Suchergebnisse

Die Herausgeberinnen reagieren mit ihrem Band "Aesthetic Labour" auf eine von ihnen proklamierte Ex- und Intensivierung der "Beauty Pressures" auf Frauen, die in neoliberal aktualisierten Schönheitspolitiken spezifisch subjektiviert werden. Sie versammeln 21 Aufsätze von mehr als 21 Forscherinnen, die verschiedene Aspekte der global vorherrschenden "Beauty Politics" in sozial- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Forschungen beleuchten. Der Band ist in drei Teile aufgeteilt: I. "Aesthetic Labouring", II. "Risk, Work and (Post)Feminist Beauty", III. "Empowerment, Confidence and Subjectivity". In der sehr guten Einleitung erläutern Elias, Gill und Scharff ihren Ansatz, den sie zugleich in den Kontext neuer und historischer feministischer Forschungen stellen. Sie fokussieren mit der "Appearance" ein altes Thema feministisch-kritischer Forschung, konturieren dieses jedoch mit den drei Begrifflichkeiten 1.) "Neoliberalism", und dessen unaufhörlicher Anrufung unternehmerischer, sich selbst optimierender Subjekte (S. 5); 2.) "Work/Labour", welche die Arbeit am, den Konsum für das gute Aussehen im Job wie im Privaten, und die Arbeit in der Beauty-Industrie adressierbar machen; diesen Begriffen, die die kapitalismuskritische Herangehensweise anzeigen, wird 3.) eine "Psychosocial Perspective" beigestellt, welche die Verschränkung von Subjekt(ivität) und Kultur beschreibbar macht und ermöglicht, nicht lediglich auf die Arbeit am physischen, sondern auch am psychischen Leben einzugehen. Z. B. beobachten Elias et al.: Die Forderung nach Qualitäten wie "confidence, happiness and authenticity" hat Konjunktur (S. 5). Dem werden in Teil III des Bandes vier Aufsätze gewidmet: Sarah Banet-Weiser setzt sich mit 'Empowerment' als Werbestrategie auseinander, die sich bei großen Kosmetikmarken ebenso wie bei erfolgreichen "Beauty Vloggers", die in ihren Tutorials Kosmetika verkaufen, findet. Ihre einleuchtende Schlussfolgerung: Diese Form von Selbstbewusstsein empowert unternehmerische, nicht feministische Subjekte (S. 280). Laura Favaro beobachtet in ihrem Aufsatz "Confidence Chic as Neoliberal Governmentality" die Normalisierung des Mangels an Selbstbewusstsein in Frauenzeitschriften. Dabei würden Selbstliebe und Selbsthass gleichermaßen zur Aufgabe und Schuld der individualisierten Frauen selbst erklärt (vgl. S. 286). Betitelt mit einem Zitat aus einem russischen Selbsthilfebuch für junge, gut situierte Frauen "The Bottom Line Is That the Problem Is You" analysieren Maria Adamson und Suvi Salmenniemi die widersprüchliche Anforderung an hetero Frauen, selbstbewusst statt klammernd zu sein, jedoch keinesfalls "too independent", um hetero Männer nicht zu verschrecken (S. 309). Rachel Wood bringt ihre Analyse der zeitgenössischen Sexratgeber der Frauenzeitschrift Cosmopolitan auf den entlarvenden Punkt: "What must be achieved is the successful embodiment of 'body confidence'" (S. 323) – eine Verkörperung, die durch Konsum und die 'richtige Einstellung' erreicht werden soll. Diese Analyse, die "confidence" als Teil neoliberaler ästhetisierter Arbeit am Selbst begreift, verdankt sich der Konzeptualisierung des "Postfeminismus", die maßgeblich von und in Anschluss an die Herausgeberin Gill sowie Angela McRobbie erarbeitet worden ist. Der Postfeminismus, der Teile feministischer Politik aufgreift, während insbesondere die feministisch und ökonomiekritisch politisierenden Teile abgewickelt werden, wird von den Herausgeberinnen als "Key Term" für feministische Forschung ausgewiesen (S. 24), und mit Gill als eine transnational zirkulierende Sensibilität begriffen (ebd.). "Postfeminismus" bezeichnet also eine gegenderte Form des Neoliberalismus, die es kritisch zu analysieren gilt (S. 24f). Beinahe alle der vorliegenden Aufsätze argumentieren mit dieser Analyse neoliberaler Anrufungen weiblicher Subjekte, was stets einleuchtend ist, doch teils redundant wird. Besonders hervorzuheben ist die detaillierte Differenzierungs- und Historisierungsarbeit, welche die Herausgeberinnen in ihrer Einleitung bezüglich widerstreitender feministischer Positionen und Ansätze leisten. Sie bietet einen eindrücklichen Überblick über den Forschungsstand. Teil III des Bandes schließt mit drei weiteren Aufsätzen, die unter dem Stichwort "Subjectivity" firmieren. Rachel O'Neil beschäftigt sich mit "The Aesthetics of Sexual Discontent" wie sie in der "Community-Industry" (S. 335) der sogenannten Pick-up-Artists (PuAs) geäußert werden. Die normative Unzufriedenheit der Frauen mit ihren Körpern wird, so zeigt O'Neil anhand ihrer Interviews, auch von heterosexuellen Männern übernommen – sie fordern normative ästhetische Arbeit ein und sind unzufrieden mit den Körpern ihrer 'Freundinnen', die für PuAs ökonomistisch bewertete Beute und keine Partnerinnen sind (S. 344f). Amy Shields Dobson et al. beschäftigen sich mit FGCS - "Female Genital Cosmetic Surgery" in Australien. In der Analyse ihrer qualitativen Interviews arbeiten sie heraus, dass Frauen ihre Entscheidung für die Schönheits-OP ihrer Genitalien damit rechtfertigen, dass sie diese "nur für sich", unabhängig von ihren Partnern getroffen hätten. Die Autorinnen stellen die interessante Frage, was die psychischen Kosten eines solchen neoliberalen Selbstverständnisses sind, das konstant die relationalen Bezüge ausblenden soll (S. 363). Im letzten Aufsatz des Bandes analysiert Dana Kaplan anhand eines populären Bildbands wie sich die Anforderungen an die flexible und dennoch berechenbare Arbeitnehmer_in in Israel in einen spezifischen Style übersetzen: den Sinn für die eigene Singularität, die Fähigkeit (modisch) mit der Zeit zu gehen und zugleich, 'sich treu zu bleiben' (S. 380). Teil II des Bandes füllen die Themen Risiko, Arbeit und (post)feministische Schönheit. Simidele Dosekun bezeichnet das Schönheitshandeln nigerianischer Frauen, die sich 'hyperfeminin' stylen als 'risk-management' (S. 174). Da die Praktiken (Gelnägel, falsche Wimpern etc.) nachhaltig schaden können, werden z. B. Pausen eingelegt, um den Körper erneut für das risikoreiche Styling bereit zu machen. Dosekun begreift dies sehr überzeugend mit Lauren Berlants Begriff des 'cruel optmism', ermöglicht diese Praxis doch das Festhalten an "cruel feminine attachments" (S. 175). Laurie Oullette beschreibt die "Glamourisation of Beauty Service Work in Media Culture" in den USA. Der Dienstleistungssektor wird als Ort 'kreativer Selbstverwirklichung' von "Topstylisten", die in Reality-TV Shows strahlen, aufgewertet. Dies jedoch auf Kosten solidarisch-politischer Kämpfe für bessere Arbeitsbedingungen (S. 183-198). Shirley Anne Tate fokussiert in ihrem Aufsatz "Skin: Post-feminist Bleaching Culture and the Political Vulnerability of Blackness" auf die ökonomisch-politischen Dimensionen der Rassifizierung von dunkler Haut in der "pigmentocracy" (S. 200). Sie kritisiert die Psychopathologisierung des Bleachings, wenn sie lediglich durch individualistische Selbstliebe und Schwarze Authentizitätsvorstellungen bekämpft wird. Stattdessen erklärt sie erstaunlicherweise das Bleaching zur politischen Praxis, die auf die, sonst unsichtbar bleibende weiße Suprematie aufmerksam mache (S. 210). Monika Sengul-Jones setzt sich mit der "Gendered and Racialised Aesthetic Labour on Online Freelance Marketplaces" auseinander. Aus Interviews mit sechs Freelancerinnen aus den USA, Europa und Indien, arbeitet sie die ästhetischen Anforderungen an die selbständigen Unternehmerinnen heraus, die vor allem auf online Präsenzen fokussieren (S. 215-230). Um eine ähnliche Fragestellung geht es bei Ngaire Donaghue, die "'academic style' blogs" aus GB untersucht, in denen junge Akademikerinnen über ihr, teils frustrierend zu lesendes, Problem sprechen, ihre Lust an femininer Kleidung mit ihrem Wunsch als Feministinnen erkannt zu werden, in Einklang zu bringen. Donaghue bemerkt, dass in den Blogs eine inhaltliche Auseinandersetzung mit der älteren feministischen Kritik an femininer Kleidung fehle, was eine gute Antwort auf das scheinbare Dilemma des lustvollen und/oder feministischen Stylings ist (S. 231-247). Teil II schließt mit einem Gespräch, das Shilpa Phadke mit indischen Müttern über feministische Mutterschaft führt. Die Frauen navigieren durch ein Meer widersprüchlicher Anforderungen zwischen Feminismus und Mainstream, Anpassung und Widerstand – der Vorwurf eine 'schlechte' Mutter zu sein erfolgt dabei in jedem Fall. Phadke betont dem entgegnend das 'Wir' feministischer Mutterschaft als Teil der kollektiven Bewegung, statt individualisiertes Problem (S. 260). Teil I des Bandes versammelt neben der Einleitung sieben Aufsätze zum Themenfeld "Aesthetic Labouring". Michelle M. analysiert Werbungen in Frauen- und Modezeitschriften aus Singapur für japanische Marken, aus Großbritannien und den USA, die Kosmetikprodukte als "Seriously Girly Fun!" bewerben. Lazar bemerkt wie darin Schönheitshandeln zur spielerischen und feminin-natürlichen Freizeitbeschäftigung verklärt, d. h. die (Konsum-)Arbeit daran verschleiert wird (S. 56). Virginia Braun wiedererfindet die Geschichte über den Kunstkritiker Ruskin, der im 19. Jahrhundert die schöne Effie heiratete, jedoch mutmaßlich aus Ekel vor ihrer behaarten, statt wie in Kunstwerken marmorglatten Vulva, nie die Ehe vollzog (S. 68). Brauns Effie von 2016 rasiert selbstverständlich ihre Schamhaare und unterzieht sich, da ihr Mann den Sex verweigert, einer chirurgischen Schamlippenverkleinerung. Braun schafft es in einer Imitation von Klatschmagazin und Socialmedia-Posts aktuelle ästhetische Normen für Vulven zu veranschaulichen und sie mit jenen des 19. Jahrhunderts zu kontrastieren. Sie schließt mit der Erkenntnis: "the contemporary western vulva and the vulva of the nineteenth century are ontologically different objects." (S. 78). Breanne Fahs geht mithilfe qualitativer Interviews den "Regulatory Politics of Disgust" nach (S. 84). Sie begreift dabei den Ekel als "powerful social regulator" (S. 91). Einen angemessenen Ekel gegenüber dem nicht korrekt bearbeiteten fetten, behaarten oder menstruierenden Körper zu verspüren wird von Fahs als moralische Anforderung an das neoliberale Subjekt ausgewiesen (vgl. S. 94), das dadurch individualisiert und zur Arbeit am (ästhetischen) Körper angehalten wird. Der Aufsatz von Sara De Benedictis und Shani Orgad beschäftigt sich mit zwei popkulturellen Präsentationen von "middle-class 'stay-at-Home