTENTS THE BEACON, 232 CHAS. W. WEISER, '01. THE PRESENT MOVEMENT TOWARD PROTECTION IN ENGLAND, 233 FRANK LAYMAN, '04 TALES OF A BACHELORS' CLUB—NO. 1, 238 JAMES GARFIELD DILLER, '04. THE NEED OF RENEWED INTEREST IN THELITER-ARY SOCIETIES OF OUR COLLEGE^ . . . 249 CONVERSATION AS AN ART 254 HARRIET A. MCGILL, '06. EDITORIALS, 256 EXCHANGES, ' . . 260 232 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY THE BEACON. CHARI,ES \V. WEISER, 'OI. *AR across trie wooded valley, Miles and miles across the plain, On a distant hill top gleaming Thro' the mist and drizzling rain, A beacon light is glaring, Dancing, leaping, spluttering, flaring As it catches at new fagots, Licks and laps the heap of pine Built far out upon the coast line, Where the land meets foamy brine, Warning signal to the vessels, Rocked upon the stormy sea, Of the rocks and shoals that threaten As they're drifting to'_the lea. And the night comes down upon it, Folding close her sable wings ; Darkness reigns, save for the flaring Of the beacon as it flings Its ruddy light in warning Thro' the stormy night till morning. Heaped up by silent figures Silhouetted on the flame, As they wander round the beacon Heaping up the burning flame. And the night rolls on terrific, Loudly still the tempests roar, Wierd and mystic sounds and sights Flit along the storm-beat shore. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 233 THE PRESENT MOVEMENT TOWARD PROTEC-TION IN ENGLAND. FRANK LAYMAN, '04. THE one live question in English politics today is that of tariff. For many years, while the United States and the nations of continental Europe have been hedging them-selves about with high protective tariffs, free trade has been the guiding principle in England's tariff legislation. This unique position of England is easily explained. For some reasons, and among them her great natural advantages in the immense deposits of coal and iron, England has become a great manu-facturing nation, and so it has been to her advantage* to get foodstuffs and raw materials free of duty, while no prohibitory tariff was needed on articles which she herself manufactures be-cause of her own advantages in their manufacture. In the world's division of labor, manufacturing has become her work and she has thought it unwise to increase, by import duties, the price of the food required while doing that work. There have not been lacking, however, efforts to establish a protective tariff, especially on grain. Of this nature were the so-called Corn Laws, passed in 1815 and repealed after long and bitter discussion in 1846. Then free trade held the field with-out interruption until the time of the Registration Act, passed in 1902 and repealed in 1903. The present movement for pro-tection, started by Mr. Chamberlain, is like the others in that a tax on grain is proposed, but it differs from them very ma-terially in the means proposed and the ends aimed at. What is Mr. Chamberlain's plan ? For the most part he has discussed it in rather vague and general terms, but on one oc-casion at least, speaking more specifically, he said that he does not advocate a tax on raw materials such as wool and cotton, but that his scheme included a tax of six cents a bushel on wheat and a five per cent duty on meat coming from the United States and other foreign countries, while the same arti-cles from the British colonies would be admitted free; also a 234 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. tax of ten per cent on manufactured articles and a reduction of the present duty on tea, coffee, sugar and cocoa. For this favored treatment of colonial goods a similar differential for the products of the English factories is expected in the colonial markets. According to Mr. Chamberlain, three good results will follow the adoption of this scheme. They are: (i) the encourage-ment of the agricultural and meat-producing industries of the colonies ; (2) the advancement of the manufacturing interests of England due particularly to favorable markets in the colon-ies; (3) the consolidation of the Empire by binding the colon-ies to the mother country by ties of self-interest. Let us ex-amine each of these separately and try to determine whether these results may reasonably be expected. The agricultural and meat-producing interests of the colonies will be encouraged without a doubt. The case of American and Canadian wheat will illustrate. The English people will pay just the same for their bread, whether it is made of wheat coming from the United States or from Canada, but the importer of wheat can and will offer just six cents more for Canadian than American wheat because of the six-cent tax that he must pay on the latter. This difference in price will encourage Ca-nadian farmers to the same extent to which it will discourage American farmers, and, as ordinarily happens in such cases, the higher price will greatly stimulate the production of Canadian wheat. The cost of transportation from the two countries is about equal, but the result will be the same wherever the cost of transportation from a colony does not exceed that of trans-portation from the United States or from other foreign countries by as much as six cents. This would include all or nearly all the colonies. On the second point, the advancement of England's manu-facturing interests, the scheme will fail for several reasons. In the first place, the cost of food for the English laborer will be increased almost in the same proportion in which colonial agri-culture is benefited. If,- as seems likely, the importer of wheat will offer six cents less for wheat from the United States and THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 335 other foreign countries, then, until agriculture in the colonies is further developed, the supply of wheat in the English market will be considerably reduced. The supply being lower, the price will necessarily be higher. It may be argued, however, that within a few years the stimulated production of the colonies will fur-nish such a supply that the price will be greatly lowered. This seems plausible upon the face of it, but certainly it is not reason-able to suppose that the price will thus become as low as it would if this colonial wheat had to compete in a free market with the wheat of the rest of the world. The same will be true of other food products affected by the tariff. That the price of bread and meat would thus be raised by the tariff is one of the disputed points in the debate now going on in England, but it was virtually admitted by Mr. Chamberlain himself, when, in answer to the cry that he would raise the cost of food for the people, he proposed a reduction of the duties on tea, coffee, sugar and cocoa as a compromise measure. It is hard to see, however, how a reduction of duties on these few luxuries can lower the total cost of living as much as a high tariffon the chief necessaries of life would tend to raise it. If the cost of food for the English laborer is thus increased, then, as Prof. Maxey, of the University of W. Va., points out, one of two results will follow—an increase of wages or a lower standard of living. As wages are determined by the demand for labor/and as no greater demand would necessarily be created, there is no reason to suppose that wages would be raised. A lower standard of living would injure the manufacturer in two ways— it would decrease the efficiency of his workmen and lessen the demand for manufactured goods. Now, the English manufac-turer is not prepared to sustain either of these injuries, especi-ally not the first. An impairment of the efficiency of the laborer would mean increased cost of production, and England is already meeting with such keen competition that this might suffice to shut her out of the market altogether. But further than this, the colonial markets would not offer the advantages to English goods that are hoped for. The pro-tectionist sentiment is growing in the great colonies, like Can- 236 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. ada and Australia. They are anxious for the" development of their agricultural interests, but they are not willing to have their manufactures ruined. They would be perfectly willing to-grant a differential in favor of England provided that the mini-mum tariff still be high enough to protect their own industries. But of what advantage would such a differential tariff be to England ? How would it benefit her, if, while the products of other countries are shut out of the colonial market, her own are shut out, though by a somewhat lower tariff? That this would be the case has already been proven by the working of a differ-ential in Canada for a number of years. This gave an advan-tage of thirty-three and one-third per cent to English products,, and yet during the time it was in operation, British exports, be-ing mostly manufactured articles, increased less than thirty per cent, while American and French exports in the same markets increased one hundred per cent. It must be granted, however, that if the smaller colonies,, which now have free trade, would change their policy and tax all imports except those coming from England, and if the smaller protectionist colonies would allow the articles now on the free list to come in free only when coming from England, English goods would acquire considerable advantages in these markets. But these are rather unimportant when compared with the great markets where no advantages would be gained. This slight advantage, however, would be more than off-set by a loss in another direction. Only a small fraction of England's exports now go, and for many years will go, to the colonies. The great bulk goes to foreign countries, where, as a free trade nation, she enjoys minimum tariff rates. When once she adopts a protective tariff this favored treatment can no longer be given her and a large part of her manufactures will be threatened with ruin. All in all, then, this tariff scheme would not only not benefit, but more likely would greatly injure, English manufactures. As to the third result aimed at, the consolidation of the Em-pire, many think that the scheme would work the contrary effect. To carry it out would be a tremendous problem. To THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 237 arrange a system of tariff duties that would be satisfactory to the United Kingdom and all the colonies would be too much for the intellect of any statesman of this generation. Exports to the various colonies differ both in quantity and kind; like-wise the imports from the colonies. Then, too, both imports and exports vary in these respects from year to year. For these reasons it would be impossible to hit upon a scheme satisfactory to all. There would be a constant fear and distrust lest one colony should be accorded more favorable treatment than another. Instead of harmony, discord would result; instead of consolidation, a tendency to disintegration. THE PI.AN OF SALVATION. O how unlike the complex works of man, Heaven's eazy, artless, unencumbered plan ! No meretricious graces to beguile, No clustering ornaments to clog the pile ; From ostentation, as from weakness, free, It stands like the cerulean arch we see, Majestic in its own simplicity. Inscribed above the portal, from afar Conspicuous as the brightness of a star, Legible only by the light they give Stand the soul-quickening words—Believe, and live. Too many, shock'd at what should charm them most, Despise the plain direction and are lost. WlLUAM COWPER. 2j8 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. TALES OF A BACHELORS' CLUB—NO. i. JAMES GARFIBI.D DIIAER, '04. THE great metropolis was struggling in the grasp of a mid-winter storm. Up and down the broad avenues and narrower thoroughfares the icy winds howled and blustered, the intermittent gusts catching up the harsh, granular snow and depositing it again in miniature drifts in the area-ways ot the larger buildings ; or, by its great velocity, creating a vacuum between the tall structures which sucked up the snow in swirl-ing cloud-masses and enveloped the chimneys in mantles of glistening white. The storm king was abroad in state, attended by a numberless array of his spotlessly livened retinue. A clock, in the tower of a building on one of the most fashionable thoroughfares of the city, was just announcing the hour of midnight, the strokes of the bell sounding alternately clear and distinct, and again muffled and far away, varying with the fluctuations of the storm. The street was almost deserted —only an occasional, belated pedestrian hurrying homeward, or some habitual night prowler stealing to an appointment at an uncertain rendezvous. As the night wore on, the storm abated and the subsiding wind left the air clear of snow. The electric lamps along the avenue shone forth again with an enhanced brilliancy, illumina-ting the dark corners with their ghostly glare, and revealing fan-tastic shapes of snow where the wind, cavorting with a too pretentious drift, had left evidence of his passage in the most erratic grotesquerie. Athwart the silence which succeeded the tumult of the ele-ments, the neighboring clock-tower chimed the hour of two and the last reverberation had scarcely died away when a little gust of wind, which seemed to have lost its way in the wake of the storm, hurried round the corner of an intersecting street and seemed to carry with it, in the midst of a flurry of snow, the muffled figure of a man. It was evidently no uncommon thing for this lone pedestrian THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 239 to be abroad at this hour, for he seemed to pursue his way-somewhat leisurely, as if well acquainted with the locality. He floundered along through the snow which now covered the side-walks to the depth of some inches, and seemed to main-tain his equilibrium fairly well, albeit he collided with a post or tree now and then, and once, when his silk hat blew off and wheeled its way to the middle of the street, he recovered it with an unsteady grasp which betrayed an evening spent in convivial enjoyment. When about halfway down the square he began to look up-ward as he passed along, scanning the handsome buildings for some distinctive architectural feature by which to recognize the one which was evidently his destination. Suddenly he paused, walked to the curb, and hesitated a moment, standing in the patch of rose-colored light which a large electric chandelier of stained glass and Venetian iron-work, hanging in the vestibule of the building, threw upon the side-walk. As he stands there undecided in his inebriated condition, whether or not he has found the right place, let us survey with him the exterior of the structure. It was the most impos-ing edifice on the whole avenue and was constructed almost entirely ot elaborately carved brownstone. The windows were of the triple style—a broad, square pane of heavy plate, with a narrower one on either side, surrounded by irregular, yet artistic, patches of vari-colored and heavily leaded glass, with miniature pilasters of carved brownstone intervening, the whole surmounted by a capping of heads of satyrs among twining vines in the form of those long, flat curves which in modern architecture give such a graceful and substantial effect. In the spaces between the windows, niches were let into the walls to accommodate statues—graceful figures, whose well defined out-lines and elegant curves caused one to forget that they were produced by the magic chisel, from the same hard, cold material as the rest of the building. At either end of the cornice a Cerberus head scowled, as if just emerging from its lofty lair, while just below a frieze of dancing nymphs completed the ex-terior of the modern palace, at which both the artist and the 240 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. craftsman might well gaze with self-satisfied pleasure, and each shake the other's hand in mutual congratulation. However, lest