Mothers'" und den vermittelten Anforderungen an begehrenswerte, erfolgreiche Weiblichkeit und Mutterschaft. Die Beispiele sind Jools Oliver (Ehefrau des englischen Fernsehkochs Jamie) und Bridget Jones, Helen Fieldings Romanfigur, die im analysierten Roman alleinerziehende Mutter ist. Benedictis und Orgad schließen mit der Beobachtung, dass beide Figuren – die attraktive Jools, der alles leicht von der Hand geht ebenso wie die schusselige Bridget, deren Tollpatschigkeit über die Tatsächlichkeit der Über/Anforderungen hinwegtäuscht – die Reproduktions-Arbeit verschleiern (S. 114). Jie Yang setzt sich mit der Carearbeit im Dienstleistungssektor der "Wellness Industry in China" auseinander. Die Ganzheitlichkeit der traditionellen chinesischen Medizin ergreift auch die Dienstleisterinnen, die sowohl ihre Arbeitskraft als auch in Ausstrahlung, Körperform und Liebenswürdigkeit ihr Produkt – die Wellness – verkaufen müssen, um erfolgreich zu sein (S. 117-132). Adrienne Evans und Sarah Riley nehmen die "Entrepreneural Practices of Becoming a Doll" in den Blick. Zu "Puppen" werden junge Frauen aus postsowjetischen Staaten, die mit Clips, in denen sie sich wie Puppen oder Disneyprinzessinnen schminken unternehmerischen Erfolg erzielen (wollen). Dabei bewegen sie sich zwischen der neoliberalen Anforderung ein "authentisches Selbst" zu performieren und der absoluten Selbstkommodifizierung, was eine unheimliche "Zombie-Weiblichkeit" erzeuge (S. 144 f). Scarlett Brown setzt sich in ihrer autobiographischen Forschung mit "Aesthetic Labour in Academia" auseinander. Sie analysiert die ästhetisierten Regeln der akademischen Professionalität und die Beschämung und Disziplinierung, die durch Verhaltensregeln und Kleidung ausgeübt werden (S. 158). Der Band ermöglicht einen Einblick in diverse, internationale Aspekte neoliberaler Schönheitspolitiken. Die durchgehend feministische Perspektive, mit einem genauen Gespür für Gouvernementalität und Postfeminismus ist sehr gewinnbringend. Ein kleines Manko entsteht mit der Beschränkung auf Zweigeschlechtlichkeit. Insgesamt ist der Band jedoch sehr gelungen und sei insbesondere jenen empfohlen, die an der Existenz von "Beauty Pressures" zweifeln.

Violence against women is a universal epidemic. It does not discriminate between age, income, ethnicity or religion. One in three women worldwide will experience violence in their lifetime. Despite the monolithic universality of the problem at the global level, the lived experience of being violently abused in the workplace, public spaces or the home is intensely personal. This tension between the particularity of local manifestations of violence against women and the overwhelming prevalence of the issue worldwide confounds traditional aid interventions. Navigating between the local and the global provokes questions about management and governance in aid. Should development be 'top-down' or 'bottom-up'? How can local custom and tradition be reconciled with a 'universal' human rights approach to aid? How do we target an individual's specific encounter with violence, while developing models of aid and assistance that can be replicated on a wider scale? This report seeks to determine how comprehensive the nascent UN Women Safe Cities for Women and Girls Global Programme (2008-2015) will be in addressing key factors contributing to gender-based violence in urban settlements. The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative (as an intervention representative of the Global Programme) is examined through the conceptual lens of governance, focusing on those aspects pertinent to the Global Safe Cities Programme: human security, spatial governmentality, active citizenship and multi-stakeholder aid interventions. The Safe Cities Global Programme is a promising initiative born from successful, smaller 'Safe City' interventions in Latin America and the Caribbean. Its approach to reducing violence against women and girls in urban areas is holistic and recognizes how gender intersects with all areas of human development; ending violence against women and girls is viewed in relation to women's increased access to decision-making, economic opportunity and basic social services such as education, health and sanitation. The Global Programme will be piloted in five cities: Port Moresby (Papua New Guinea), Kigali (Rwanda), Quito (Ecuador), New Delhi (India) and Cairo (Egypt). The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative is a timely intervention into the situation of women in Papua New Guinea. Violence, poor governance and corruption have plagued the country since its Independence from an Australian-administered UN Trusteeship in 1975. Although rich in natural resources, Papua New Guinea has experienced little economic growth and its citizens suffer from the poverty of opportunities the country offers. Yet Papua New Guinea is at the cusp of a period of potentially radical change. The threat of the raskol gangs, which terrorized Port Moresby in the 1980s, has diminished and the current government includes leaders committed to promoting gender equality and bringing about social reform. Given the extent to which genderbased violence is often embedded in a culture or society, any intervention seeking to target the issue requires significant backing from the relevant government. 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' hopes to capitalize on this period of trustworthy leadership in the government. Additionally, Port Moresby will benefit from the discovery of significant deposits of Liquid Natural Gas in the region and the construction of the Exxon Mobil pipeline to Australia, with increased infrastructure already being built, greater employment opportunities available and substantial foreign financial investment in the country. 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' seeks to capitalize on this opportunity for social and economic change. The programme uses two marketplaces as entry-points for reducing violence against women in the city and promoting women's active citizenship through their empowerment in the markets. Still, there are gaps in the initiative. Understanding 'women's rights' as 'human rights' requires that 'women's insecurity' also be viewed as a broader concern of 'human insecurity'. Although the Global Programme is a holistic model, acknowledging how gender issues intersect with all areas of human development, it needs to expand its definition of violence in order to recognize the diversity of violence experienced by women. The Impact Evaluation module proposed for the 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' programme does not sufficiently account for women's experiences of structural and psychological violence, which are enacted over long periods of time and resist quantitative analysis. Inadequate infrastructure such as poor lighting, roads, buildings and a lack of cheap overnight accommodation and storage near marketplaces contribute to a hostile urban environment for citizens and women in particular. While 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' aims to improve market infrastructure, it fails to address the needs of rural women participating in the urban informal economy and the risks they face in order to do so. The marketplace does not exist in isolation. It is necessary to acknowledge the relationship between urban and rural environments and how the poverty of rural women forces their participation in the urban informal economy. Additionally, the Global Programme focuses on the prevention of violence rather than the provision of support for victims. Yet this focus is at odds with the initiative's framework of women's active citizenship. In line with the Global Programme's holistic approach to reducing violence against women, the establishment of safe houses for victims should be included as a key component of the model, with the aim of providing support to women disempowered by their experiences of violence. A major component of the Global Programme is its high level of engagement with civil society. The need to engage civil society organizations for effective aid and development work is widely acknowledged. Multistakeholder interventions allow for a variety of actors to collaborate on a shared issue, fostering local to global networks, knowledge-sharing and a comprehensive approach to aid and development. Given the numerous actors involved in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women', it is crucial that the programme develop a long-term strategy for maintaining strong and sustainable working relationships between stakeholders throughoutanticipated transitional periods, such as local elections in 2012. The 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' pilot initiative is an exciting opportunity for increased Australian participation in the struggle to end violence against women and girls in Melanesia. Already the primary donor to Papua New Guinea, Australia is committed to being involved in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women', although to what extent is unclear. The Port Moresby programme is lacking reliable and long-term core funding and would benefit from direct financial investment from AusAID. However, Australian involvement in 'Port Moresby: A Safer City for Women' requires that AusAID improve on current work practice in relation to civil society. Despite a long history of using Papua New Guinean churches, in particular, and other civil society organizations as service providers, AusAID is yet to articulate a clear strategy for engaging with civil society. Participation in a multi-stakeholder intervention of this sort demands that AusAID's policy on working with civil society organizations be transparent and formally established. Given AusAID's intention to make ending violence against women and girls a strategic priority in their aid and development work and their lack of any significant action on this objective to date, it is recommended that AusAID adopt the Safe Cities Free of Violence for Women and Girls Global Programme as a framework for aid interventions targeting violence against women and girls in the Pacific region. Despite gaps in the initiative, the nascent Global Programme is a promising venture that should lead to a significant reduction in violence against women and girls in urban areas within a short timeframe.