a too lengthy description of the building should become tedious to the reader, we will leave the interior of the structure to the imagination of those who can appreciate what prodigal extremes may be attained in the desire for modern convenience and luxurious ease. Such was the home of the Bachelors' Club, and the center of action for the stirring adventures which shall be recounted in this series of storiettes—of'which the following is the first, in their chronological order. Mr. Robert Carson, Esq., prominent in the legal profession and member of the Bachelors' Club, was—his bibulous tenden-cies notwithstanding—a most methodical man. In matters of dress and general decorum he was usually beyond reproach, while he never forgot an engagement, and was always courteous and friendly. With this estimate of his character in mind, one can well appreciate the astonishment of Rudolph, the colored attendant, who admitted him to the club in the small hours of the night. Rudolph was a sort of despot among the large corps of servants, asserting his position by right of long service in the employ of the club, and acquaintance with a majority of its membership. He had just dispatched a few of his subordinates and was making his nightly round of the building when a sharp summons of the bell brought him hurrying down the main hall-way to the front door. Having admitted Mr. Carson, the obsequious attendant pro-ceeded to relieve him of his hat and coat. Then, his practised eye noting that this late comer was inclined to stagger, Rudolph took the lawyer gently by the arm and escorted him into the spacious lounging-room, saw that he was comfortably ensconced in an easy chair, placed the latest newspaper on the table at his elbow and noiselessly withdrew. Not a word had passed be-tween them—the usually amiable and gentlemanly Carson and the faithful menial who was always eager to please and quick to detect any sign of gruff indifference. "He's surely got THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 241 somethin' on his mind," soliloquised Rudolph, as he re-ascended the broad staircase. Left to himself, the half-stupefied Carson fumbled in his breast pocket and produced a crumbled piece of note paper. Smoothing it on his knee he read aloud : "Meet me at the club tonight, after the Bench and Bar Banquet. Have some friends from the South visiting me. Will bring them around and we will make a night of it to-gether. "Sincerely, "NELSON BRENT." He refolded the paper without comment, replaced it in his pocket, and sat for some minutes lost in a reminiscent train of thought. Presently he began a mumbling, half coherent soliloquy: "Make a night of it, eh ?•—well; not the first time. Queer fellow, that Brent. Used to be one of my best friends at col-lege, until—oh ! Deuce take it. If the girl preferred me it wasn't my fault. And then, after all, her father forced her to break off the engage—, pshaw! Can I never forget it ? Strange, though, the way he seemed to forgive all when he voted me into the club,—looked a little suspicious for him to—there, there! I am getting nonsensical. Feel so dull and drowsy. That digestive tablet the young lawyer from Savannah passed me across the table musn't have worked right. Banquet was quite an enjoyable affair, though, made several new acquaint— friends—no; not yet—acquaintances." His talk became a mere jumble of words, spoken in a sort of petulant monotone. Slowly his head nodded back and forth. Then his chin rested upon his breast, his hands relaxed their grip on the arms of the chair, his eyelids dropped and he sank into a deep unnatural slumber. Half an hour passed, and again the musical whirr of the electric bell brought Rudolph to the door, this time to admit two men who entered quickly and with a certain wariness of manner, as if something of importance was about to be done surreptitiously. 242 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. "I say, Brent," blustered he who had entered first, "you cer-tainly get some beastly weather up here in the north states." And he rubbed his hands briskly. The other lifted a cautious finger and turned to Rudolph. "Has Carson come yet ?" "Yessir. He's in there now fast asleep," and Rudolph ges-tured toward the door of the smoking-room. Brent gave his companion a glance of mingled surprise and gratification, and the Southerner replied with a shy wink and a sinister smile. "You may go, Rudolph," said Brent, lifting his hand with a wave of dismissal, and the two passed into the apartment where Carson's regular breathing could be heard from the depths of a big easy chair. "There he is," whispered Brent, as he paused suddenly and laid a hand upon the Southerner's arm. That gentleman there-upon leaned over to get a better view of Carson's face, and nodded to the other. "The same fellow," he said. "One would not think, to look at him, that it would have been so easy to 'dope' him with a morphine tablet under the pretense that it was for his stomach's sake." "You did work it cleverly, though," observed Brent, with a ■complimentary accent. "How long do you think it will last?" "Oh !" was the careless rejoinder, he's good for a couple of hours anyway. And now, Brent, since I just got into the city this evening and went right to the hotel, so that we had no chance to talk, would you mind telling me what your idea was in getting me to assist you in what looks to me like the begin-ning of a dirty piece of work ?" "Steady, now, old man," said Brent, reassuringly. "I'll explain the whole affair if you give me time, and you'll agree that I am only exacting a just vengeance for a wrong which this man Carson did me years ago, and but for which I should now be a wealthy man, instead of being compelled to follow a meagre law practice, and scarcely able to keep up my membership in this club." THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 245 "Yes, I understand," interrupted his auditor, impatiently, "But what are you going to do with him now ?" "I'm coming to it," Brent replied hastily. "In order to understand the why and wherefore of what is going to happen tonight you must first know something of this man Carson's past, and, incidentally, a little of my own." He glanced at the sleeping figure in the easy chair, assured himself once more that the victim of his contemplated treachery was yet in the land of dreams, nonchalantly lighted a cigar, and settled himself to begin the narration of his tale. The little Southerner seated himself also, but with a reluc-tance which indicated that he was beginning to regret having taken a hand in this business, and was anxious to have it over with. "We were good friends at college," Brent began, "until—well,, it was the same old story. Two men and one woman. Her father was one of the wealthiest cotton planters of the South. By judicious manceuvering I succeeded in creating such a favor-able impression on the old man that he once told me himself that he thought I would make a good son-in-law. "But here steps in this fellow, Carson, and wins the affections of the heiress so completely that, from the time of his advent upon the field, I was gradually compelled to recede into the back-ground. In order to circumvent him I was obliged to concoct several false reports, which, by cleverly concealed methods, I managed to convey to the old gentleman's knowledge. The result was that her father forbade Carson the house. But the daughter, after several passionate scenes, declared her inten-tion to marry him, if she had to elope to do it. Finally, her father put her under the rigid surveillance of a strict spinster governess, and so the matter seemed to rest. Carson accepted his dismissal with an apparent good grace, and I gave the case up as hopeless. Thus the affair ended, neither of us gaining anything by it, and our former close friendship was replaced by a bitter enmity, which years seemed only to accentuate." "But how," ventured the other, "do you come to be members of the same club ?" 244 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. "I was coming to that," hurriedly asserted Brent, "and when I have told it you must give me credit, or rather discredit, for a piece of the most diabolical cunning. After we had gradu-ated from college I did not hear of Carson for some years. Meanwhile, I came here, built up a small law practice, and joined the Bachelors' Club. What was my surprise, one even-ing at our meeting, on learning that a certain Robert Carson was a candidate for membership. When I discovered that this prospective member and my old enemy were one and the same person, I hesitated. But it occurred to me that here was a splendid opportunity for revenge. I would vote him into the club, pretend to forgive and forget all that had formerly passed between us, and await my chance to strike the blow." "Yes, yes," said the Southerner impatiently, "that brings us up to the present time. I understand the circumstances now completely. But what do you intend to do with him ?" For answer a long, low whistle sounded from the street and Brent started in his chair and sat bolt upright. After some seconds the signal was repeated and he rose and went to one of the large windows. The Southerner heard the clicks of a latch, felt a draught of cold, outside air, and then the window was lowered and he turned to see a figure, muffled in a large storm coat and wearing fur driving gloves. The newcomer was talk-ing to Brent in an undertone and the listener could just catch the words: "Come near fergittin', Guv'nor, was just goin' ter ring th' bell when I minded as how you was t' let me in by th' winder, so as not t' rouse th' nigger." "Yes, yes," Brent whispered hurriedly. "But we must be quick, now. It's getting on toward morning and the thing must be done in time for me to catch the early train." He motioned his confederate toward the sleeping figure in the easy chair and, to the Southerner's astonishment, the burly fellow picked up the unconscious Carson as if he had been a child and carried him to the window. The perfidious Brent again raised the sash, revealing a cab in waiting at the curb-stone. The cabby lowered his burden to the sidewalk, slid THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 245 through the window and dropped below then again lifted the helpless form, carried it over and deposited it in a dark corner of the conveyance. Brent and his companion resumed their hats and coats and made their exit by the window, closing it after them. Crossing the sidewalk, with stealthy glances up and down the street, they entered the cab, the driver mounted his box and gave a sharp "cluck" to the horses. Only the faint crunching of the wheels in the snow was heard, as the vehicle rolled away into the darkness. Five minutes later the front door of the Bachelors' Club opened, a figure in dark blue livery stepped forth and a dusky face peered out into the gloom with an anxious and excited look. Rudolph had come into the smoking room, found Mr. Carson missing, his hat and coat left behind, the window-catch unfastened and many foot prints in the snow on the sidewalk just beneath. Hastening down to the curb, he observed, with a gleam of satisfaction, the tracks of wheels in the snow. In another moment he was hurrying back into the house, and up stairs to the servants' quarters, a grim determination written on his swarthy features. In a small, upper room of a low tenement house, on an obscure street of the slum district, an old man was sitting at a rough table, reading a week-old German newspaper by the light of a tallow dip. He was the common type of naturalized im-migrant of the lower classes. Teutonic features, snub-nose, double chin and ample girth were all present as the recognized signs of his nationality. He was clad in coarse, threadbare garments of antiquated pattern, the waistcoat unbuttoned for greater ease, and his feet slipped into loose goloshes with which he shuffled across the floor when, at frequent intervals, he arose and went to the window to peer with expectant gaze up the dark, narrow street. The room was scantily and poorly furnished, and gave evi-dence of those straitened circumstances which oftentimes force 246 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. honest and well-meaning folk to participate in deeds of rascality for the sake of the bare means of subsistence. And such was the case here. The old German had hesitat-ed, upon being approached by a refined-looking stranger with the offer of a handsome remuneration, if he should do just as the person dictated, for the space of a few days; but, when the al-luring proposition was reinforced by the guarantee of absolute safety from detection or punishment on the part of the German, the old man had consulted with his wife and, after sundry ar-guments pro and con, had accepted the offer. And now he was awaiting the arrival of the man to whom he had pledged himself to act as a tool. For the twentieth time, it seemed, he had gone to the window to watch for any sign of life up the de-serted thoroughfare. The fussy little clock in the corner pointed to five minutes of four, and the old man, weary of his vigil, re-sumed his chair and began to go over in his mind the plans which he and his unknown employer were about to carry into execution. It was three days, he mused, since he had been accosted on the street by a well-dressed gentleman, who, after some preliminary talk, conducted him to an obscure restaurant and, in the seclusion of a curtained booth, had made him the proposal which he had so reluctantly accepted. A wealthy young lawyer was to be kidnapped, smuggled into his humble quarters in the tenement, kept there against his will and forced to sign certain papers which the German's employer would turn into money and make good his escape before the victim of the plot could be located and rescued. It was all very neatly arranged, the old man thought, but was he not a fool to let the other fellow get away while he would have to remain and per-haps feel the strong arm of the law? He was just beginning to-regret his bargain and to wonder whether the pay justified the risk, when his attention was attracted by a noise in the street outside. Starting up, he snatched the candle from the table and rushed to the door. In the strong, upward draught from the steep stairway the feeble taper winked and spluttered and finally went out, leaving him in utter darkness. He groped his way down the dingy flight, in a tension of nervous" dread, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 247 I . tore open the door and stepped out upon the front stoop. A cab was standing in the middle of the street, a short distance away. The horses were stamping the snow impatiently, the driver's box was vacant, the fur robe dangling from the seat and trailing upon the ground, and the door of the vehicle stood wide open. In the gloom about him the old gentleman heard the sounds of a scuffle, and could just make out the figures of half a dozen men who seemed to be engaged in a free-for-all fight. A familiar voice shouted dreadful oaths above the bab-ble of the melee, and a lithe, active little figure mingled in the struggle with furious vigor, hissing fierce invectives with a Southern accent. The battle royal lasted for some moments. Now and then one of the combatants would lose his footing and flounder about in the drifted snow, then regain his feet and plunge again into the conflict with redoubled fury. Finally, just as the terrorized witness was about to turn back and flee terror-stricken up the stairs, one of the factions in the contest seemed to gain the mastery. Three of the struggling forms broke away. Two of them sprang into the carriage and banged the door after them. The other clambered to his perch on the box, snatched up the reins, belabored the horses with vicious lashes of his whip, and, smarting with baffled rage, turned his head and hurled back a parting shot that was a veritable bomb-shell of besmirching epithets, as the cab rolled away. Some of those who remained on the sidewalk attempted to overtake the retreating vehicle, but, giving up the pursuit as fruitless, return-ed to join the little group which was now holding a hurried consultation. After a moment or two they picked up a limp figure and started away down the street, bearing the uncon-scious form as the trophy of their victory. ****** At a special meeting of the Bachelors' Club the next even-ing, a full account of the affair was given by one of the mem-bers, who gathered his information from those who had been most directly concerned in the disgraceful episode. From his disclosures it appeared that Rudolph, after noting the suspic-ious circumstances of Mr. Carson's disappearance and fearing 248 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. foul play, had aroused a half dozen of the servants and begun a search. The rescuing party tracked the cab to the street in the slum district by following the wheel marks in the snow. After overcoming the resistence of Mr. Carson's would-be ab-ductors, they had brought that gentleman back to the club-house, sent for a physician to resuscitate him from the effects of the drug and the rough handling he had received, and reported the affair to the police. When Brent's shameless duplicity became generally known, the assembly room of the Bachelors' Club was in a turmoil of indignation. A bitter, crushing letter of dismissal was drawn up and despatched to his law office, in case he should have the audacity to return and attempt to explain by some elaborate falsehood, as many of the members believed he would do. But the letter remained unopened upon the desk of Brent's deserted office and the shrewdest detectives of the city failed to obtain a single clew as to his whereabouts. Nelson Brent and his ac-complice, the little Southerner, had completely disappeared. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 249 THE NEED OF RENEWED INTEREST IN THE LITERARY SOCIETIES OF OUR COLLEGE. THE subject of the advantages of membership in a literary society andof general literary discipline is an aggravatingly old one, and one which has been preached from the college ros-trum ever since the literary society found place as an appendage to an institution of learning. Notwithstanding, it is, with all its ponderous burden of repetition, a most vital and important phase of collegiate training, and its importance needs all the more to be emphasized in lieu of the widespread lack of ap-prehension among students in general of the highly beneficent results which it confers. At'Gettysburg the existing state of affairs needs considera-tion. The reason as to why our literary societies are so lethar-' gic demands investigation. As to the why and wherefore of this depression in the field of literary effort let us briefly in-quire, and try to recognize the necessity for improvement. It is quite in harmony with a reasonable supposition to in-fer that the chief cause of this apathy is to be discovered in a failure to realize just what the literary society means to the student. To start with, it offers a chance for development in composition. Writing, in an intelligent way and with the use of good diction, is an accomplishment every college man should own. To be able to write what one thinks and offer it to be read by others is as much a demand on the college man as to be able to carry on an intelligent conversation. If a man has a reasoning intellect, descriptive ability, poetic sentiment, or thought-power and observant faculties along any particular line—which we all have in greater or less degree—he should surely appreciate his endowment to an extent great enough to insure its permanency and highest efficiency by a proper amount of use. This state of affairs would be conclusively guaranteed by an occasional essay, poem, or story, which a keen interest in his society and college monthly should unhesitatingly lead him to construct with a gratifying result to both writer and reader or listener. 250 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. The aptitude to compose one's thoughts, which ability is also a thought-training process, is an accomplishment which no stu-dent of Gettysburg College will ever disdain.' Secondly, and somewhat interwoven with what we have just said, is to be recognized the happy knack of being able to stand before an audience and do clear thinking. This is a something that is of incalculable importance. Not one man in one hun-dred can do it. Every college graduate, to be worthy of the name, ought to be that one man. To face with self-poise a congregated mass of people and address them with a calm dig-nity and a smooth-working brain is a modern requirement of the college man, and justly so. The world insists upon and demands this qualification. He who possesses this proficiency will always cherish it, and he who lacks it will ever be sensible of a lost opportunity. With this showing, as manifested in two main ways, of what the student of our college, in many cases, is foregoing in his educational career, let us give heed to one or two phases of our literary society work which are sore in need of a rectifying remedy forthwith, and the existence of which implies another cause for general unprogressiveness. The literary contests between the Phrenakosmian and Philo-mathean societies should be the means by which a great and lasting enthusiasm would be aroused in and a powerful impetus given to general literary work in the college. The approach of these competitive performances should instigate a rival zest between the members of the respective societies which would be satisfied only after having placed him, whom it has ani-mated, on the program, or upon the accession thereto of some more competent person, whose position was gained only by dili-gent and effective work. Such conditions would conduce to a mighty good. They would establish a propensity for literary practice certain to be wholesome for both societies. But how different? This year there is scarcely a little bit of interest manifest. Neither society seems to consider the issue worth more than a meagre amount of preparation. As the time for the contests draws nigh a sort of stringent necessity does impel a preparation which has the appearance of a greater or less THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 251 amount of haphazardness. The training for these programs, instead of having been systematic, steady and critical, has par-taken too much of an abrupt, spasmodic and thoroughless course, which is bound to assert itself, we are afraid, in their rendition. Before this paper has appeared the literary contests shall have taken place. By them let our society members judge their tactics henceforth. To be sure, these programs are going to support some kind of success, but how much better might they not have been had they been subject to a more ap-propriate preparation by harder individual work, more enthusi-astic collective energizing? Who dares set the limit? Within the precincts of each society the indifference of in-. dividuul members to the success of a program of the usual routine order is most exasperating. Every society member is entitled to a performance at certain intervals. Each society member anticipates that privilege when he joins his society. Deny it him and he resists. Henceforth it becomes his duty as well. But at present the inclination to slight this duty and privilege is quite ad extremiun. If a member be posted for an appearance on any particular program, the liability of the actual reality of his presence for the purpose of doing his duty and enjoying his privilege is, in so many cases, quite remote. Nowadays the president of Philo, the president of Phrena never knows, with any degree of certainty, what his program is going to be until rt is over. Indeed sometimes doesn't know if it is going to be at all or not. A member if unable to be present, whether on account of unavoidable circumstances, or on account of an acute indisposition to move aggravated by an attack of voluntary brain inactivity, instead of procuring a substitute, which is certainly the only proper course, simply lets the affair drift until it produces its ruinous effect on some program, whose purpose to please gives way to a decided reactionary effect. When will you realize your duty to yourself and your society, my inactive friend? How will you retrieve your loss? And now, fellow-student, having been made conversant with the facts, will you avail yourself of this offer; this lasting and essential advantage extended to you ? You who are going to 252 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. become ministers and lawyers—will it pay you to wait until you are in the pulpit or before the bar to learn how to handle your faculties, to control your thoughts and temper your actions ? And you, doctor and man of science, can you afford to descry the work because it is beyond your immediate province ? The truth is that whatsoever we be—professional men, business men, or scientific men—we are going to be called upon to per-form certain functions in life because of the significant fact that we are college men. The college man stands in such vast pro-portion to his fellow-men that, with his superior ability, he will be compelled to assume certain obligations within the field of .his active life. Suppose, for instance, you should be asked to make an address, you who are so negligent in society work, at a certain place, after your college days have passed and you are in the great fight of the world whose finish is victory or defeat, or that you are prevailed upon to preside at some meeting, in both of which cases you could positively not escape, unless on the plea of inability, would it not be your sincere desire that your success, in either instance, should be somewhat commen-surate with what would be expected of you, and would it not be of vast humiliation, and even perhaps a check on your ma-terial advancement, to confess inability, or to fail in the under-taking? Such cases as this are not improbable ; on the other hand they are both very probable and almost certain. Prepare now, fellow-student, and escape the penalty of the future. With such conditions at Gettysburg we should try and im-prove. At the same time we may find relief, over against this depicted "depression, in the fact that ours is not the only insti-tution wherein there is a lack of concern for literary discipline. In looking over the magazines of many of our contemporary schools we find, apparently, just as deplorable a situation. In brief, the American college might conveniently stand a "renais-sance." But the fact that an analagous disinterest is prevalent in other colleges should lead us to recognize more fully the greater necessity for a revival. The necessity is becoming a stern one and our duty it is to set in operation causes that will be productive of more satisfying results. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 253 Lastly, the welfare of Gettysburg demands that we get to work. Gettysburg College, we have reason to believe, is on the eve of a new departure. Nothing can long remain inactive. It must either advance or retrograde. For some time our col-lege has been in a state of comparative inactivity, but the spell is bound to be broken, and, judging from recent movements, we may judiciously conclude that the election of a president will soon be assured, and that such a step will be attended with success for Alma Mater. Anticipating such progressiveness, in no place can the student body initiate its expanding interest more appropriately than in literary society work. If we can make our two societies flourish, the influence will be far-reach-ing and the end worth the beginning. A few days ago the writer casually chanced upon the follow-ing : "Without good literary societies a college is certainly not worthy of patronage." This passage clearly defines the merit of the literary society. It is a necessary adjunct to the equip-ment of any institution of learning. Some of our neighboring colleges have valued this importance so highly as to make a certain amount of literary society membership compulsory. Our own school even has provision in its regulations for such membership with an alternative of certain extra work to be provided by the faculty. This rule, however, has not of recent years been subject to a rigorous enforcement, nor do we advo-cate its active operation after years of dormancy. Literary work should be voluntary. The student should find pleasure in it. The reward it offers should be its stimulus. No stu-dent is going to gain much from that into which he is forced. Now, if this work is so superlatively requisite, it certainly is worthy of support. It deserves a proportionate share of our labor. Recognizing the significence of our literary societies, let us upbuild them again, improve them by active work and by performing when called upon to do so. L. A. G. 254 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. CONVERSATION AS AN ART. HARRIET A. MCGILI;, '06. AGROUP of girls were talking about the expected visit of some college students to their town. The first and chief topic of their conversation was that pertinent to dress, and on all sides might be heard the statement, "I must have a new gown made for the occasion." The second, and by no means unim-portant consideration, was, "How shall we feed them; what shall we give them to eat?" This phase of the anticipated event was discussed in many ways, and with a due considera-tion of the fact that the appetite of the average college student is not easily satiated, but craves an abundant variety. After more or less of time had been indulged in this manner, it was suddenly discovered that by far the most attractive and intelli-gent girl in the company had been strangely quiet. She also happened to be of wealthy parentage and it was well known that she could easily afford many new gowns and tender many elaborate parties. " What are you thinking about?" asked her friends, almost in concert. "Why girls," was the reply, "to tell you the truth, I was just pondering as to how to formulate some scheme to put an intellectual edge on my ideas, in order to be able to entertain the boys when they are here with something interesting to talk about." Now, all girls like fine and beautiful dresses, and the elim-ination of hunger from the nature of the guest friend is, by no kind of argument, a meagre consideration, yet, despite these two pending necessities, the quiet girl, who had been thinking of interesting topics for conversation, had, without doubt, the proper conception about entertaining guests. We do not care about addressing statues, no matter how beautiful they may be; we gaze upon them for a while with admiring interest, and then pass on into contact with our liv-ing, breathing fellow-beings, less beautiful, it may be, but cer-tainty more attractive to us. The analogy finds its comple-ment in those persons who exist apparently for the sake of ap- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 255 pcarance; to see and be seen; to attract attention by every device and to pass on their face value. They have no in-dividuality. They may be admired, but never loved, or even scarcely liked by those with whom they come to be associated. Such is the person, for the most part, who is unable to employ the conversational art. The cultivation of conversational abil-ity has suffered by an undivided attention to the superficial. But let such individual recognize the relative importance of conversational power and seek to attain it, and his or her per-sonality will assert itself; vanity will subside. Education is a great factor in advancing conversation as an art. However, it is only a factor; it cannot do all. One must, first of all, be unselfish and amiable, must have a real desire to please, and not have feelings tending to provoke the state-ment: "Well, I have been put here to.talk with this person, and I presume I must make the best of it." Conversation to be worth the time and effort must be a pleasure. To be in-structive it must be conducted with mutual interest. The re-moval of the selfish element is always advantageous. Some people are naturally somewhat bashful or reserved. Such an one the considerate talker will address with careful thought- He will use tact in endeavoring to draw him out, and in having him speak of himself, to a certain extent, his work and aims, friends, and those things which seem to savor of interest for him. Under such circumstances time will pass rapidly for all ■coucerned, and the intellectual intercourse will be thoroughly enjoyed and appreciated. Among the educated conversation certainly flows with great-er ease than among those who have had fewer advantages. It is a fact that, no matter where one lives, who has been well ed-ucated, the world's interests are his interests and, as a result, he is acquainted with those interests. He is more at ease, broad-er- minded than his less fortunate brother, since he has studied about the great deeds of men and has seen " Footprints on the sands of time." All these superiorities assert his greater abil-ity in conversational art. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter Vol. XII GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1904 No. 8 Editor-in-ch ief LYMAN A. GUSS, '04 Exchange Editor M. ROY HAMSHER, '04 Business Manager F. GARMAN MASTERS, '04 Asst. Business Manager A. L. DlELENBECK, '05 Associate Editors JOHN B. BOYER, '04 BRUCE P. COBAUGH, '05 C. EDWIN BUTLER, '05 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. SOME PARTING Upon the appearance of this issue of the WORDS. MERCURY the duties of the present editorial staff and management cease. We have performed the tasks incident to the publication of one volume of this paper and herewith surrender all obligation, together with the good will of the journal, to our successors. During our supervision we have tried to labor with a due sense of the responsibility rest-ing upon us, not only for the continuance of the heretofore es-tablished literary plane of the MERCURY, but for the constant exaltation of its general tone. We have felt strongly the neces-sity of unremitting, vigorous effort in the interest of the charge entrusted to us, and we have made it our particular concern to employ appropriate methods in our work. In short, our aim THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 257 INDIFFERENCE. has been not mediocrity but perfection. To be sure, we have fallen short of this aim, and our ideal has been but imperfectly-realized, yet we feel we have done all possible in our desire to evolve improvement in our college monthly. That our exer-tions have been productive of good results at times we modestly admit, but that they have likewise borne barren fruit is beyond doubt. This lack of what might have been gain under different cir-cumstances is happily explainable, and a brief indulgence in the facts pertaining thereto may avail to remove the exigency henceforth. The first great drawback during the past year has been a manifestation of indifference, or lack of co-operation. This is one reason why the MERCURY has not been as creditable to the college as we conceive it should have been. There has been a general disinterestedness in its pages. Some one may say that there hasn't been such a great deal contained within its covers tending to inspire inter-est. This, we grant, is, in part, true. But, criticising friend, if you would remedy the situation you must set to work on the cause, not the effect. As every subscriber knows, this paper is published by the literary societies of the institution, and in them as publishers it expects to find hearty supporters and loyal contributors. In-stead it has found apparently hearty non-supporters and dis-loyal contributors. True it is that the articles appearing on the MERCURY'S pages from time to time have been mostly written by society men, yet there has been no united effort or obvious interest displayed by either society on behalf of this paper's general improvement. If it succeeds, good; if not, good again. Concern in and for it is dormant, dead. The very fact that it is the organ of the societies should cause every man interested in his society to subscribe for it; should make it the duty of each and every member so to do, but, to the contrary notwithstanding, a great many members of both Philo and Phrena do not take it. They are unaware, one would think, that financial support is absolutely a requisite to the ex- 258 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. istence of a college journal, even if they are deaf to the fact that a large subscription list gives editorial encouragement, and will later stand for merit. But if society men themselves, by general disregard, show no disposition to aid the paper, how can we expect a new initiate to voluntarily sink a dollar in something, which from a fellow" member's action is, according to indications, a losing game; so much of money wasted ? We are not given entirely to pessimism, but inflated optimism cannot long be floated on a stream of adverse conditions. These may seem to be strong statements. So we intend them, and we believe the means justifies the end, and if we hope to continue a monthly strictly creditable to Gettysburg something will have to happen. Therefore, let us take things as they are, and try to adminis-ter an antidote. Show more interest in this paper, member of Philo, member 'of Phrena, then we will seek other means of heightening its influence. It will pay an effort so expended, both in good to the college and individual development. DEARTH OF A second salient cause for non-progressiveness MATERIAL. lies in a deficiency of material, both in quan-tity and in variety. At the present time we are generously thankful to get almost any kind of a contribution. "Anything prints just now" is a sorry statement for the editor of a college magazine. By no means do we propose to disparage the pro-ductions of those who have aided us during the past year with their compositions. To them is due our grateful thanks. The point we wish to make is simply that the staff of such a paper as this purports to be, instead of being compelled to go a-beg-ging, should have some right to choice; instead of being forced to take what it can get, it should have the privilege, to a cer-tain extent at least, of selecting what it wants. When will you give us a chance, fellow student ? And further, we should not only have more than just enough to print in each issue, but some variety. Point out the student and general reader who doesn't tire of the forced essay—that which is produced as so much task work. "Dry as punk," he THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 259' says and flings away the paper containing it, and thereby all that is good therein goes unnoticed and unread. Indeed, some such essays are good and commendable, but they so often lack in spirit and enthusiasm, both of which are necessary traits of a good essay. No student can write anything worth reading on a subject in which he feels no concern. He may draw out a few facts and truths for argument's sake, but that is not the substance of a good literary production. What we need is good, solid, substantial essays to start with, full of life and con-viction, enthused with the personality of the writer. Again, give us something of fiction. This is, indeed, a form of variation of which we feel the sorest need. The short story is a powerful factor in adding to the charm ot a college maga-zine's pages. The creation of a healthy bit of romance is in-vigorating to the reader and beneficial to the author. It relieves the stern ruggedness of a journal otherwise filled, perchance,, with bleak prosaic composition. Fact and fancy will mix to advantage on the pages of the college paper if intermingled in the proper proportion. And, yet more, let us have an occasional poem. Poetry lightens the soul and stirs the reader to better things. We do not reckon upon an outpouring of full-toned poetry akin to that of the masters, but we do find justification in asking for poetic sentiment in verse such as many students are, without doubt, capable of contributing. Our exchanges contain it. Are we so much farther down the scale as to preclude all possibility of anything similar? Surely not. We can have poetry, fiction, and good essays, if you will, fellow-student. FOOD FOR Our monthly can be made better and must be THOUGHT. made better. Remember that to our Alumni and to other colleges this paper is the chief measure by which they judge our literary standard. That standard must always be kept high. A college displaying but meagre literary ability in its representative magazine is certain to feel the disadvan-tageous effects. And, last of all, remember that a paper can always be improved externally as well as internally by making it more attractive and elaborate, and that a full treasury, through 26o THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY the agency of a large subscription list, is the only way to gain this end. The foregoing has been written—a large proportion of its substance not for the first time—we believe, under the impulse of the right motive. Although, as said previously, we are about to relinquish active relations with the MERCURY, we are, under no circumstances, going to cast aside all interest in it. In fact, the contrary shall be the case. Its advancement will be our pleasure, and its prosperity our lasting desire. If you will but co-operate with us, student-friend, and if we let our good inten-tions take the form of material aid, all will be well. The pres-ent stringency will slacken. The MERCURY will improve and we shall indulge a just pride in our college monthly. ^^-^-^ EXCHANGES. THE Touchstone came out in January, clothed in a pretty gray and silver cover. We noticed at the foot of the cover-page—it may have been because of its attractive appear-ance— this sentence: "Published in the interest of Literary Lafayette." A sermon would be forthcoming on a theme which that sentence suggests, were it not for certain suggestions we have previously made concerning "much speaking." We would make that theme—"The Literary College." However, all honor to Lafayette if she is as thoroughly imbued with the literary spirit as she seems to be. There is one note to which most of our exchanges seem to be keyed : the warning of literary en-thusiasm. One comes out with an editorial declaring that at that particular institution literary spirit is dead. Another is continually appealing to the student body for poems and stories and essays. Were the productions of such a magazine as The Georgetown College Jo7irnal less worthy of praise, we might notice that the same group of men are the contributors month after month, and might draw our own conclusions. But we will not preach. Let us pray the oracle to send a great revival of literary spirit (f\ THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 26l upon our colleges, to make them centers of American literature. May the dead come io life again ! From the unassorted heap on our desk, we pick up the Mani-ton Messenger. We are made glad, as we read an announce-ment for the February number. It does not bewail a lack of material, but it announces such interesting subject material for the coming month that one becomes anxious to see next month's issue. We are not quite so pessimistic now. The article in the January number which warrants us in our expectations is a study of the leading character in "The Mer-chant of Venice." The author's interpretation of Shylock, as actuated by love for his persecuted race, places him in a some-what new light. "Side by side with the epithets, the Avarici-ous, and the Avenger, let us place the epithet, the Martyr." In a well-written article on "Panama," a rather partisan view is taken. The story of Herbert Spencer's life, with a statement of his theory, is very clearly shown. There is, however, a lack of the short story, and the poet does not venture to show him-self. Some of the ex-men have been quoting specimens of the college man's poetry. With apologies to the ex-man of the University of Va. Magazine, we quote: "The twilight palls The shadow falls And round me like a massive shawl The night descends." Author unknown. It may be better to lack poetry than to give the poet's Pegassus a chance to roam in such a way. But the magazine which carries something of this nature has at least the credit of having variety. We wish to acknowledge a new exchange, the Brown and White. It is a sprightly paper from Brown Preparatory School, Philadelphia. We wonder what the Dickinsonian might mean in her ex^ change notes, referring to the seven articles in the December number of The Gettysburgian, which is characterized as " a mediocre college weekly." No doubt the printer is at fault. 262 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Last night I held a little hand, So dainty and so neat, Methought my heart would burst with joy So wildly did it beat. No other hand into my heart Could greater solace bring, Than that I held last night, which was Four aces and a king. —Tlie Courant. The author of the following effort is nameless. Perhaps sometime he may come to college, and we can only hope that that time will be soon (for his own good). " The mouth is the front door to the face. It is patriotism's fountain and a tool-chest for pie. Without the mouth the pol-itician would go down to an unhonored grave. It is the gro-cer's friend and the dentist's hope. It has put some men on the rostrum and some in jail. It is temptation's lunch counter when attached to a maiden; tobacco's friend when attached to a man." The Review, edited by the students of Washington College,, has just arrived at our desk for the first time. " Why Brer Rabbit Has No Tail" seems to be an elaborate attempt at dia-lect. There is a tendency with some of the exchanges to arrive at least a month late. The St. Johns Collegian for January is at hand for the first time in several months. The issue, how-ever, is worthy of perusal, and the short story, although not particularly interesting as offered in this issue, unites with the essay to form a well-balanced college paper. The article on " The St. John's Spirit" should stir one's blood for his alma mater. "Spirit of Old-Fashioned Roses," Breathing the air of the spring, Spirit of far-away roses, Sweet as a song you sing. Now in the dusk of the twilight, As evening softly falls, Kiss the farewell of forever, Ere the thought of forever appalls ; Touch his lips gently and sweetly As leaves touch a castle's walls. —The Haverfordian. ma® PATRONIZE Ol'R ADVERTISERS. EAGLE HOTEL Rates $2.00, $2.50 and $3.00 per day. HAS A CAPACITY OF 400 GUESTS —=. FRANK EBERHART, PROP'R. Dealer in F Picture Frames of All Sorts. Repair work done promptly. Wl will also buy or exchange any second-hand furniture 40hanibersburgSt., - GETTYSBURG, PA. Buy Your^^^^s SUMMER SUIT -_A_T-IT FITS. IS STYLISH, LOOKS WELL, WEARS WELL. CLOTHING We mean Hand~TailoPed Ready-to-uuear Nobby Dress Hats, Swell Neckwear, Fancy Shirts, Men's Underwear. YORK, PENN'A. LWatch for his Representative when he visits the College j PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Geo. E. 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Guinea-Bissau (S/2018/110) ; United Nations S/PV.8188 Security Council Seventy-third year 8188th meeting Saturday, 24 February 2018, noon New York Provisional President: Mr. Alotaibi. . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Inchauste Jordán China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Hickey United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-05017 (E) *1805017* S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 2/14 18-05017 The meeting was called to order at 2.10 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. Members of the Council have before them document S/2018/146, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, France, Kuwait, the Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America. I now give the floor to members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): Sweden and Kuwait earlier this week put forward a draft resolution to respond to the desperate calls of the United Nations and the humanitarian community in Syria for a cessation of hostilities for an initial period of 30 days, in order to allow for much-needed humanitarian relief. We have been working intensely with all Council members to operationalize the concrete requests of the United Nations, the humanitarian community and, above, all the civilian population on the ground. We have done our utmost to accommodate Council members' concerns. It is now time for the Council to unanimously shoulder its responsibility and show that meaningful action is possible. The key components in our draft resolution are a nationwide cessation of hostilities for at least 30 days, weekly United Nations humanitarian aid convoys to all areas in need, and immediate emergency medical evacuations. The United Nations convoys and evacuation teams are ready to go. The draft resolution also calls for the immediate lifting of sieges of populated areas, including eastern Ghouta. It reiterates its demand, reminding in particular the Syrian authorities that all parties have an obligation to act in accordance with international law to protect civilians and hospitals and other medical facilities. The draft makes an exception for military operations directed against the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, Al-Qaida, the Al-Nusra Front and other terrorist groups designated by the Security Council. This in no way relieves the parties to the conflict in Syria from upholding their obligations under international law at all times, including the principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. The draft resolution is not a comprehensive peace deal on Syria; its aim is purely humanitarian. There are already ceasefire agreements in force for the areas where fighting has escalated the most. They need to be complied with. There are existing monitoring mechanisms that can be utilized. The role of the Council is to push the parties to the conflict to comply with the proposed cessation of hostilities in order to urgently enable needed alleviation of suffering for the people of Syria. If the draft resolution is adopted today, it can de-escalate violence, save lives, alleviate suffering and break the deadlock on humanitarian access and sieges. Since the first call for a cessation of hostilities, the situation has gotten dramatically worse, particularly in eastern Ghouta, as we have heard from the Secretary- General and from Under-Secretary-General Mark Lowcock. After seven years of war, the situation for innocent civilians in Syria has never been worse. But we have an opportunity to turn things around today to avert the disaster unfolding before our eyes. The draft resolution before the Council represents a resolute and very urgent attempt for the Council to take decisive and meaningful action. Today, we count on each and every member to do the right thing. The President (spoke in Arabic): The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, France, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Russian Federation, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America The President (spoke in Arabic): The draft resolution received 15 votes in favour. The draft resolution has been adopted unanimously as resolution 2401 (2018). 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 3/14 I shall now make a statement in my capacity as representative of Kuwait. I associate myself with the statement just made by the Permanent Representative of Sweden on our behalf. The unanimous adoption today of resolution 2401 (2018), following lengthy and intensive negotiations, demonstrates that the penholders, Kuwait and Sweden, are keen to ensure unanimity on this important humanitarian resolution. The resolution renews hope in the Security Council's ability to be unified and speak in one voice, sending a clear and explicit message that it rejects any violations of the Charter of the United Nations. I wish to thank all Member States that voted in favour of the resolution, which includes key and specific demands in response to the appeals of the international community, the most important of which are as follows. First, it demands that all parties cease fire without delay throughout Syria for a minimum of 30 days. Secondly, it allows the United Nations and its partners to immediately undertake medical evacuations safely and unconditionally. Thirdly, it requires all parties to ensure the unimpeded and safe access of all humanitarian and medical workers. Fourthly, it calls on all parties to lift the siege of populated areas, including eastern Ghouta. We are totally convinced that, while the resolution may not end the humanitarian suffering in Syria at once, it is a positive message that the Council today is solidary and united to end this humanitarian suffering and hostilities right away. The biggest task now is to ensure the implementation of the provisions of the resolution in order to save civilian lives in Syria and deliver their humanitarian needs immediately. The Security Council still has a great deal to do so as to end this tragic crisis in Syria, which is about to complete its seventh year. The resolution that we have adopted today is only an interim solution, as a political solution in Syria is the only way to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the crisis and meet the aspirations of the brotherly Syrian people, in accordance with relevant Security Council resolutions, especially resolution 2254 (2015) and the 2012 Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). The State of Kuwait stresses the importance of reaching an agreement among Council members to prevent any attempt to obstruct a draft resolution aimed at stopping flagrant violations of human rights. Kuwait supports the code of conduct proposed by the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group, whereby Council members would pledge not to obstruct draft resolutions that address crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. We also support the Mexican-French initiative calling on restraint in the use of the veto in the event of serious violations of human rights, based on our commitments to abide by the four Geneva Conventions and their Protocols, international humanitarian law and the outcomes of the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit. We call for engagement on general humanitarian issues, such as the delivery of humanitarian aid, the evacuation of the sick and injured, and humanitarian truce, as procedural issues. In order to prevent the recurrence of such tragedies and the great suffering of humankind, the veto must not be used in such instances. I now resume my functions as President of the Security Council. I give the floor to the other members of the Council that wish to make statements. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I want to thank the penholders, Sweden and Kuwait, for their work, their sacrifice and their time in the negotiations. As we look at the negotiations, I think it is also important that we bring the Council some of the voices of the Syrian people in eastern Ghouta, who have suffered so much while waiting for the Security Council to act. A doctor treating patients in a makeshift hospital described the conditions she is facing: "We are mental and emotional wrecks. There is nothing more we can do. We are bled dry." In a haunting video, the doctor walks into a room with a crying mother as she says, "I am waiting for my son to die. At least he will be free of pain. I was just making bread for him when the roof fell in. He is going straight to heaven. At least in heaven there is food." Another message we received yesterday which I think was relayed to Council members in the closed consultations, but which I think it is important to repeat again — was an emergency call from a doctor in eastern Ghouta, who said: "We have a horrible situation here. We are being targeted with all kinds of weapons, non-stop. We lack everything: water, food, medical supplies, S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 4/14 18-05017 shelter. This is a disaster. Everyone is just waiting to die." Today, the Security Council finally took a step towards addressing these devastating levels of human suffering in Syria. The United States wants nothing more than to see the ceasefire in resolution 2401 (2018) implemented immediately across the country. It is critical that the Al-Assad regime and its allies comply with our demand to stop the assault on eastern Ghouta and immediately allow food and medicine to reach everyone who needs it. All of us on the Council must do our part to press the Al-Assad regime as hard as we can to comply. But we are late to respond to this crisis — very late. On Wednesday, the Secretary-General made an emotional plea for an immediate ceasefire in Syria to allow the very basic necessities to get to the people. Kuwait and Sweden had a version of the resolution ready to go for a vote, but Russia called for a delay. On Thursday, in an effort to stall, Russia called for an open meeting on the humanitarian situation in Syria. At that meeting (S/PV.8186), 14 members of the Council were ready to impose a ceasefire, but Russia obstructed the vote again. And then yesterday, the Council sat around for hours, ready to vote, only to have Russia delay it again. Every minute the Council waited on Russia, the human suffering grew. Getting to a vote became a moral responsibility for everyone, but not for Russia, not for Syria, and not for Iran. I have to ask: why? At least 19 health facilities have been bombed since Sunday. As they dragged out the negotiations, the bombs from Al-Assad's fighter jets continued to fall. In the three days it took us to adopt the resolution, how many mothers lost their kids to the bombing and the shelling? How many more images did we need to see of fathers holding their dead children? All for nothing, because here we are voting for a ceasefire that could have saved lives days ago. And after all of this time, hardly anything has changed in the resolution except a few words and some commas. The Syrian people should not have to die waiting for Russia to organize its instructions from Moscow or to discuss them with the Syrians. Why did the Council allow this? There is no good reason we should not have done this Wednesday, or Thursday, or Friday. We may not know the faces that we are talking about. We may not know their names, or these people, but they know us. And we all failed them this week. I guess there is unity in that. Today, Russia has belatedly decided to join the international consensus and accept the need to call for a ceasefire, but only after trying every possible way to avoid it. The resolution marks a moment of Council unity that we must seize and maintain beyond the 30-day timeframe. We hope that the resolution will be a turning point, where Russia will join us in pushing for a political settlement to this conflict and take action to re-establish real accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Progress starts by adhering to the ceasefire with no excuses. After so many years of defying the Council's demands, the Al-Assad regime must change course. None of us should be so naïve as to accept that the Al-Assad regime can continue indiscriminately bombing schools, hospitals and homes under the fake excuse of "counter-terrorism". Al-Assad's bombing must stop. The ceasefire must be given a chance to work. We look to the Al-Assad regime's backers, especially Russia and Iran, to address what the Secretary-General rightly called a "hell on Earth". All eyes will now be on the Syrian regime, Iran and Russia. Our goal with this resolution is clear. The Al-Assad regime needs to stop its military activities around eastern Ghouta, and for once allow humanitarian access to all of those who need it. We are deeply skeptical that the regime will comply, but we supported the resolution because we must demand nothing less. We owe that to the innocent people of Syria begging for help. In the days to come, our resolve to stand by our demands in the resolution will be tested. All of us must rise to the challenge of maintaining this ceasefire, just as we came together today. All of us must do everything we can to make the demands of the resolution a reality. That is the only way to restore the credibility of the Council. The Syrian people have been waiting long enough. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Following lengthy consultations, during which the overwhelming majority of delegations demonstrated a sincere focus on seeking joint solutions — for which we thank them — the Security Council has unanimously adopted the humanitarian resolution 2401 (2018), on Syria. I wish to particularly thank the penholders, the Permanent Representatives of Kuwait and Sweden, for their tireless efforts 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 5/14 and resolve to reach a compromise up until the very last moment. Russia supports the resolution because it encourages the Syrian parties to work as quickly as possible to bring a halt to the hostilities, comply with previous agreed-on decisions in that regard, engage in negotiations on a general de-escalation and establish extended humanitarian pauses throughout the country. The reason it took us so long to reach agreement on the resolution was because we did not support the directives it included for an immediate cessation of hostilities for a relatively long period, and the reason for that was simply because it was unachievable in that form. A ceasefire would not have happened if we had adopted the directives without any concrete agreement between the warring parties, and any approach so removed from reality would definitely not help to address the pressing humanitarian problems in Syria. It will be crucial to ensure that the Security Council's demands are reinforced by concrete agreements on the ground. It would be naive to think that any of these complicated issues can be resolved overnight. We trust that all the external stakeholders with influence will work to bring that about. We can see that some foreign sponsors of the illegal armed groups have either fallen very short in that regard or have been deliberately flouting their obligations. Russia is working with all the parties to the conflict and doing everything possible to normalize the situation and actively assist the humanitarian efforts. Iran and Turkey, our partners in the Astana process, have taken on a major part of the work, and we are preparing for an important meeting in the Astana format next month. In the southern de-escalation zone a fairly decent level of cooperation has been established with Jordan and the United States, although we have been seeing tension rising in some areas owing to activity by armed groups. The resolution clearly states that it does not apply to military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, Jabhat Al-Nusra, other Al-Qaida-affiliated organizations and various groups that the Security Council has recognized as terrorists. That struggle that will continue. We call on international stakeholders to coordinate closely on this issue, including with the Syrian authorities, and in strict compliance with international law and with respect for Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The goal of combating terrorism must not become a pretext for solving this or that geopolitical issue of dubious legitimacy, which is exactly what the United States is doing in Syria. Instead of being drowned in rhetoric about Russia — and by the way, next time I am going to count the number of times Ambassador Haley mentions my country — what we are insisting on is a prompt end to the occupation-style efforts of the so-called coalition, which, among other things, would have a definite humanitarian impact, enabling the Syrian Government to address the issue of restoring normal life in all the areas that have been liberated from terrorists, including in the north and the east of the country. Closing the coalition's Al-Tanf military base would solve the problem of the internally displaced persons in the Rukban camp. In that connection, we would also like to point out that every effort should be made to deliver aid via the most direct routes, as provided for in the humanitarian resolutions on Syria. It is important that today's resolution calls for speeding up the immediate deployment of humanitarian mine-clearing operations throughout Syria. It also reiterates the demand that all parties demilitarize medical facilities, schools and other civilian infrastructure and refrain from establishing military positions in residential areas, something that the illegal armed groups have frequently been guilty of. The conflict's flashpoints are more clearly identified, and are not limited to eastern Ghouta and Idlib, and that includes Raqqa, which the coalition has laid waste. It also expresses indignation at the militias' shelling of Damascus, in which our Embassy has been hit several times. We know that the humanitarian situation in Syria is dire and in urgent need of effective measures, but we can see perfectly well that the propagandistic picture being painted of eastern Ghouta is identical to the loud campaign in late 2016 during the counter-terrorist operation to liberate eastern Aleppo. We must engage not just with eastern Ghouta, but with Raqqa, Rukban, Foah, Kefraya and Yarmouk. Every area of Syria should get help. The resolution emphasizes the importance of supporting the restoration of stability in the areas that civilians are returning to, which in our view sends an unambiguous message to those capitals that continue to make restoration assistance conditional on a specific transitional direction in the political process. It stipulates that the humanitarian priorities for Syria in 2018 are not limited to Under-Secretary-General Lowcock's five requests. The agenda is far broader. We S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 6/14 18-05017 hope in particular that the specialized United Nations agencies and their partners will be sensitive to requests from the Syrian authorities. In conclusion, I would like to express my deep concern about the public statements by certain United States officials threatening aggression against Syria, a sovereign country. This is a warning that we will not countenance any arbitrary interpretation of the resolution that has just been adopted. We demand an end to this irresponsible and hateful rhetoric. Rather, there should be joint efforts to settle the conflict in Syria on the basis of resolution 2254 (2015). Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): France welcomes the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which demands that a cessation of hostilities be established without delay throughout Syria, in order to enable humanitarian personnel to evacuate the wounded and to gain access to the population. The negotiations were arduous. However, despite their differences in approach, the members of the Security Council managed to prevail in the name of the humanitarian imperative. The resolution is vital in the true meaning of that word, since halting the shelling and evacuating the wounded are matters of life and death for thousands of Syrian people, especially in eastern Ghouta, which has been under siege by the Damascus regime for days. I would like to thank the delegations of Kuwait and Sweden — which introduced the resolution, with our support — for their efforts, perseverance and outstanding work in arriving at a robust text. As by President Macron and the Secretary-General forcefully recalled last Wednesday, it is imperative and urgent to end the shelling of eastern Ghouta, Idlib and the whole of Syrian territory immediately. That was the thrust of yesterday's joint call by President Macron and Chancellor Angela Merkel to President Putin during their demanding and close conversation on the issue. It is also the reason for our vote today. The resolution is the outcome of our concerted efforts, as well as a belated response to the violence unleashed against civilians in eastern Ghouta and elsewhere. Let us make no mistake: a cessation of hostilities for an initial 30 days to enable humanitarian access to meet vital urgent needs is only the very first step. It is the minimal response to the repeated demands of both the United Nations and humanitarian actors, which have been conveyed for months by Council members, in particular by France. It is now up to the regime's supporters to ensure full compliance with the cessation of hostilities without delay and to respond to all requests for access to humanitarian assistance and medical evacuations in accordance with the text we have just adopted. We specifically call on the guarantors of the Astana process to assume their responsibilities and effectively ensure that the Syrian regime immediately cease its hostilities and ensure respect for the basic principles and rules of international humanitarian law and human rights law. It is urgent that humanitarian assistance reach without delay the people who need it. Every minute counts because every minute can lead to the loss of lives. Nothing would be worse than to see this resolution remain a dead letter. That is why France will be extremely vigilant on all those points over the coming hours and days. We all know that a return to stability in Syria is the only way to put a definitive end to the humanitarian crisis, for which a political solution is required. More than ever, therefore, we must redouble our efforts to establish a neutral environment that will enable a credible political process and elections to be held in Syria, as part of the Geneva process and resolution 2254 (2015). France is ready to continue working tirelessly with its partners to that end. As we said yesterday in this forum, the elements for a regional and potentially major international confrontation have coalesced today. That is a risk that must be taken very seriously. We must therefore come together, as we have done today, to put an end to the humanitarian catastrophe under way, prevent a spillover of the conflict and seek an inclusive political solution in Syria. These are three indissociable priorities, and our generation will be judged on whether or not we are able to put an end to the Syrian tragedy. This text is a potentially important step, but it is obviously not the end of the road. Let us be frank: the hardest part has yet to be done. Therefore, on behalf of France, I would like to launch a two-pronged appeal. The first is a call for the resolution to be fully and immediately implemented. We are all aware that pitfalls and obstacles abound. This is a reflection of the extent to which resolute and coordinated engagement by all members of the Security Council is crucial to ensuring that the provisions we have just adopted are implemented on the ground without delay. To put it even more clearly: if we do not put all our resources 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 7/14 and energy behind the full implementation of this resolution, we know that it will not work. Above all, that applies to Russia and the Astana guarantors. The second call is to use this truce as leverage to put an end to the spiral of violence in the Syrian tragedy and create positive momentum towards an inclusive political settlement in Syria. That must be our common ambition. There is a glimmer of hope today in that regard. Let us seize this fragile moment to begin to reverse the course of events, despite the magnitude of the difficulties ahead. As the Council knows, France is fully committed to that goal. Mr. Hickey (United Kingdom): The United Kingdom welcomes the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). In particular, we applaud your work, Mr. President, together with Sweden, as co-penholders. But this is not a moment for self-congratulation. It has taken us far too long to agree this resolution. While we have been arguing over commas, Al-Assad's planes have been killing more civilians in their homes and in their hospitals, imposing unbearable suffering. Despite the amount of time we have spent in this Chamber over many years discussing the devastating humanitarian crisis, we have still not been able to achieve the peace and security that the Syrian people so desperately need. As the conflict enters its eighth year, the situation in eastern Ghouta and elsewhere in the country is far worse than we ever thought imaginable. The barbarity and depravity of the Al-Assad regime shows no limits. We must never lose sight of the fact that the pictures we see and the stories we hear from this comfortable Chamber are the agonizing reality for hundreds of thousands of civilians — for men, women and children who are being forced to eke out an existence underground to avoid being killed by a regime that commits daily atrocities against its own people. I have heard some say that the information about the situation in eastern Ghouta is propaganda. A doctor in eastern Ghouta, having heard such comments, said this morning: "Amid the chaos and the bombs, it is the not being believed that almost hurts the most. We are dying here every day. And when people say that they do not believe us, that is pain upon pain." This is not propaganda. It is a living hell for hundreds of thousands of residents of eastern Ghouta. As we have repeated many times, the intentional and systematic targeting of civilians and civilian objects not only violates international humanitarian law, it is a war crime. The United Kingdom will be unrelenting in our campaign to ensure accountability. By having voted in favour of the resolution today, we are standing up and saying that we will not stand by and let this happen. In the face of escalating violence, devastation and suffering, we must all now take practical steps to improve the situation for those living and dying in a hell of one man's making. The resolution demonstrates our resolve to put a stop to the brutal violence. It demands that all parties cease hostilities without delay. That means right now, immediately. The role and responsibility of the Council does not end with the adoption of this resolution, quite the opposite. All States Members of the United Nations, but particularly Council members, must now take responsibility for ensuring that the resolution is implemented in full, without delay. The resolution calls for the Council to review its implementation within 15 days, but we must all be active in supporting and monitoring implementation from the moment we step out of the Chamber. If we see any of the parties violating the terms of the resolution, we must bring it back to the Council immediately. Those with any influence over the Syrian regime — Russia, Iran — have a particular responsibility to ensure that the ceasefire is respected in full and without delay, that all sieges are ended and that humanitarian aid is delivered. This is the absolute minimum that the people of Syria deserve. As much as we welcome the adoption of this resolution today, it is only a small step. Just as one aid convoy in three months to a besieged area cannot even begin to address the humanitarian crisis, one resolution alone cannot solve the situation in Syria. We must do everything in our collective power to ensure that this resolution is effective in delivering for those whom we have failed to date. We must all send a clear message to the Al-Assad regime: abandon your attempt to pursue a military strategy, stop fighting and engage seriously in United Nations-led political talks in Geneva. In conclusion, let me reiterate the words of my Foreign Secretary. The entire world is looking at the Al-Assad regime, Russia and Iran. They hold the keys not only to the end of this obscene conflict, but to the safety, humanitarian aid and basic medical treatment S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 8/14 18-05017 that is being denied to millions of people right now in Syria. For the mother giving birth underground in eastern Ghouta, for the child unable to learn as schools are closed for yet another day, for the doctor battling air strikes to treat patients in Idlib — all of us sitting here today owe it to the people of Syria to work together with renewed and unyielding energy to achieve a political solution that will bring peace to the Syrian people. Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): The recent escalation of conflict in the affected areas of Syria has caught the attention of the international community. We acutely feel the suffering of the Syrian people as if it were inflicted upon us. China condemns all acts of violence that target civilians and civilian property and destroy innocent lives. China welcomes the Security Council's unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which is the result of Council members' patient consultation and hard work to find consensus. The resolution includes positive elements such as calling for respect for Syria's sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity; demanding a cessation of hostilities by all parties; easing the humanitarian situation in Syria; supporting mine action throughout Syria; and continuing to combat terrorism. As an active party to the consultation process, China made unflagging efforts and played a constructive role in facilitating consensus-building in the Council. China appreciates that, thanks to the concerted efforts of all parties concerned, the Council arrived at a solution that reflects the broadest possible consensus among Council members. I would like in particular to thank Kuwait and Sweden, as co-penholders of the resolution, for their tireless efforts. By speaking with one voice on the humanitarian situation in Syria, the Security Council is helping to alleviate the situation as a whole, helping to consolidate the momentum towards a ceasefire, contributing to counter-terrorism efforts in the country and serving the overarching objective of arriving at a political settlement of the Syrian issue. Going forward, the international community should work together to ensure the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), so that it can play a positive role in improving the humanitarian situation in Syria. The only way to fundamentally improve the humanitarian situation in Syria and to lift the people of Syria out of their suffering is to find a political settlement. The international community should support the Syrian parties in seeking a swift solution that is acceptable to all parties in the context of a United Nations mediation through a Syrian-owned and -led political process in order to end the suffering of the Syrian people as soon as possible. China is keen for the Council to remain united and forge consensus on the Syrian issue. The Council must push the Syrian parties to consolidate the momentum towards a ceasefire, strengthen cooperation on combating terrorist groups, advance the process towards a political settlement and play a constructive role in maintaining peace and security in Syria and across the region. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): The delegation of Kazakhstan voted in favour of resolution 2401 (2018), on the cessation of hostilities in Syria. I express my gratitude to the co-penholders — Sweden and Kuwait — for their determined efforts to find common ground among the Security Council members. I also thank the members of the Council for their constructive approach towards the resolution, which has many significant provisions. The position of Kazakhstan is very consistent — that stability in the Middle East can be achieved by reducing violence for peaceful means and avoiding the emergence of new tensions. In the past few days, Heads of State and Government from around the world have called on the Syrian Government to observe human rights and on both sides to exercise restraint. Simultaneously, external incitement that fuels tension should stop immediately so that it does not endanger regional security. We see a Security Council united today in demanding that all parties cease hostilities without delay. We now expect all countries that exercise influence on the ground and conduct military campaigns against international terrorist groups in Syria to interact and find common ground for fighting terrorism jointly, while taking practical steps to implement the resolution. Kazakhstan calls on all forces that support an early settlement of the Syrian conflict, including the Government of Syria and the armed opposition, to fully comply with the ceasefire regime and the resolution. All the parties must ensure safe and unhindered access for humanitarian assistance to reach the affected areas, as well as the evacuation of people in need of medical assistance. The Foreign Minister of Kazakhstan hopes that his colleagues — the Foreign Ministers of the guarantor States of the Astana process — will take additional constructive steps to strictly implement the 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 9/14 ceasefire agreements and support the de-escalation zones in Syria, at the meeting scheduled to take place in the capital of Kazakhstan in mid-March or earlier, if need be. These were difficult, but successful, deliberations. We should all work collectively to find a peaceful solution. The unity shown today in the Security Council should continue, since we have yet a lot to accomplish in Syria and elsewhere. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): On Wednesday, during the high-level debate on the Charter of the United Nations, I quoted one of the founding fathers of the United Nations, Ambassador Stettinius (see S/PV.8185). He said that the members of the Security Council had the obligation to agree so that the Council may be able to act and act effectively. Today we finally managed to agree to end the atrocious violence in eastern Ghouta; to end attacks against hospitals; and to end the killing of innocent civilians, including women and children. The Kingdom of the Netherlands welcomes the unanimous adoption of this crucial resolution — resolution 2401 (2018). Let me thank the co-penholders in particular — Kuwait and Sweden — for their tireless efforts and skilled diplomatic work. We pay tribute to them. Today we have a resolution, now we need to see action on the ground. All United Nations States Members have an obligation to make sure that the words of the resolution are implemented without delay. The Syrian authorities in particular have a specific responsibility towards their own people. The resolution means that all parties must cease hostilities without delay. All parties must engage immediately for a sustainable and durable humanitarian pause of at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria to enable the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services and to enable medical evacuations of the critically sick and wounded, in accordance with applicable international law. The implementation of the resolution means the cessation of hostilities, the delivery of humanitarian aid and urgent medical evacuations. It is a first step in the right direction, but much more is needed — a political solution, accountability and the return of refugees. The Council should remain seized of the matter and closely monitor the implementation of the resolution, starting today. The Council should reconvene without delay if the situation demands it. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): We highly commend the work of Sweden and Kuwait as co-penholders on the humanitarian resolution for Syria — resolution 2401 (2018) — who did their best to accommodate the concerns of all Security Council members. On Wednesday I stressed that it is the Council's responsibility to not fail in stopping the ongoing human tragedy in Syria, and in eastern Ghouta in particular (see S/PV.8185). Today we have managed to reach compromise and adopt the resolution by consensus. I would like to thank all my colleagues for their very constructive attitude. However, the innocent people of Syria have waited far too long for that. Now, all of the parties, especially those with influence on the ground, must make every effort to implement it. In that context, we reiterate our call on all sides to comply with international humanitarian law, cease all hostilities against civilians and allow for free humanitarian access. In conclusion, it is not only our legal obligation to act now, but also our moral duty. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): Following the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), I take the floor on behalf of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, whose Government closely followed the whole process leading up to its successful conclusion with the unanimous adoption of this humanitarian resolution. At the outset, I pay a well-deserved tribute to the penholders, Kuwait and Sweden, for all their efforts, patience and dedication to the goal of drafting a resolution that was ultimately deserving of a favourable vote. We commend the unanimous support of the elected members for the penholders throughout the duration of that process. In Spanish, it is often said that "it is never too late if the outcome is good". This positive outcome is the result of the contributions of all members of the Council, to which we extend our gratitude and commend for the fruitful end. What lies ahead now is the effective implementation of the provisions of the resolution with a view to achieving the objective the Security Council has set out to achieve, namely, an immediate ceasefire throughout Syria in order to facilitate the safe, unhindered and sustainable delivery S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 10/14 18-05017 of humanitarian aid, services and medical evacuations of all severely injured and ill persons. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea energetically calls on all parties, the United Nations and those involved in the devastating conflict to do everything possible towards the noble end of saving human lives and alleviating the suffering that has been endured far too long by the people. The adoption of the resolution partially spares all members of the Security Council from embarrassment. We will save ourselves completely from that shame if the ceasefire takes effect in the next few hours and if humanitarian aid and medical care begin to reach the affected persons over the upcoming days. Mr. Inchauste Jordán (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): Seven years have elapsed since the beginning of this war, and the suffering of the Syrian people continues to worsen. The numerous human lives lost in recent weeks add to the more than 500,000 lost since the beginning of the conflict. We believe that while military tactics prevail over a political solution, there can be no lasting peace, and consequently it will be civilians, especially women and children, who will continue to be subjected to unnecessary suffering. For that reason, we commend the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), and hope that its timely and effective implementation will help to alleviate the suffering of the Syrian people. My delegation underscores and commends the arduous work undertaken by the penholders. The delegations of Sweden and Kuwait have demonstrated strong leadership and resolve up to the very last moment to reach an agreement. Similarly, we wish to acknowledge the effort and commitment shown by the Russian Federation and the parties involved, as well as all members of the Security Council during the negotiation process. In recent days, my delegation has expressed its position on the matter at hand, and today we do so once again. Consensus and unity within the Security Council are pivotal if we are to improve the humanitarian situation in Syria, which is why we commend the consensus reached today. We reiterate that there can be no military solution to the situation and that the only way forward is through inclusive political dialogue. We thefaffirm our support for the Geneva process and the achievements made in Astana, of which the agreements must be upheld by all parties. Moreover, we have high expectations that the various forums of dialogue, such as the Sochi dialogue, can contribute to the achievement of a final and lasting peace. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We welcome the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) on the humanitarian situation in Syria. We voted in favour because we believe that the resolution can make a positive difference on the ground in the alleviation of the continued tragedy of the Syrians. Having discussed the severe humanitarian crisis in Syria almost weekly, it was clear that what was required from the Council was concrete and collective action that would contribute to alleviating the intolerable suffering of Syrians in all areas of the country. We are pleased that the Council has acted and sent the right message to bring about a cessation of hostilities that will allow the United Nations and its humanitarian partners to have safe, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access to deliver the much-needed humanitarian assistance to all Syrians in need. I wish to express our sincere appreciation to the delegations of Kuwait and Sweden, which effectively and efficiently led the process of negotiations. We all know that it was not an easy task, but they did excellent work in accommodating the concerns of all delegations with a high sense of responsibility and patience. We also thank all delegations for their flexibility during the negotiation process. We hope that the positive spirit that led the Council to adopt the resolution will prevail, not only in ensuring its effective implementation, but also in laying the bases for greater mutual understanding among all those with enormous influence over developments in Syria, whether in the humanitarian or political and security domains. We know, given the realities, that this is a tall order. One matter needs to be stressed on this occasion. The security situation in Syria is perhaps more complicated today than it has ever been over the past few years. We should not overlook the fact that the source of the humanitarian tragedy that we see today is the result of the difficult political and security situation in the country. We trust that all those, including those whom Ambassador Delattre referred to, will continue to play a role in contributing to the creation of the basis for progress in the peace process. That is extremely critical for ensuring that the humanitarian tragedy is Syria is brought to an end. We can only hope that what the Council has achieved today will lay the basis for averting an even greater humanitarian tragedy in Syria. 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 11/14 Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We wish to thank you, Mr. President, and your team, as well as the Permanent Representative of Sweden and his team, for the tireless efforts made to achieve this important consensus, and we also thank the members of the Council for their flexibility. This commitment will allow for an immediate cessation of hostilities in Syria and the urgent and necessary provision of humanitarian assistance. We underscore the need to maintain unity within the Council in terms of its responsibilities to protect the civilian population, in accordance with international law and international humanitarian law. Peru, a sponsor of resolution 2401 (2017), which we have just adopted, will closely monitor its urgent implementation and compliance therewith by all parties involved. We wish to express our sorrow concerning and solidarity with the victims of the conflict in Syria, and our support and admiration for the United Nations humanitarian workers and those of other agencies deployed on the ground. We hope that the important step that we have taken today will help to achieve a lasting solution to the Syrian conflict in line with resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): Côte d'Ivoire, as a sponsor of resolution 2401 (2017), which we have just adopted and which is purely humanitarian in nature, commends its initiators, namely, your country, Mr. President, and Sweden. It welcomes the adoption of the resolution, which demands the cessation without delay of hostilities. This demand on the part of the Council must be upheld by all actors on every battlefield in Syria. Côte d'Ivoire also welcomes the efforts undertaken by all parties to arrive at a consensus within the Council. It thanks in particular the Russian Federation for its spirit of compromise. The contribution made by all parties to the adoption of the resolution is aimed at saving the Syrian people from the horrific war plaguing that country, which is imperilling the lives of thousands of human beings, specifically civilians, including women and children. Côte d'Ivoire remains convinced that only a definitive end to the Syrian conflict through negotiations can enable all Syrians to restore peace, achieve reconciliation and rebuild their country, with a view to relaunching its economic and social development. We hope that the 30-day truce demanded by the Council will be the beginning of a process that will bring peace to Syria on the basis of the relevant conclusions and recommendations of all negotiations held in Astana, Sochi and Geneva concerning the country. The President (spoke in Arabic): I now call on the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): Over the past two days, 10 of the thousands of missiles that have fallen on the Syrian capital landed on the headquarters of the Red Crescent in Damascus, the main headquarters of the Syrian Red Crescent, in the Abu Ramani neighbourhood of Damascus. Those missiles were launched by the moderate armed groups in Al-Ghouta. Thousands of people died, including Dr. Hassan, a professor at the Technological Health Institute in Damascus. A French colleague and friend, Thierry Mariani, said: (spoke in French) "Like hundreds of others over the past five years, Dr. Hassan Haj Hassan was killed by shells fired from Ghouta on Damascus by these moderate rebels. Those dead and are not entitled to media compassion; they are on the wrong side of history. When will there be balanced coverage?" (spoke in Arabic) This French citizen accurately described the suffering of the Syrian people as a result of the launching by terrorists of missiles against Damascus. He had visited Aleppo in 2017, and as he was leaving Free Syrian Army gangs fired rockets at the airport. Luckily he was not hurt, but since then the Aleppo airport has been closed because it is unsafe. Also. the head of the Syrian Red Crescent in Idlib, Dr. Muhammad Al-Waty, was kidnapped by moderate armed groups. My colleague the Permanent Representative of France said that we must observe a truce, and I agree with him. However, I think that we also need to implement the 29 other Security Council resolutions on the situation in Syria, of which 13 relate to the fight against terrorism. We need not only a month-long cessation of hostilities; we also need to see the implementation of the 29 other resolutions