In den letzten Jahren sind zahlreiche Monographien und Anthologien veröffentlicht worden, die den Anspruch verfolgen, die sozialen Medien im Web 2.0 einer umfassenden Medien- und Kulturanalyse zu unterziehen. Sowohl das Web 1.0 als auch das Web 2.0 wurden als sozial relevante Medienumbrüche der Internetkultur verstanden. In dieser Periodisierung des Internets wurde oft ein richtungsweisender Indikator zur Bestimmung des gesellschaftlichen Wandels in Aussicht gestellt. In diesem Zusammenhang wurde in der einschlägigen Literatur die Vernetzung abwechselnd als diagnostisches Merkmal von gesellschaftlichen Transformationsprozessen, politischen Machtverschiebungen, ökonomischen Produktionsverhältnissen, Subjektivierung, digitaler Arbeit, Überwachung und Kontrolle, interaktiver Wertschöpfung oder medienkulturellen Konvergenzen beschrieben. Auch José van Dijck versucht in ihrer im Jahr 2013 bei Oxford University Press publizierten Monographie mit dem Titel The Culture of Connectivity. A Critical History of Social Media den Stellenwert der netzbasierten Plattformen in Bezug auf die Genese und die Formation gesellschaftlicher Ordnungen auszudeuten und gliedert dabei ihren vielversprechenden Analyseansatz in zwei methodologische Perspektiven. Sie untersucht erstens die kulturellen Auswirkungen des technisch-infrastrukturellen Enviroments der sozialen Medien und versucht die dabei entstandenen Veränderungen zeitdiagnostisch zu fassen. Darauf aufbauend entwickelt sie zweitens innovative Methodenansätze, um die Ökonomisierung des Social Net sowohl kritisch-reflektierend als auch aus historischer Perspektive zu thematisieren. In den ersten beiden Kapiteln ihres Buches beschäftigt sich die Amsterdamer Professorin für digitale Medienkultur mit der Kultur der Konnektivität und thematisiert den Stellenwert der sozialen Netzwerkseiten bei der Konstruktion vernetzter Gesellschaften. Dabei geht sie der These nach, inwiefern Konnektivität und Kollektivität aus dem Medienumbruch der digitalen Vernetzung hergeleitet werden können. In diesem Sinne spielen die Vernetzungsmedien eine konstituierende Rolle bei der Bildung von Macht und treten folglich als eine Ermöglichungsmacht auf, deren Entstehung sie in der jüngeren Geschichte der digitalen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien verortet. Die digitalen Netzmedien haben nach van Dijck eine Ermöglichungsmacht in dem Sinne, dass sie den Kollektivitäten im Social Web die medial bedingte Fähigkeit verleihen, sich auf eine bestimmte Weise plural, anonym, widerständig zu verhalten. In konziser Rezeption der Software Studies, der Surveillance Studies und der Governmentality Studies schlägt die Autorin eine wissens-, medien- und machtanalytische Perspektivierung der Social Media vor und bettet die Teilphänomene der Social Media in eine kulturanthropologische Metatheorie digitaler Sozialität ein. Konkret betrachtet sie die sich vernetzende Gesellschaft als einen Effekt der Verfahren, Möglichkeiten und Modalitäten der digitalen Vernetzungsmedien. Im ersten Kapitel "Engineering Sociality in a Culture of Connectivity" untersucht sie den Wechsel von der networked communication zur platformed sociality und kritisiert die in den sozialen Medien und den Portalen der Human Clouds vorherrschende Verwertungslogik der kollektiven Intelligenz, die grosso modo dem der Spieltheorie entlehnten Axiom der kollektiven Rationalität folgt, das davon ausgeht, dass kollektive rationale Lösungen auch die Summe des Einzelnutzens aller vorhandenen Spieler maximieren. Im zweiten Kapitel "Disassembling Platforms, Reassembling Sociality" versucht die Autorin, ihr Modell, das heißt ein Ökosystem konnektiver Medien (S. 18), auf techno-kulturelle und sozioökonomische Verhältnisse zu beziehen und vertritt die These, dass soziale Medien gegenwärtig zu einer primären Informationsbeschaffungs- und Wertschöpfungsquelle geworden sind, auf deren Grundlage individuelle Entscheidungen getroffen und kollektive Aktivitäten ermöglicht werde. Generell vermeidet sie aber eine technikdeterministische Position, sondern fragt immer auch nach der Strukturierung, Formierung und Kodierung von Sozialität – das sind praxisnahe Begriffe, die sie stets als einen offenen Prozess einführt und versteht. Ihre Auseinandersetzung mit der rezenten und einschlägigen Literatur eignet sich hervorragend als Einstieg in den Gegenstand und bietet Studierenden eine gute Gelegenheit, sich mit den relevanten Frage- und Problemstellungen der Social Media Studies vertraut zu machen. Der Vorteil der leserfreundlichen Kompilation hat aber andererseits den Nachteil, dass sie selbst keinen eigenständigen, originellen Ansatz ausbilden kann. Die theoretische Rahmung der Case Studies (Kapitel 3–7) bleibt zusammenfassend und kumulativ und vermag kein theoretisches Alleinstellungsmerkmal auszubilden. Auch die versprochene historische Perspektivierung der sozialen Medien kann den bereits gegebenen Forschungsstand nicht überwinden und erarbeitet weder neues Material noch ist sie in der Lage, eine vielsprechende neue Kritikperspektive auf die angesprochene "Kultur der Konnektivität" zu entwickeln. In ihren Case Studies der Kapitel 3 bis 7 konzentriert sich die Autorin auf die allgemein-verbindlichen Entwicklungen und Spannungsverhältnisse der technisch-sozialen Ökosysteme: Sie untersucht die sozial wirksamen Online-Plattformen Facebook, Twitter, Flickr, YouTube und Wikipedia und versucht in ihren Analysen die medienspezifischen Transformationen von sozialer Kommunikation herauszuarbeiten. Jedes Kapitel beginnt mit einer Einführung, um das jeweilige soziale Medium in seiner spezifischen Medialität zu kennzeichnen. Im Argumentationsgang versucht sie, die sozialen Imperative der jeweiligen Medienumwelten pointiert und kenntnisreich in sozialkritischen Theorieangeboten zu verorten. In diesem Zusammenhang untersucht sie etwa die Trends und Entwicklungen von Konformität und geteilten Normen bei Facebook, den strategischen Zusammenhang von Partizipation, Konnektivität und Kommerz auf Flickr, die Widersprüchlichkeit zwischen Demokratie und Bürokratie auf Wikipedia und die Kommerzialisierung der Bewegtbildinhalte auf der Videoplattform YouTube. Der gemeinsame Nenner der differenzierenden Aufarbeitung der unterschiedlichen Online-Plattformen besteht in der Entwicklung einer theoretisch fundierten Kritikperspektive, die über bereits bekannte Thesen hinausgeht. Die Stärke des Buches liegt in seiner theoretischen Anschlussfähigkeit. Es versucht, die Theorieangebote der kritischen Diskursanalyse, der Culture Studies und der Machtanalytik auf die digitalen Ökosysteme zu übertragen, um eine Art politische Medienwissenschaft der sozialen Medien zu etablieren. Dieser kritisch-historisierende Ansatz ist mehr oder weniger gelungen, auch wenn kritisch eingeräumt werden muss, dass die von Dijck vorgelegte digitale Gesellschaftsdiagnose oft zu verallgemeinernd, vage und essentialistisch formuliert wird und dabei die kritische Schärfung des untersuchenden Blicks aus den Augen verliert. Auch der 2013 veröffentlichte Band Collaborative Media. Production, Consumption, and Design Interventions der beiden schwedischen Medienwissenschaftler Jonas Löwgren und Bo Reimer versucht, Social Media in einem breiteren gesellschaftskulturellen Kontext zu verorten. Die Gliederung ihrer Arbeit ist sachlogisch, verständlich und aussagekräftig. Die einzelnen Kapitel stehen zueinander und zum Thema in einem klaren Zusammenhang. Auch die Methodenwahl wird konzise begründet und entspricht der leitenden Fragestellung. Im Zentrum ihrer Argumentation steht die Frage nach der kollaborativen Wirkungsmacht der sozialen Medien, die sie sozial schichten und dem Sozialen per se, den gesellschaftlichen Institutionen und den Formen der sozialen Tribalisierung zuordnen. Dabei verfolgen sie die grundlegende These, dass soziale Medien immer auch Navigationsräume darstellen, die qua Nutzung zur Implementierung eigenständiger und oft unkontrollierter Aneignungsweisen offen stehen. In enger Anknüpfung an die technologieorientierten Interface Studies interpretieren sie die digitalen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien als eine rechner- und softwarebasierte Ermöglichungsmacht kollektiver Praktiken, die weite Bereiche unseres Alltagslebens dominieren. In der theoretischen Einfassung kollektiver Prozesse im Internet sehen sie im dritten Kapitel ("Researching Collaborative Media") die algorithmischen Standards, Normen und Protokolle als eine vermittelnde Instanz zwischen den kulturellen Praktiken und der technischen Infrastruktur an. In der Tradition medienmaterialistischer Ansätze und vor dem Theoriehintergrund der Science and Technology Studies fragen die beiden Autoren nach dem Stellenwert von kollektiven Schrift-, Sprach-, Bild- und Gedächtnissystemen, die von Programmen, Datenverarbeitungen und Datenbanken kooperativ produziert, prozessiert und analysiert werden und ununterbrochen neue Möglichkeiten und Wahrscheinlichkeiten hervorbringen, die mithilfe unterschiedlicher Algorithmen berechnet und statistisch vermittelt werden können (S. 43). Dabei wird Software immer als ein historischer Wissensbestand verstanden, der seine eigene Geschichte aufweist und somit nicht nur technologischen Normen und Standards unterliegt, sondern ebenso sozialen, institutionellen und kulturellen Rahmenbedingungen. Die Prädikatisierung der Software als sozial konstituierende Macht bleibt aber begrenzt von der Umsicht, dass Geschichte nicht lückenlos geplant, sondern in unterschiedlichen sozialen Räumen und Kontexten nur als ein offener Prozess verstanden werden kann. Mit dieser Intervention eröffnen sie den zweiten Teil ihrer Arbeit und das vierte Kapitel "Collaborative Media and Society" (S. 47–68), welches den Zusammenhang von kollaborativen Medien und sozialen Dynamiken als offene Entwicklung untersucht. In Analogie zur Offenheit und Dynamik verteilter Netze entwerfen sie im abschließenden Kapitel "Insights and Conclusion" eine Denkfigur der Kollektivität, die sich konstitutiv der Identifizierung und der Repräsentation entzieht. Dieses Fehlen von Bestimmbarkeit wird von ihnen nicht zwingend als ein Mangel an Repräsentation aufgefasst, der sich positiv aufheben ließe, sondern als kritisches Potential, das zur Destrukturierung der Struktur der Zugehörigkeit selbst verwendet werden könne. Diese hochgradige Affinität zwischen der Topologie der verteilten Netze und der Machtfrage legt den Schluss nahe, dass die Machtanalyse der neuen Kollektivitäten der Gegenwartsgesellschaft immer auch eine Beschäftigung mit den Technologien der Vernetzung erfordert. Wenn die Interfacekultur und die Software-Architektur als konstitutive Bauteile der Figurationen von Machtbeziehungen geltend gemacht werden können, dann kann genuin von einer informationsästhetischen Verfasstheit von Kollektivität ausgegangen werden, "to characterize a design-oriented mode of knowledge production, integrating analysis and intervention in collaborative media research" (S. 43). Kollektivität kann in dieser Sichtweise als Machtnetz angesehen werden, das immer zugleich sozial und technisch verfasst ist. Bei dieser Denkfigur wird der freie und ungehemmte Fluss von Informationen durch die Zirkulation von freien und ungebundenen Inhalten und Diskursen überlagert und eine Strukturähnlichkeit zwischen dem Technologischen und dem Politischen in den Raum gestellt. In dieser Sichtweise sind menschliche und nicht-menschliche Akteure weder ontologisch noch methodologisch unterscheidbar: Beide sind Produkte von Relationen und Effekte von Netzwerkverbindungen. Mit dieser Perspektive kann die vorschnelle Hypothesenbildung, wonach Technologien soziale Praktiken einfach so 'konstituieren' würden, vermieden werden. Die Sichtbarmachung der Wissensprozesse und -prozeduren der sozialen Medien steht also vor der Herausforderung, das Verhältnis von Wissen, Technologie und Kollektivbildung nicht nur methodologisch, sondern auch methodisch näher zu bestimmen, ohne es dabei als deterministisches Zwangsverhältnis festzulegen. Der Begriff der "digitalen Kollektivität" (S. 69)verweist also darauf, dass Kollektivität vermittels der sozialen Medien im Web 2.0 konstituiert wird und dadurch überhaupt erst wahrnehmbar gemacht wird. Die technische Konstitution der Ein- und Ausschlussprozeduren digitaler Kollektivität findet sich sowohl grundlegend in den Anwendungsschichten als auch in der Schichtenarchitektur des Internets. Die für die nicht-hierarchischen und dezentralen Anwendungsarchitektur verantwortlichen TCP/IP-Protokolle basieren aber durchaus auf hierarchischen Ordnungsstrukturen, welche die Nutzung eindimensional machen und sich von daher immer auch im Spannungsfeld von flexibler Distribution und hierarchischer Restrukturierung verorten lassen können (S. 99). In dieser Hinsicht arbeiten die Autoren heraus, dass visuelle Navigationsräume nur vordergründig als herrschaftsfrei aufgefasst werden können, vielmehr schaffen sie eine Struktur der performativen Wirkmächtigkeit und der indirekten Kontrolle des Interaction Design in plattformspezifischen Medienökologien, wenn sie Nutzer "anrufen" und für eine kollektivierende "Interpellation" sorgen (S. 133). Die grafischen Navigationsräume der sozialen Netzwerke bilden ihrer Ansicht nach Merkmale der Orientierung und der Zugehörigkeit aus, welche die Mitglieder der Communities miteinander teilen. Als gemeinsam geteilte Kommunikationsformen migrieren die Anwendungen in das kollektive Gedächtnis und werden schließlich zum wiedererkennbaren Bilder- und Symbolvorrat, auf welchen sich die Mitglieder von virtuellen Gemeinschaften im Kommunikationsalltag beziehen, um sich untereinander auszutauschen (S. 161). In dieser Hinsicht stellen Löwgren und Reimer eine forschungspolitisch vielversprechende Überlagerung von Technologie, Medien und sozialer Nutzung in Aussicht und erarbeiten damit in ihrer Argumentation eine strategische Aufwertung des Interface Design, das als kultureller Apparat die politischen, sozialen und ökonomischen Dynamiken des Web 2.0 zu regulieren vermag. Beide Bücher beschäftigen sich mit den digitalen Vernetzungskulturen an der Schnittstelle von Online-Plattformen und mobilen Medien und sind gelungene Beispiele für eine produktive Zusammenführung von kulturalistischer und medienmaterialistischer Perspektive. Sie verstehen die Sozial- und Kulturanalyse von Nutzungspraktiken und die Medienarchäologie von digitaler Kommunikation nicht als unüberwindbaren Gegensatz, sondern als Chance, einen (längst fälligen) Perspektivwechsel auf neue theoretische Herausforderungen zu eröffnen.

For many years, Sweden has had a reputation for having a comprehensive and women friendly welfare state. However, as in many other European countries during the past few decades, the organization and governing of welfare has undergone profound changes. Through interviews with social workers and the application of theories of governmentality, this thesis analyzes the expressions and consequences of such current organization and governing. One result is that the introduction of meticulous documentation practices of social workers contact with clients, regulate their interaction and constitute a control over both client and social worker. Another result is that the current organization fragments labor and awards more authority to managers, which functions to produce loyalty to the organization and management, rather than clients. This is expressed in demands not to voice protest, as it is said to create a bad mood. It is also expressed in demands to spend as little as possible on clients; short duration of treatment, preference for outpatient treatment and by making it difficult to receive financial support. This austerity is legitimized through the intermeshing of different ideals; budget awareness, evidence that supports short and outpatient treatment and that clients in order to change their course of life should to be allowed or coerced into taking individual responsibility. Another important finding is that the current governing and organization of social work produce distance and detachment, and thus discourage caring subjects. This is a complex process in which an assemblage of different techniques and rationalities undermines the cultivation of a relationship between social worker and client. 1) The ideal of evidence-based practice favors rigid methods over a flexible and holistic approach. 2) Ideals of rationality, closely connected to notions of masculinity and professionalism, value objectivity and devalue and deter the surfacing of emotions. 3) Meticulous practices of documentation reduce the amount of time available to meet clients. 4) Ideals and particular methods designed to promote individual responsibility in clients legitimize social workers distancing themselves from clients' dependency and needs. 5) A division of labor, in either assessment or treatment, reduces time spent with clients for those who work with assessment and ultimately engage in the rationing of resources. 6) Standardized digital templates, installed to aid in assessments, regulate and proceduralize interactions with the client. 7) Austerity, heavy workloads, individualized responsibility and stress further accentuate distance, as detachment becomes a means to cope with arduous working conditions. The transformation of social work described above produces alienation and a fragmentation of social workers' collective subjects. Simultaneously, an ethos of caring makes some social workers work extra hard to provide for clients, which ultimately covers for flaws in the system. Although such an ethos of caring allows for the further exploitation of social workers, it is also understood as a means of resistance, which in turn also forms the basis for organized resistance. ; Sverige har ett internationellt rykte för att ha en omfattande och kvinnovänlig välfärd. Även om riktigheten i en sådan uppfattning sedan länge ifrågasatts har på senare år, likt i många andra Europeiska länder, det svenska välfärdssystemet genomgått en omfattande förändring i avseende på dess räckvidd, men också dess organisering och styrning. Fokus för denna studie är just denna organisering och styrning, och mer specifikt, hur detta påverkar ett av välfärdens kanske mest centrala område: socialt arbete. Genom att intervjua socialarbetare undersöks i denna studie uttryck för och konsekvenser av en sådan förändring, bland annat genom att undersöka hur könsbundna föreställningar och förväntningar är sammanflätade med det sociala arbetets organisering och styrning. I studien konstateras att socialarbetare erfar att deras arbete genomgått omfattande förändringar, vilket kopplas ihop med både organiseringen och styrningen av det sociala arbetet. Detta uttrycks både i de ideal som kringgärdar arbetet men också i dominerande arbetssätt. En sådan förändring är införandet av omfattande dokumentationsprocedurer av socialarbetarens arbete och kontakt med klienter, vilket medför att kontakten med klienterna blir ytligare. Dokumentationsprocedurerna utgör också en sorts kontroll av både klienterna och socialarbetarna själva. En annan förändring som konstateras är att nya organisationsmodeller och en förändrad ledarskapskultur skapar förväntningar på socialarbetarna att vara lojala med organisationen och ledningen snarare än klienterna. Bland annat utrycks detta genom förväntningar att inte protestera och skapa dålig stämning på arbetsplatsen, men också genom uttalade krav att spendera så lite resurser som möjligt på klienterna; korta behandlingstider, öppenvårdsalternativ och orimligt hårda krav för att få ekonomiskt bistånd. Detta legitimeras genom sammanväxningen av flera olika ideal; budgetmedvetenhet, att klienter inte mår bra av långa institutionsvistelser, men också att klienterna ska tillåtas eller bör tvingas att klara att sig själva. Ett av studiens huvudresultat är att den nuvarande organiseringen och styrningen av socialt arbete skapar avstånd och likgiltighet. Genom flera sammankopplade ideal och arbetssätt styrs dagens socialarbetare till att bry sig mindre om de klienter de möter. På så sätt undermineras förutsättningarna för framväxten av en djup relation mellan socialarbetare och klient; 1) Idealet och kravet att socialarbetare ska arbeta utifrån evidens, det vill säga metoder och förhållningssätt som i speciellt utformade utvärderingsmodeller visat sig ha effekt, gör att väl strukturerade och rigida metoder ges företräde. Denna instrumentalisering underminerar ett flexibelt, relationsorienterat och helhetsfokuserat sätt att arbeta. Dessutom gör evidensidealets fokus på enskilda individer och avgränsade utvärderingstider att mer samhällsinriktat kritiskt och långsiktigt inriktat arbete undermineras. 2) Ett rationalitetsideal, tätt sammanbundet med föreställningar om professionalitet och maskulinitet, värderar objektivitet och förmågan att frikoppla socialarbetarens egna känslor från sitt arbete. Detta maskuliniserade professionsideal innebär att empati och solidaritet med klienten undergrävs. 3) Omfattande krav på olika former av dokumentation av det sociala arbetet gör att tiden som socialarbetaren har till sitt förfogande för att besöka och att ha möten med klienten blir knapp. 4) Ett allmänt samhällsideal kring individuellt ansvar och en särskild arbetsmetod (motiverande samtal) som många socialarbetare förväntas lära sig, framhäver klientens eget ansvar för och vilja till förändring. Detta legitimerar ett avståndstagande från klientens behov av hjälp och stöd enligt logiken "du måste klara detta själv". 5) En vanligt förekommande uppdelning av socialarbetarnas arbetsuppgifter i en så kallad beställar-utförarmodell gör att vissa socialsekreterare arbetar med hjälp och stöd, medan andra arbetar med bedömningar av klienters behov. De senare, som också har inflytande över resurstilldelning, blir med en sådan organisering av arbetet alltmer frikopplade från den stödjande och hjälpande verksamheten och kontakten med klienten. 6) Standardiserade digitala bedömningsinstrument, skapade för att på ett likvärdigt sätt bedöma klienters behov och dokumentera det sociala arbetet, reglerar och instrumentaliserar kontakten med klienter. 7) Tunga arbetsbördor, individualiserat ansvar och stress, bidrar ytterligare till att skapa avstånd och likgiltighet eftersom det för vissa utgör ett sätt att genomleva en ohållbar arbetssituation. En allmän åtstramning av socialtjänstens resurstilldelning förstås som en viktig orsak till behovet av att skapa ovan distansmekanismer. Men distansen hänger också ihop med en tendens till ett återupplivande av en tidigare dominerande förståelse av marginalisering och sociala problem; där människors nöd ses som ett utslag av dålig karaktär och ett resultat av dåliga individuella val. De förändringar av det sociala arbetets premisser som beskrivits ovan gör att socialarbetarna alltmer görs främmande inför sitt arbete – de alieneras. Detta främmandegörande uttrycks genom att inte kunna identifiera sig med arbetet självt, sina kollegor eller med sig själv. Ett sådant främmandegörande underminerar, eller fragmentiserar, både relationen till klienten, men också en känsla av gemenskap med andra socialarbetare. En gemenskap som kan utgöra ett "vi" och ligga till grund för att ställa krav, protestera och göra motstånd mot avhumaniserande ideal och reformer. På så vis är främmandegörandet inte bara en konsekvens av dagens organisering och styrning, utan också något som fyller en viktig funktion för en sådan styrning och organisering, och genomförandet av en allmän åtstramning i socialpolitiken. Samtidigt som dagens organisering och styrning av socialt arbete är främmandegörande, slår vissa socialarbetare knut på sig själva och arbetar extra hårt för att täcka upp för systemets brister och krympande resurser, för att trots det svåra läget ändå försöka ge det stöd som de upplever att klienten behöver. Ett sådant historiskt förankrat femininiserat omsorgsideal, dvs känslor av ansvar och empati inför behövande och en ilska inför oförrätter, utgör därmed på samma gång grund för en fördjupad exploatering av socialarbetarna, och ett vardagligt motstånd mot rådande system. I ett läge när flera upplever att kollegialiteten som grund för motstånd på arbetsplatserna underminerats, utgör ett sådant omsorgsideal samtidigt också grunden för organiserat motstånd utanför arbetsplatsen, bortom chefernas insyn, kontroll och härskartekniker. Medan nuvarande styrningssystem underminerar ett visst sorts motstånd, uppstår samtidigt grunden för nya.