that the Council has adopted. My colleague the British Ambassador told us horrific stories that he heard from other people. Perhaps S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 12/14 18-05017 he has not heard about what the British forces have done in Iraq, Palestine and Libya. The British Government went to the Malvinas and fought Argentina for an island that it does not own and that is situated tens of thousands of kilometres away from the United Kingdom. However, I say to my British colleague that his Government — and I am not using the term "regime", because I respect international law — is preventing us from countering terrorism in our own territories. We are not going thousands of kilometres away, we have not been fighting in other countries. It is in our own territories that we are combating terrorism — terrorism that is supported by the Government of the United Kingdom. During the meeting on Thursday (see S/PV.8186), I explained the reality of what is happening in Syria — the suffering of civilians as a result of the actions of armed terrorist groups. I assure members once again that the Government of the Syrian Arab Republic has taken all the de-escalation initiatives seriously and has observed them so as to protect the lives of its citizens and to stop those who have been trading in their pain and blood. In that regard, I note that the Syrian Government has complied with the Astana agreement on establishing de-escalation zones and stipulated a number of commitments, including compelling the signatory armed groups to sever any ties they have with terrorist organizations, especially the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and the Al-Nusra Front and all other affiliated groups. At the same time, the Astana agreement gave the Syrian Government the right to respond in case of any violations by those armed groups. It was not at all surprising to us that those terrorist armed groups would not comply with any of those initiatives, but would use them as an opportunity to reorganize their forces and their terrorist fighters, acquire more arms, military equipment, human and logistical support and perpetuate their crimes against the Syrian people. They are receiving instructions from certain States members of the Council, as well as regional actors that are practicing State terrorism to ensure the obstruction and failure of those initiatives and agreements. Since the signing of the agreement on the establishment of de-escalation zones, these armed groups have systematically violated it. In responding to the violations, the Syrian Government has exercised extreme self-restraint to protect the lives of civilians and salvage the agreement that terrorist armed groups and the countries that sponsor them have been trying to obstruct since the moment of signing it. However, these violations have become repeated and serious and have affected the lives of 8 million civilians living in the capital, Damascus, and its suburbs. Attacks have been waged by launching rockets and missiles and using car bombs, with Syrian military sites being targeted. All this has led to an unbearable situation that we cannot condone. As a State, we bear a responsibility towards our citizens and we have a sovereign right to counter terrorism. We are also receiving repeated appeals from Syrian citizens for protection — their families, their children, their schools — from the acts of these terrorist armed groups In the light of these violations and terrorist acts, the Syrian Government has had to take the necessary steps to protect its citizens. We exercised our legitimate right to defend them. At the same time, we have taken all the steps necessary to ensure the safety of the civilians who have been taken hostage by these groups and used as human shields inside eastern Ghouta. In cooperation with our Russian friends, we also ensured the safe passage of civilians out of danger from 4 to 14 February. We have provided shelter and food and necessary medical care. The Government has paid for all that assistance. We have called upon armed groups to lay down their weapons and stop their terrorism from residential places and neighbourhoods, and instead engage in national reconciliation initiatives. Of course, the appeals of 8 million Syrians do not reach the Secretariat or the representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom and France, although they receive appeals from their proxies — terrorist armed groups and White Helmet terrorists, the new legitimate representative of the Al-Nusra Front. It seems that these countries decided today to replace the black flags of ISIL and Al-Qaida with white flags in Iraq and the White Helmets in Syria. We are therefore done with using the black colour; we are using the white colour now, white flags in Iraq and White Helmets in Syria. According to General Assembly resolution 46/182, which we all negotiated and reached consensus on, the basic principle that governs the delivery of humanitarian aid is respect for the sovereignty of the country concerned as well as coordinating with it fully in any activity in which the United Nations is engaged on the territory of the country in question. However, such principles lose all value when they are 24/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8188 18-05017 13/14 subject to the political whims and double standards of the Secretariat and some more influential countries, particularly when it comes to implementing them in Syria. How else can we explain that some countries submit draft resolutions on the situation in Syria and negotiate them for many weeks with all actors, but excluding the country concerned? This is what I asked the day before yesterday. How do we explain that the Resident Coordinator in Damascus sends a note to the Syrian Foreign Ministry on 14 February stressing that the aid convoys reached 2.3 million Syrians in the so-called besieged and hard-to-reach areas in 2017, while the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs presented completely false figures yesterday to tarnish the image of the Syrian Government and to give Western countries in the Security Council justification for targeting the Syrian Government and its partners? The Resident Coordinator said that aid had reached 2.3 million Syrians. But just two days ago, Mr. Lowcock said that aid had reached only 20,000 people. Along with some members of the Council, we have said repeatedly over the past seven years that to end the suffering of civilians in Syria we do not need non-consensual draft resolutions, nor do we need to adopt new resolutions or hold regular or emergency meetings. We do not need to deplete United Nations resources to prepare periodic reports that rely on unreliable sources. We do not need to establish a committee here and a body there. We need to implement the 29 — now 30 — Security Council resolutions that have been adopted; it is quite a coincidence that by adopting resolution 2401 (2018) today we have reached 30 resolutions. These resolutions should be implemented. The Governments of some countries should stop spending billions of dollars to support and finance armed terrorist groups and provide them with arms. The latest we have heard is that the United States of America has allocated $4 billion to ublically fund the terrorists in Syria. Those countries must stop opening their borders and airports to facilitate the flow of terrorist fighters to Syria. They must allow the Syrian people to shape its future and restore its security and stability without any foreign interference. You said, Mr. President, that the Council rejects anything that violates the purposes and principles of the Charter. Yes, this is very precise. You called also for the implementation of today's resolution in all parts of Syria, which is how we interpret this resolution in Damascus. Resolution 2401 (2018) must be implemented in all parts of Syria, including Afrin, United States-occupied areas and the Golan. In addition, let me make it clear that the Governments of the United States of America, the United Kingdom and France and their enablers in the region should stop holding meetings in Washington, D.C., Paris and London, establishing groups, bodies or forums and devising what they refer to as strategic plans reminiscent of colonial times. Following a meeting in Washington, D.C., they announced that they had drafted a plan to divide Syria within a year — I am just recounting what they said. The strategic plans contained in the document adopted in Washington, D.C., are aimed at dividing Syria, changing its political system by force, spreading terrorism and maintaining an illegitimate military presence in our territories. I say to my colleague the Permanent Representative of the United States, who threatened us here at the Council a while ago and no one has responded to her, that none of the plans will succeed; they will backfire sooner or later. According to Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, my country has the right to defend itself with all of the legal tools available. A United States occupying military presence exists in our territories, and we have the right to resist it. The representative of the United States has threatened us. We, in turn, give her a warning from this Chamber because, according to Article 51 of the Charter, we have the right to defend ourselves. We again stress that double standards will continue to mar international efforts to counter terrorism as long as there is a partial approach to addressing the threat of armed groups in Syria. Some members of the Council claim that they are concerned about an area controlled by terrorist armed groups in eastern Ghouta. The size of that area is 50 square kilometres. They continue to ignore three illegally occupied Syrian territories covering 50,000 square kilometres. They focus on 50 square kilometres and ignore an area of 50,000 square kilometres, of American, Turkish and Israeli occupation. That simple comparison reflects the political hypocrisy of some Member States, and the inaction of the Security Council and of other bodies of the United Nations, as the Organization succumbs to the political and financial polarization that has become the main feature of its working methods. S/PV.8188 The situation in the Middle East 24/02/2018 14/14 18-05017 In conclusion, we will continue, with the support our allies, to counter terrorism regardless of where it exists in Syria — I repeat, regardless of where it exists in Syria. We are exercising our sovereign right of self-defence and a constitutional right in our territory and within our national borders. We do not send forces to conquer areas thousands of kilometres away, as the so-called illegitimate international coalition does in my country, Syria, today. We do not follow the example of French forces in Mali, the Niger and other African countries, or of the United States and United Kingdom in Afghanistan, Libya today and Iraq previously. We defend ourselves and counter terrorism within our borders. We did not go to Mali, the Niger or the Malvinas. We need serious commitment from Governments that issue instructions to armed terrorist groups. The groups should be given orders to immediately stop targeting civilians and perpetrating terrorist acts — I repeat immediately and without delay, as the resolution stipulates. I stress that the Syrian Government will reserve the right to respond as it deems appropriate if such groups target civilians in any part of Syria with even a single missile. I take it that we all understand that paragraph 1 of resolution 2401 (2018) also applies to the aggression of Turkish forces in Afrin and the repeated acts of aggression by the international coalition against my country's sovereignty and territories. Of course, resolution 2401 (2018) applies also to the continuous violations by Israeli occupation forces against Syria's sovereignty, by supporting terrorist factions in the occupied Syrian Golan. That is how we interpret the resolution just adopted by the Council. The meeting rose at 3.35 p.m.

Using the universe of all externally issued bonds by corporates and sovereigns in emerging and developing economies during 2000-14, this paper analyzes various issuance trends, including the unprecedented post-crisis surge. The paper focuses on external issuance at the country-industry and individual bond levels and finds that global factors matter greatly for emerging and developing economies issuance. A decrease in U.S. expected equity market (or interest rate) volatility, U.S. corporate credit spreads, and U.S. interbank funding costs and an increase in the Federal Reserve's balance sheet (i) raise the odds that the monthly issuance volume of a country-industry is above its historical average; (ii) decrease individual bond yields and spreads; and (iii) raise bond maturities, after controlling for country pull factors, bond characteristics (for example, type of issuer, industry, and riskiness). Additionally, we document support that the risk-taking channel of exchange rate appreciation also operates for external bond issuance. Moreover, while the paper finds that country pull factors affect the impact of global factors, it does not find consistent evidence for this across the board. This result suggests that, during loose global funding conditions, flows are mostly driven by push factors and do not systematically discriminate between emerging and developing economies. Taken together, the findings suggest that although issuers might be able to benefit from benign international funding conditions, the large issuance volumes, currency risks, and high exposure to global factors could pose external and domestic challenges for policy makers, particularly when global cycles reverse.

Tanzania continues to stand out as a model of sound economic performance in the African continent, with a growth rate of over six per cent in 2011 and 2012, surpassing other regional economies and demonstrating impressive resilience to the global economic crisis. This is the second issue of the Tanzania economic update series. The series aim to engage a broad audience in a discussion of the state of the economy in general, as well as in specific debates of topical importance in Tanzania. The current issue seeks to get the discussion going on how to achieve the structural transformation of the rural economy so that rural households can also benefit from the country's remarkable growth performance.

The economy continues to recover with most sectors rebounding strongly from the sharp drop in output late 2008 and early 2009. Preliminary estimates suggest that real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew by 6.1 percent year-on-year in 2010, following an outturn of minus 1.3 percent in 2009. However, winter arrived in Mongolia with the agriculture sector still feeling the impact from last year's dzud. The sector has now experienced double-digit contractions for the third quarter in a row. The exchange rate against the US dollar has been slowly appreciating back to the pre-crisis level. In December 2010, the average monthly exchange rate against the US$ appreciated by 3.0 percent, compared to the previous month, or 15 percent compared to December 2009. The latest survey conducted in informal labor markets in December 2010 revealed a reduction in number of casual workers by about 40 percent compared to September due to the seasonal closure of construction labor markets, and reduced outdoor sales activities due to cold weather. Mongolia has made significant progress in improving budget transparency, but there is still considerable room for improvement. Finally, although Mongolia's laws are easily accessible online and court processes are generally impartial and transparent, the predictability of court decisions is limited and the courts, enforcement and registration agencies are often perceived as corrupt by the public.