For many years, Sweden has had a reputation for having a comprehensive and women friendly welfare state. However, as in many other European countries during the past few decades, the organization and governing of welfare has undergone profound changes. Through interviews with social workers and the application of theories of governmentality, this thesis analyzes the expressions and consequences of such current organization and governing. One result is that the introduction of meticulous documentation practices of social workers contact with clients, regulate their interaction and constitute a control over both client and social worker. Another result is that the current organization fragments labor and awards more authority to managers, which functions to produce loyalty to the organization and management, rather than clients. This is expressed in demands not to voice protest, as it is said to create a bad mood. It is also expressed in demands to spend as little as possible on clients; short duration of treatment, preference for outpatient treatment and by making it difficult to receive financial support. This austerity is legitimized through the intermeshing of different ideals; budget awareness, evidence that supports short and outpatient treatment and that clients in order to change their course of life should to be allowed or coerced into taking individual responsibility. Another important finding is that the current governing and organization of social work produce distance and detachment, and thus discourage caring subjects. This is a complex process in which an assemblage of different techniques and rationalities undermines the cultivation of a relationship between social worker and client. 1) The ideal of evidence-based practice favors rigid methods over a flexible and holistic approach. 2) Ideals of rationality, closely connected to notions of masculinity and professionalism, value objectivity and devalue and deter the surfacing of emotions. 3) Meticulous practices of documentation reduce the amount of time available to meet clients. 4) Ideals and particular methods designed to promote individual responsibility in clients legitimize social workers distancing themselves from clients' dependency and needs. 5) A division of labor, in either assessment or treatment, reduces time spent with clients for those who work with assessment and ultimately engage in the rationing of resources. 6) Standardized digital templates, installed to aid in assessments, regulate and proceduralize interactions with the client. 7) Austerity, heavy workloads, individualized responsibility and stress further accentuate distance, as detachment becomes a means to cope with arduous working conditions. The transformation of social work described above produces alienation and a fragmentation of social workers' collective subjects. Simultaneously, an ethos of caring makes some social workers work extra hard to provide for clients, which ultimately covers for flaws in the system. Although such an ethos of caring allows for the further exploitation of social workers, it is also understood as a means of resistance, which in turn also forms the basis for organized resistance. ; Sverige har ett internationellt rykte för att ha en omfattande och kvinnovänlig välfärd. Även om riktigheten i en sådan uppfattning sedan länge ifrågasatts har på senare år, likt i många andra Europeiska länder, det svenska välfärdssystemet genomgått en omfattande förändring i avseende på dess räckvidd, men också dess organisering och styrning. Fokus för denna studie är just denna organisering och styrning, och mer specifikt, hur detta påverkar ett av välfärdens kanske mest centrala område: socialt arbete. Genom att intervjua socialarbetare undersöks i denna studie uttryck för och konsekvenser av en sådan förändring, bland annat genom att undersöka hur könsbundna föreställningar och förväntningar är sammanflätade med det sociala arbetets organisering och styrning. I studien konstateras att socialarbetare erfar att deras arbete genomgått omfattande förändringar, vilket kopplas ihop med både organiseringen och styrningen av det sociala arbetet. Detta uttrycks både i de ideal som kringgärdar arbetet men också i dominerande arbetssätt. En sådan förändring är införandet av omfattande dokumentationsprocedurer av socialarbetarens arbete och kontakt med klienter, vilket medför att kontakten med klienterna blir ytligare. Dokumentationsprocedurerna utgör också en sorts kontroll av både klienterna och socialarbetarna själva. En annan förändring som konstateras är att nya organisationsmodeller och en förändrad ledarskapskultur skapar förväntningar på socialarbetarna att vara lojala med organisationen och ledningen snarare än klienterna. Bland annat utrycks detta genom förväntningar att inte protestera och skapa dålig stämning på arbetsplatsen, men också genom uttalade krav att spendera så lite resurser som möjligt på klienterna; korta behandlingstider, öppenvårdsalternativ och orimligt hårda krav för att få ekonomiskt bistånd. Detta legitimeras genom sammanväxningen av flera olika ideal; budgetmedvetenhet, att klienter inte mår bra av långa institutionsvistelser, men också att klienterna ska tillåtas eller bör tvingas att klara att sig själva. Ett av studiens huvudresultat är att den nuvarande organiseringen och styrningen av socialt arbete skapar avstånd och likgiltighet. Genom flera sammankopplade ideal och arbetssätt styrs dagens socialarbetare till att bry sig mindre om de klienter de möter. På så sätt undermineras förutsättningarna för framväxten av en djup relation mellan socialarbetare och klient; 1) Idealet och kravet att socialarbetare ska arbeta utifrån evidens, det vill säga metoder och förhållningssätt som i speciellt utformade utvärderingsmodeller visat sig ha effekt, gör att väl strukturerade och rigida metoder ges företräde. Denna instrumentalisering underminerar ett flexibelt, relationsorienterat och helhetsfokuserat sätt att arbeta. Dessutom gör evidensidealets fokus på enskilda individer och avgränsade utvärderingstider att mer samhällsinriktat kritiskt och långsiktigt inriktat arbete undermineras. 2) Ett rationalitetsideal, tätt sammanbundet med föreställningar om professionalitet och maskulinitet, värderar objektivitet och förmågan att frikoppla socialarbetarens egna känslor från sitt arbete. Detta maskuliniserade professionsideal innebär att empati och solidaritet med klienten undergrävs. 3) Omfattande krav på olika former av dokumentation av det sociala arbetet gör att tiden som socialarbetaren har till sitt förfogande för att besöka och att ha möten med klienten blir knapp. 4) Ett allmänt samhällsideal kring individuellt ansvar och en särskild arbetsmetod (motiverande samtal) som många socialarbetare förväntas lära sig, framhäver klientens eget ansvar för och vilja till förändring. Detta legitimerar ett avståndstagande från klientens behov av hjälp och stöd enligt logiken "du måste klara detta själv". 5) En vanligt förekommande uppdelning av socialarbetarnas arbetsuppgifter i en så kallad beställar-utförarmodell gör att vissa socialsekreterare arbetar med hjälp och stöd, medan andra arbetar med bedömningar av klienters behov. De senare, som också har inflytande över resurstilldelning, blir med en sådan organisering av arbetet alltmer frikopplade från den stödjande och hjälpande verksamheten och kontakten med klienten. 6) Standardiserade digitala bedömningsinstrument, skapade för att på ett likvärdigt sätt bedöma klienters behov och dokumentera det sociala arbetet, reglerar och instrumentaliserar kontakten med klienter. 7) Tunga arbetsbördor, individualiserat ansvar och stress, bidrar ytterligare till att skapa avstånd och likgiltighet eftersom det för vissa utgör ett sätt att genomleva en ohållbar arbetssituation. En allmän åtstramning av socialtjänstens resurstilldelning förstås som en viktig orsak till behovet av att skapa ovan distansmekanismer. Men distansen hänger också ihop med en tendens till ett återupplivande av en tidigare dominerande förståelse av marginalisering och sociala problem; där människors nöd ses som ett utslag av dålig karaktär och ett resultat av dåliga individuella val. De förändringar av det sociala arbetets premisser som beskrivits ovan gör att socialarbetarna alltmer görs främmande inför sitt arbete – de alieneras. Detta främmandegörande uttrycks genom att inte kunna identifiera sig med arbetet självt, sina kollegor eller med sig själv. Ett sådant främmandegörande underminerar, eller fragmentiserar, både relationen till klienten, men också en känsla av gemenskap med andra socialarbetare. En gemenskap som kan utgöra ett "vi" och ligga till grund för att ställa krav, protestera och göra motstånd mot avhumaniserande ideal och reformer. På så vis är främmandegörandet inte bara en konsekvens av dagens organisering och styrning, utan också något som fyller en viktig funktion för en sådan styrning och organisering, och genomförandet av en allmän åtstramning i socialpolitiken. Samtidigt som dagens organisering och styrning av socialt arbete är främmandegörande, slår vissa socialarbetare knut på sig själva och arbetar extra hårt för att täcka upp för systemets brister och krympande resurser, för att trots det svåra läget ändå försöka ge det stöd som de upplever att klienten behöver. Ett sådant historiskt förankrat femininiserat omsorgsideal, dvs känslor av ansvar och empati inför behövande och en ilska inför oförrätter, utgör därmed på samma gång grund för en fördjupad exploatering av socialarbetarna, och ett vardagligt motstånd mot rådande system. I ett läge när flera upplever att kollegialiteten som grund för motstånd på arbetsplatserna underminerats, utgör ett sådant omsorgsideal samtidigt också grunden för organiserat motstånd utanför arbetsplatsen, bortom chefernas insyn, kontroll och härskartekniker. Medan nuvarande styrningssystem underminerar ett visst sorts motstånd, uppstår samtidigt grunden för nya.

This thesis focuses on the role of forests and forest management in providing global environmental and climate services. The study analyzes multiple dimensions of forest-sector policy development, with a special focus on interactions between policies, livelihoods and land-use processes at sub-national levels in Vietnam. The Lam Dong and Bac Kan provinces are considered to be representative of the variations in forest-cover dynamics in the country, namely those of a frontier (deforestation) zone, and a forest mosaic (reforestation) zone. The study applied interdisciplinary conceptual frameworks, including institutional theory, political ecology and livelihoods theory, to investigate the research objectives. It also used Forest Transition (FT) theory as a narrative framework to understand the trajectories of forest-cover dynamics and policy processes. An interdisciplinary methodological approach was applied to respond to the research objectives of the study. The results may have important implications for emerging forest and environmental policy frameworks such as payments for environmental services (PES) and Reduce Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD+). The findings reveal that 'second-generation' policy approaches, such as PES and REDD+, are unlikely to represent a paradigm shift in the history of forest management in Vietnam. As a result of institutional reproductions and 'path dependency', there is a rather high risk of prolonging existing approaches. Larger and more fundamental policy reforms, such as independence, the collectivization processes after the Second World War, and the market liberalization and decentralization reforms from the late 1980s onwards, were identified as fundamental explanatory factors for land-use dynamics in the contemporary history of the country. Furthermore, one-dimensional and reductionist land-use change explanation models, inherent to many of the emerging policy schemes such as PES, REDD+ and forest enhancement, risk overlooking the complexities of land use, livelihoods and underlying dimensions of the drivers of change. Complex institutional factors and the interests of more – or less – powerful actors, in the process of creating institutional bricolages, contribute to modifying and transforming policy programs and schemes into local adaptations. The thesis presents four individual but interrelated papers that address different aspects and scales of policy development processes and impacts. Paper 1: Analyzing the transformation of forest PES in Vietnam: Implications for REDD+ The paper analyzes the transformation of market-resembling environmental policy processes, exemplified by the implementation of forest PES in Vietnam. The paper applies a critical institutional path dependency framework to analyze the processes of institutional reproduction in PES encounters with actors and institutions at multiple levels, from the national to the local. PES policies did not enter an institutional vacuum, but instead were transformed through a process of reproducing existing institutional structures. This reflects not only established norms and values about 'best-ways' of organizing forest management, but also existing structures of power, tenure and the control by some groups over forest resources. In this sense, from a path dependency perspective, new and 'innovative' market-based approaches, such as PES, do not at all represent 'critical junctures'. The findings of this study may have important implications for the prospects of implementing similar initiatives, such as REDD+, both in Vietnam and beyond. Thus future PES and REDD+ schemes should take into account the limitations and challenges of institutional reproduction, interplay and path dependency, to a higher degree in their planning and implementation. Paper 2: Sub-national forest transitions in Vietnam This paper compares forest transitions (FT), policy reforms and forest cover change in the Bac Kan and Lam Dong provinces of Vietnam. The country has seemingly been able to shortcut the perceived FT stages by quickly moving to the reforestation phase, which makes it an interesting case country. Provincial level forest cover and socio-economic trends are, however, not necessarily comparable and compatible within a FT analytical framework. Bac Kan is one of the poorest provinces, but has experienced forest regrowth and expansion of forest cover during the past couple of decades. In contrast, Lam Dong province has both higher GDP and population levels, but has had higher levels of deforestation, particularly linked to the expansion of perennial crops. This is quite contrary to what could be expected from a conventional FT hypothesis. The FT turnaround and land use dynamics were found to be linked to the overall and all-encompassing policy shift related to de-colonization, state-control and collectivization, and the new shift of "market-led socialism", decentralization and land tenure reforms. The findings demonstrate that policies can trump typical FT patterns linked to general development trends. This provides a sense of relief in the way that the FT-trajectory is not unavoidable. Policies can make a difference. Yet, these policies have not primarily been guided by forest conservation concerns, but have rather been a side-effect of economic development and political objectives. Paper 3: Livelihoods and land uses in environmental policy approaches: The case of PES and REDD+ in the Lam Dong Province of Vietnam This paper explores assumptions about the drivers of forest cover change in a PES and REDD+ context in the Lam Dong Province in Vietnam. In policy discourses, deforestation is often linked to 'poor' and 'ethnic minority' households and their unsustainable practices such as the expansion of coffee production (and other agricultural activities) into forest areas. The paper applies a livelihood framework to discuss the links between livelihoods and land use amongst small-scale farmers in two communities. The findings of the livelihood survey demonstrate no clear linkages between poverty levels and unsustainable practices. In fact, the poorest group of households was found to deforest the least. The ways in which current PES and REDD+ approaches are designed do not provide appropriate solutions to address the underlying dimensions of issues at stake. The paper criticizes one-dimensional perspectives of the drivers behind deforestation and forest degradation often found in public policies and discourses. We suggest more comprehensive analyses of underlying factors encompassing the entire coffee production and land use system in this region. Addressing issues of land tenure and the scarcity of productive lands, and generating viable off-farm income alternatives seem to be crucial. Sustainable approaches for reducing deforestation and degradation could be possible through engaging with multiple stakeholders, including the business-oriented households in control of the coffee trade and of land transactions. Paper 4: Cultivating forests: Exploring the productive values of forest land in a reforestation zone of northern Vietnam The paper challenges the predominant forest-agriculture dichotomy perception in policy-making and research in Vietnam. Such dichotomies are not endemic to Vietnam, but permeate the whole climate and forest debate globally. This standpoint encompasses a perception that forests are of higher value kept standing and that agricultural practices, forest conservation and the sustainable use of forests are mutually exclusive activities. This study is based on a survey carried out in the province of Bac Kan in northern Vietnam, and applies a livelihoods framework (LF) to investigate the multiple values of forest lands in household economies. The case demonstrates the complexities of adaptations to forest-sector policies, namely that households in different institutional and agro-ecological locations create and use landscapes differently along a forest-agriculture continuum. The findings on the multipurpose uses of forests may have important implications for climate-related forest policies, such as REDD+ and reduced emissions from all land uses (REALU). Policy makers need to engage with people and local communities, their social institutions and agricultural practices, and consider context-specific approaches for integrating the objectives of conserving trees, increasing carbon stocks, and enhancing the total productivity and total outcomes and values of landscapes. The study recommends inter-sectoral and multi-stakeholder policy approaches to integrate and mainstream multiple objectives, including forestry, agriculture, energy, and environmental services such as food production, carbon capture and storage, water provision, and biodiversity conservation. The study concludes that predominant REDD+ discourses, such as those of ecological modernization and green governmentality, encompass presumptions and risks of one-dimensional and reductionist explanation models of the drivers of land-use change processes. In other words, there is an inherent logic – and need – to identify actors of change who must to be compensated for refraining from cutting down trees, and supported in planting new ones. In reality, however, developing and implementing forest conservation and enhancement policies are highly complex processes, influenced by multiple sets of institutional and agro-ecological factors. Policy implementation and land-use change linked to livelihood processes are multifaceted and dynamic imperatives, influenced by multiple institutional structures and actors, with different interests and agendas. The need to act for more sustainable management of tropical forests seems to be indisputable; however in order to make REDD+ policies more efficient, effective and equitable, the institutional complexity and interests of multiple stakeholders need to be taken into account. ; NMBU; Nansen Fund/UNIFOR - University of Oslo

This thesis explores and theorizes practices for generating knowledge and experience of possible futures in the present. Often, our unreflected everyday actions are clearly focused on the future. We plan future events into calendars, buy insurances, follow weather forecasts, and practice for performances of various kinds, all to reduce the uncertainties that the future brings. Various societal areas have developed specialized and systematic ways of generating knowledge in order for people to prepare for possible future events. A particular and extensive area is that involving societal security and preparedness for extraordinary events. The thesis explores various aspects of futures-making practices in the overall field of societal security, with a special focus on recent measures to strengthen the public's emergency preparedness. The overall aim is to deepen knowledge about the contemporary use of futures-making practices (such as imagination and enactment) and related techniques (such as scenario writing and simulations). Societal security and emergency preparedness have recently come to be recognized nationally and globally in ways that we have not experienced since the Cold War era. The empirical backdrop of the thesis tells about some major events that occurred during the first five years of the new millennium. During this period, a number of terrorist attacks and natural disasters occurred which greatly affected futures-making practices in areas related to societal security and preparedness. Following the 9/11 attacks in 2001, many actors in the security business began to implement new, or revived, ways of relating to the future. From previously focusing mainly on plausible events, interest now turned to possible and unexpected events. Following the criticized management of hurricane Katrina in 2005, a visionary work was initiated with the aim of creating an inclusive and all-encompassing culture of preparedness, a culture that would involve all sectors and actors of society, including the public. The examples may by from a unilateral American context, however the events can also be perceived as part of a global trend with local variations. A trend that includes new ideas about public participation in societal preparedness, as well as new ways in which we create preliminary representations of possible futures in order to prepare for them. In order to clarify different ways in which we relate to the future, I apply cultural geographer Ben Anderson's (2010) classification of anticipatory practices. Anderson highlights three principal practices: imagination, calculation, and performance. The thesis explores how futures are imagined and enacted through the techniques of scenario writing and simulation, in four separate studies (articles I-IV). Studies I and II examine how imaginations of future emergencies are articulated in interviews with local safety coordinators and volunteers in Sweden, as well as in institutional exercise scenarios in the US. The first study shows how collaboration between the public and professionals is perceived as an ideal for managing societal stress and, furthermore, how various forms for organizing the voluntary public may facilitate for or interfere with fruitful collaboration. The second study investigates how governmental authorities has popularized emergency preparedness through a campaign aiming to prepare people for a possible zombie invasion. The study shows how the campaign makes use of a dynamic interplay between reality and fiction, realism and irrealism, and affirmation and distancing. Studies III and IV examine the meanings of spatiality, materiality, and affect in large-scale disaster simulations for the public. The studies are based on documents and observations collected and conducted in Japan and Turkey in 2014 and 2015. With the third study, I wish to contribute to existing debates on experience design and affective atmospheres in disaster simulation, while in the fourth study I explore enactment-based exercises and experience design through a lens of Foucauldian governmentality and spatial rationality. The four articles are given a common theoretical framework consisting of sociological perspectives on time and temporality, which highlight how the conditions for futures-making practices has evolved through changes in people's relation to the future. The overall results in the thesis indicate that possibilities for the public to participate in enactment-based exercises are currently limited. However, when made publicly available, exercises are most often designed as entertaining, sensory, and affective learning experiences. Present imaginaries and enactments of negative futures are thus enmeshed with considerations regarding what is possible and probable, real and unreal, near and distant. Furthermore, facilities for public exercises are part of a complex apparatus involving political, economic, and educational perspectives, as well as aspects of entertainment, urban planning, educational technology, and public space. ; I den här avhandlingen utforskas praktiker för att generera kunskap om och erfarenhet av möjliga framtider i samtiden. Många av våra ofta oreflekterade vardagshandlingar är tydligt inriktade mot framtiden. Vi planerar in kommande händelser i kalendrar, köper försäkringar, följer väderprognoser, och övar inför uppträdanden av olika slag, allt för att minska de osäkerheter som framtiden innebär. Inom olika samhälleliga verksamhetsområden har det utvecklats specialiserade och systematiska sätt att generera kunskap för att människor ska kunna förbereda sig på eventuella kommande händelser. Ett omfattande område är det som inbegriper samhällelig säkerhet och beredskap inför extraordinära händelser. Avhandlingen utforskar olika aspekter av framtidsskapande praktiker inom det övergripande området samhällssäkerhet, med ett särskilt fokus på åtgärder för att stärka allmänhetens krisberedskap. Det övergripande syftet är att fördjupa kunskapen om den samtida användningen av framtidsskapande praktiker (såsom föreställning, fantasi och iscensättning) och tillhörande tekniker (såsom scenarioskrivande och simuleringar). Samhällssäkerhet och krisberedskap har på senare tid kommit att uppmärksammas nationellt och globalt på sätt som vi inte sett någon motsvarighet till sedan kalla krigets dagar. Avhandlingen tar avstamp i några större händelser som inträffade under det nya millenniets första fem år. Under denna period inträffade ett antal terrorattentat och naturkatastrofer, vilka kom att påverka framtidsskapande praktiker inom verksamheter kopplade till samhällssäkerhet och beredskap. Till avhandlingens bakgrund hör även det faktum att man sedan det kalla krigets slut i början av 1990-talet på många håll i världen minskat uppmärksamheten på nationell säkerhet för att i stället fokusera på samhällssäkerhet, det vill säga att beredskapen inför yttre hot mot nationella gränser under en period prioriterats ned till förmån för beredskap inför hot som kommer inifrån samhällen själva. Som en följd av attentaten den 11 september 2001 började man inom olika säkerhetsområden implementera nya sätt att förhålla sig till framtiden. Från att ha fokuserat huvudsakligen på troliga händelser började man i allt högre grad ta hänsyn till möjliga och mer oväntade händelser och utvecklingslinjer. Som en följd av hanteringen av orkanen Katrina 2005 initierades ett visionsarbete med syfte att skapa en allomfattande beredskapskultur, en kultur som skulle involvera alla samhällets sektorer och aktörer, även den enskilda individen. Exemplen är visserligen hämtade från en amerikansk kontext, men händelserna går också att uppfatta som upprinnelser till, eller delar av, en övergripande global trend med lokala varianter. Med andra ord, en trend som innefattar nya idéer kring allmänhetens deltagande i den samhälleliga krisberedskapen, liksom nya sätt genom vilka vi skapar preliminära representationer av möjliga framtider i syfte att förbereda oss på dem. För att tydliggöra olika sätt på vilka vi förhåller oss till framtiden tillämpar jag i avhandlingen kulturgeografen Ben Andersons klassificering av anticipatoriska praktiker. Anderson lyfter fram tre huvudsakliga praktiker: föreställning (imagination), beräkning (calculation), och iscensättning (performance). I avhandlingen utforskas föreställning och iscensättning av möjliga framtider utifrån teknikerna scenarioskrivning och simulering genom fyra delstudier (artikel I-IV). Delstudierna I och II undersöker hur föreställningar om framtida kriser artikuleras i intervjuer med kommunala säkerhetssamordnare och volontärer i Sverige, liksom i övningsscenarion för institutionell beredskap i USA. Delstudie I visar hur samverkan mellan allmänheten och professionella framhålls som ett ideal för hanteringen av samhälleliga påfrestningar, samt hur olika former av frivilligorganisering kan underlätta eller försvåra för samverkan. Delstudie II undersöker hur myndigheter försökt popularisera krisberedskap genom en kampanj för beredskap inför en möjlig stundande zombie-invasion. Studien visar hur kampanjen använder sig av ett dynamiskt växelspel mellan verklighet och fiktion, realism och irrealism, bejakande och avståndstagande. Delstudierna III och IV undersöker betydelser av rumslighet, materialitet, och affekt i storskaliga katastrofsimuleringar för allmänheten. Delstudierna baseras på dokument och observationer, insamlade och genomförda i Japan och Turkiet 2014 och 2015. Med delstudie III vill jag bidra till pågående diskussioner om upplevelsedesign och affekt i storskalig realistisk simulering, medan jag i delstudie IV utforskar iscensättning och upplevelsedesign utifrån ett Foucauldianskt styrningsperspektiv. De fyra delstudierna inramas av teori utifrån ett tidssociologiskt perspektiv, som belyser hur förutsättningarna för framtidsskapande praktiker vuxit fram genom förändringar i människans förhållningssätt till framtiden. På ett övergripande plan visar avhandlingen att möjligheterna är begränsade för den oorganiserade allmänheten att delta i avancerade simuleringsövningar. Men när sådana möjligheter väl skapas, designas övningarna i huvudsak som underhållande, sensoriska och affektiva upplevelser. Samtida föreställningar och iscensättningar av negativa framtider förutsätter överväganden kring vad som kan betraktas som troligt eller möjligt, realistiskt eller orealistiskt, avlägset eller nära. Vidare, anläggningar för simuleringsövningar med allmänheten som målgrupp är del i en komplex apparat som involverar politiska, ekonomiska och utbildningsmässiga mål, och som ska balansera aspekter av underhållning, utbildning, stadsplanering, och tillgången till offentliga rum. ; Seminariet kommer att hållas på svenska och engelska. Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbete opublicerat: delarbete 4 inskickat At the time of the doctoral defence the following paper was unpublished: paper 4 submitted

http://www.csi.ensmp.fr/Items/WorkingPapers/Download/DLWP.php?wp=WP_CSI_019.pdf ; Social and environmental reporting became during the last decade a fundamental instrument for sustainable governance, through the publication of data and indicators of sustainable development as obligatory points of passage for companies. The Global Reporting Initiative's Guidelines are the reference frame, largely recognized and adapted by political authorities and often enforced by the law (as in french "NRE"). This paper recalls the process of standardization-codification and the policing of statements about the values and the principles of sustainable development. ; Le reporting social et environnemental est devenu en une décennie un instrument majeur et hybride de gouvernement du développement durable, via la publication de données et d'indicateurs devenus des points de passage obligé pour les grandes entreprises. La Global Reporting Initiative est en la matière un référentiel incontournable, largement réapproprié par les autorités politiques et durcis par le droit (loi NRE en France). Il importe donc de retracer processus de normalisation-codification et de construction d'une police des énoncés quant aux objets de valeur du développement durable.

http://www.csi.ensmp.fr/Items/WorkingPapers/Download/DLWP.php?wp=WP_CSI_019.pdf ; Social and environmental reporting became during the last decade a fundamental instrument for sustainable governance, through the publication of data and indicators of sustainable development as obligatory points of passage for companies. The Global Reporting Initiative's Guidelines are the reference frame, largely recognized and adapted by political authorities and often enforced by the law (as in french "NRE"). This paper recalls the process of standardization-codification and the policing of statements about the values and the principles of sustainable development. ; Le reporting social et environnemental est devenu en une décennie un instrument majeur et hybride de gouvernement du développement durable, via la publication de données et d'indicateurs devenus des points de passage obligé pour les grandes entreprises. La Global Reporting Initiative est en la matière un référentiel incontournable, largement réapproprié par les autorités politiques et durcis par le droit (loi NRE en France). Il importe donc de retracer processus de normalisation-codification et de construction d'une police des énoncés quant aux objets de valeur du développement durable.

This guide accompanies the following article: John Martyn Chamberlain, 'Regulating the Medical Profession: From Club Governance to Stakeholder Regulation', Sociology Compass 4/12 (2010): 1035–1042, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2010.00338.x.Author's introductionThe regulation of the medical profession is an important topic of concern for health and social policy analysts as well as social scientists who possess an academic interest in medical autonomy, institutionalized medical power and contemporary shifts in the governance and performance management of professional forms of expertise. The last three decades have seen substantial changes in how medical work is quality assured to protect the public from medical malpractice and underperforming doctors. Medical practitioners have become increasingly subject to formal peer review mechanisms and third party managerial surveillance and performance appraisal. Bound up with this have been moves toward including lay people as well as other health and social care professionals in the regulation of the medical profession and quality assurance of medical work. This shift has been said to signify a move toward a stakeholder model of medical regulation.Author recommendsA good place to start understanding the historical background to changes currently occurring in the regulation of medical expertise is Andrew Gray's and Stephen Harrison's Governing Medicine: Theory and Practice (Oxford: Open University Press, 2004). This appraises the current medical regulatory context as well as analyses the impact of contemporary reforms in the quality assurance of health care delivery on medical practice and training. Donald Irvine's The Doctors Tale: Professionalism and the Public Trust, (London: Radcliffe Medical Press, 2003) provides an insightful 'insider account' of the history of medical regulation in the United Kingdom and the competing interests involved in the contemporary governance of medical expertise. A more critical account of how the medical profession has responded to calls to become more open and accountable can be found in Celia Davies's 'Regulating the Health Care Workforce: Next Steps for Research.' (Journal of Health Services Research and Policy, 2004: 9: 55–61) as well as Sally Lloyd‐Bostock's and Bridget Hutter's 'Reforming Regulation of the Medical Profession: The Risks of Risk Based Approaches.' (Health, Risk and Society, 2008: 1: 69–83).Online materials http://www.gmc‐uk.org/ This is the website for the General Medical Council, which is the regulatory body responsible for overseeing the governance of the medical profession in the United Kingdom. http://www.bma.org.uk/ The British Medical Association is the professional medical association and trade union for doctors and medical students. http://www.bmj.com/ The British Medical Journal is an international peer reviewed medical journal.Sample syllabusWeek 1: Introduction and overviewDefinitions, problems & issues: medical regulation and the sociological study of medical power and autonomy.Associated Reading:Albrecht, G. L., Fitzpatrick, R. and Scrimshaw, S. C. 2000. The Handbook of Social Science and Medicine. London: Sage Publications.Carr‐Saunders, A. M. and Wilson, P. A. 1933. The Professions. New York and London: The Clarendon Press.Chamberlain, J. M. 2009. Doctoring Medical Governance: Medical Self‐Regulation in Transition. New York: Nova Science.Dingwall, R. and Lewis, P. (eds) 1983. The Sociology of the Professions: Lawyers, Doctors and Others. London: McMillan.Freidson, E. 1970. The Profession of Medicine. New York: Dodds Mead.Week 2: From Ancient beginnings to the birth of the clinicHippocrates, Galen and humoral medicine. Medieval Christianity, the early regulation of the medical profession and the birth of clinic.Associated Reading:Bynum W. F. and Porter, R. (eds) 1985. William Hunter and the Eighteenth Century Medical World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Copeman, W. S. C. 1960. Doctors and Disease in Tudor Times. London: Dawson and Sons.Foucault, M. 1989. The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception. London: Routledge Classics.Lindeman, M. 1999. Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.King, H. 2001. Greek and Roman Medicine. London: Bristol Classical Press.Krause, E. A. 1996. Death of the Guilds: Professions States and the Advance of Capitalism. Yale: University Press.Week 3: The 1858 Medical Act and the foundation of the medical clubThe 1858 Medical Act and the institutionalization of medical autonomy in the form of the General Medical Council.Associated Reading:Allsop, J. and Saks, M. (eds) 2002. Regulating the Health Professions. London: Sage Publications.Chamberlain, J. M. 2009. Doctoring Medical Governance: Medical Self‐Regulation in Transition. New York: Nova Science.Gladstone, D. (ed.) 2000. Regulating Doctors. London: Institute for the Study of Civil Society.Stacey, M. 1992. Regulating British Medicine. London: John Wiley and Sons.Week 4: Challenging medical power I: health service reformMedical autonomy, the re‐emergence of neo‐liberal political ideology and the rise of consumerism and managerialism in the health care system. Introduction of medical and clinical audit and shift from a primary to secondary care led service.Associated Reading:Allsop, J. and Mulcahy, L. 1996. Regulating Medical Work: Formal and Informal Controls. Milton Keynes: Open University Press.Armstrong, D. 2002. 'Clinical Autonomy, Individual and Collective: The Problem of Changing Doctors Behaviour.'Social Science and Medicine55: 1771–7.Elston, M. A. 2004. 'Medical Autonomy and Medical Dominance.' Pp. 167–9 in Key Concepts in Medical Sociology, edited by Gabe, J., Bury, M. and Elston, M. A. London: Sage Publications.Flynn, R. 2002. 'Clinical Governance and Governmentality.'Health Risk and Society4: 134–67.Harrison, S. and Schultz, R. L. 1989. 'Clinical Autonomy in the UK and the USA: Contrasts and Convergence.' Pp. 134–65 in Controlling Medical Professionals: the Comparative Politics of Health Governance, edited by Freddi, G. and Bjorkman, J. W. Sage Publications.Week 5: Challenging medical power II: the patient revoltLay perceptions of medicine and medical power. Medical malpractice and the rise of the patient movement.Associated Reading:Barrett, J. R., Barrett, P. and Kearns, R. A. 1998. 'Declining Professional Dominance? Trends in the Proletarianization of Primary Care in New Zealand.'Social Science and Medicine46: 193–207.Chamberlain, J. M. 2009. Doctoring Medical Governance: Medical Self‐Regulation in Transition. New York: Nova Science.Haug, M. R. 1973. 'Deprofessionalization: An Alternative Hypothesis for the Future.' Pp. 122–34 in Professionalization and Social Change, edited by Halmos, P. Sociological Review Monograph 20, University of Keele.Saks, M. 1995. Professions and the Public Interest: Medical Power, Altruism and Alternative Medicine. London: Routledge.Week 6: Contemporary changes in medical regulationThe 2008 Health and Social Care Act and reforming the General Medical Council. The emergence of revalidation and the performance appraisal of doctors continued fitness to practice.Associated Reading:Chamberlain, J. M. 2009. Doctoring Medical Governance: Medical Self‐Regulation in Transition. New York: Nova Science.Davies, C. 2004. 'Regulating the Health Care Workforce: Next Steps for Research.'Journal of Health Services Research and Policy:9(1):1–20.Irvine, D. 2003. The Doctors Tale: Professionalism and the Public Trust. London: Radcliffe Medical Press.Moran, M. 1999. Governing the Health Care State; A Comparative Study of the United Kingdom, the United States and Germany. Manchester: Manchester University Press.Week 7: The decline of medical autonomy?Reappraising the sociological study of medical regulation: decline or restratification? The emergence of new power elite within the medical profession.Associated Reading:Ahmed, W. I. U. and Harrison, S. 2000. 'Medical Autonomy and the UK State: 1975 to 2025.'Sociology34: 129–46.Chamberlain, J. M. 2009. Doctoring Medical Governance: Medical Self‐Regulation in Transition. New York: Nova Science.Chamberlain, J. M. 2010. 'Performance Appraisal for Doctors: A Case of Paperwork Compliance.'Sociological Research Online15(1): 1–11. Available online: http://www.socresonline.org.uk/15/1/8.htmlFreidson, E. 1994. Professionalism Reborn: Theory, Prophecy and Policy. Cambridge: Cambridge Polity Press.Gabe, J., Kelleher, D. and Williams, G. 1994. Challenging Medicine. London: Routledge.Week 8: Future visions: risk, responsibility and the performance appraisal of medical workMedicine's new professionalism and next steps in theory and research. The importance of analyzing revalidation and patient involvement in the monitoring of medical work.Associated Reading:Black, D. 2002. 'Consultant Appraisal.'GMC News Supplement on Appraisal and Revalidation 1–4. The GMC: London.Chamberlain, J. M. 2009. Doctoring Medical Governance: Medical Self‐Regulation in Transition. New York: Nova Science.Chamberlain, J. M. 2010. 'Performance Appraisal for Doctors: A Case of Paperwork Compliance.'Sociological Research Online15(1): 1–11. Available online: http://www.socresonline.org.uk/15/1/8.htmlDonaldson, L. 2006. Good Doctors Safer Patients: Proposals to Strengthen the System to Assure and Improve the Performance of Doctors and to Protect the Safety of Patients. DOH London.Freidson, E. 2001. Professionalism: The Third Logic. Cambridge: Cambridge Polity Press.Gray, A. and Harrison, S. (eds) 2004. Governing Medicine: Theory and Practice. Milton Keynes: Open University Press.Kuhlmann, E. and Allsop, J. 2008. 'Professional Self‐Regulation in a Changing Architecture of Governance: Comparing Health Policy in the UK and German Policy and Politics.'Health, Risk and Society36(2): 173–89.Focus questions

 According to Foucault, how did the birth of the clinic transform the epistemological foundation stones on which the early medical profession stood? What other developments in medical science and technology occurring in the 18th and 19th centuries do you think also contributed to this transformation?
 'The 1858 Medical Act secured the interests of the medical profession as much as it served to protect the public from poorly performing doctors'. Critically discuss this statement with reference to a neo‐weberian model of medical power.
 Critically evaluate the impact of consumerism and managerialism on medical autonomy.
 Summarize the key changes to the General Medical Council introduced by the 2008 Health and Social Care Act and critically discuss if they curtail medical autonomy.
 Provide a critical account of why studying the impact of revalidation is vitally important to the future study of medical autonomy by social scientists.

Project ideaConstruct a portfolio of images which over time tells the story of the rise of modern medicine from Hippocrates and Galen to the birth of the clinic and the rapid advances in medical science made in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Provide an accompanying account (1500) words which critically discusses how your narrative illustrates the power of 'the medical gaze' and its ability to transform our lives for the better while also opening up new possibilities for the surveillance and control of the population by the state and its agencies.

This paper starts with a dilemma. How to ensure the adequate protection of individual health data and privacy in a global pandemic, which has intensified the use of digital applications for the purposes of data sharing and contact-tracing? There is no simple answer to this question when choosing between the protection of public health and individual privacy. However, the history of the existing case-law regarding infectious diseases control, both Polish and European, teaches about numerous examples in which health data and privacy were not adequately protected, but, on the contrary, were misused leading to human rights infringements. In light of this case law and public health ethics, this paper argues radically that the use of digital applications to fight the Covid-19 pandemic has not been sufficiently justified at least in the Polish context. Especially, unconvincing benefits from the use of these tools do not outweigh the likelihood of human rights infringements with far-reaching consequences for political, social and economic rights now and in the future. In its novelty, this article combines a historical-legal method with the concept of public health ethics and a human rights-based approach and to foster further research and discussion. The text also responds to the pressing need to analyze those human rights issues embedded in the Polish reality. ; Patrycja Dąbrowska-Kłosińska - Queen's University Belfast, Northern Ireland ; Agnieszka Grzelak - Kozminski University in Warsaw, Poland ; Agnieszka Nimark - Cornell University, United States of America; Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB), Spain ; Patrycja Dąbrowska-Kłosińska is Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Administration and Social Sciences at the Warsaw University of Technology and Research Fellow at the School of Law, Queen's University Belfast. ; Agnieszka Grzelak is Associate Professor at the College of Law, Kozminski University, Warsaw. ; Agnieszka Nimark is a Visiting Scholar at the Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflct Studies, Cornell University and Associate Senior Researcher at the Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB). ; Patrycja Dąbrowska-Kłosińska: p.dabrowska@qub.ac.uk ; Agnieszka Grzelak: agrzelak@kozminski.edu.pl ; Agnieszka Nimark: an355@cornell.edu ; 61 ; 94 ; 3 ; Alston P., Does the past matter? 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Introduction People say, "don't you ever want to come off?" I don't know. The thought of me getting up without taking something is totally. to me that's normal . If I haven't taken anything then I'm not normal . And for me to even, I can't contemplate not taking something, you know. I'm not a lost cause. I know what my problem is. It's other people that want me to stop. I don't want to stop. I don't want to. Does that make sense to you? (Mya) This extract is taken from an interview that formed part of my doctoral research looking at people's experiences of injecting drug use and treatment services in London, UK. Here I consider one of the ways participants described their use of drugs through a concept of becoming "normal." I pay particular attention to Mya's account and explore the very sense-making that her question (above) demands. Mya uses the concept of normality not only to reflect how drugs have become part of her everyday routines, or part of feeling normal, but actually in materially becoming herself—in embodying a "normal body." As she puts it, "if I haven't taken anything then I am not normal." In this sense, Mya's problem is not the drugs, but the people who want her to stop taking them. This understanding is important for challenging recent policy shifts towards reducing opiate replacement/substitution services in the UK (HM Government; Home Office). Methods The study took place from January to September 2014, and included participant observation at a drug treatment service, interviews with service providers, and "creative" interviews with people who inject drugs. The project was granted ethical approval by the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine Ethics Committee and the NHS Regional Ethics Committee. All participants were given pseudonyms. The creative interview is a term coined by Jennifer Mason to describe an in-depth semi-structured interview which produces additional types of data beyond the spoken word. The method was employed to explore participants' feelings of embodiment as enacted in the drug-using "event." I used a body mapping (drawing) task in these interviews to aid the communication of hard-to-articulate visceral experiences and depict the many actors, human and nonhuman, involved. (For a fuller explanation of the "events" perspective and methods taken in this study, please see Dennis 2016.) Below, I draw both from Mya's narrative and her pictorial account. Becoming "Normal" with Diamorphine Mya is a 52-year-old woman who was recruited to the study through word of mouth. She attended a supervised injecting clinic where another participant informed her about the study. The purpose of this clinic is to prescribe injectable diamorphine (pharmaceutical heroin) for clients to administer under supervised conditions. This unique service is specifically targeted at people who have previously struggled with the more orthodox opiate substitution treatments, such as methadone and buprenorphine. Mya explained that she had a long history of using street heroin, but in the last ten years has been injecting legally and has also illegally sought diamorphine. Mya's drug use had become very hard to sustain financially, both in paying for private prescriptions and in the illegal drugs market, and therefore she wanted a prescription through the National Health Service. She was told that this was only possible through this clinic. However, the clinic's intention was always to reduce this consumption, which Mya did not want to accept. This is because, as she explained, without drugs she is "not normal." A rhetoric of "normality," as deployed in the drug field, has taken two dominant paths. The first is in Parker et al. 's "normalisation thesis," which documents a move during the 1990s when drug use, albeit "recreational drug use," became increasingly common. A concept of "normalisation" is used to explain this social shift in acceptability towards drug taking. The second lies in a oucauldian-influenced embodied idea of performing normality in line with dominant neoliberal discourses. For example, Nettleton et al .'s study with recovering heroin users employs a concept of "normalisation" to explore the ways in which people talk about regaining certain bodily practices to fit in with "the norm." Using the work of Michel Foucault, and his concept of governmentality more specifically, Nettleton et al . argue that "normalisation" is "a crucial aspect of neo-liberal societies, where individuals are encouraged through [decentralised] political projects to become normal: 'the judges of normality are everywhere' (Foucault, 1977)" (175). Although there are vast differences, both these accounts seem to share an understanding of normality as a socially or discursively produced set of practices. However, Mya's narrative of becoming normal seems to be doing something different. She highlights how she becomes normal with drugs in a way that suggests that without drugs she is not normal. This highlights the material work involved in achieving this "normal" state. It is clear that being normal is something we do (both theories above consider normal behaviour as performative) rather than it being pre-defined. But for Mya this is enacted in an ontological rather than learnt way as she connects with drugs. To know normality—"to me that's normal"—and to be normal—"if I haven't taken anything then I'm not normal"—are conflated. Karen Barad, in her theory of agential realism, would call this an intra-action rather than an inter-action, where what we know (epistemology) and what is (ontology) collide, or rather elide. It is in these entanglements of matter and meaning that Mya becomes normal. Mya's narrative highlights the human body as an assemblage (Deleuze and Guattari) in which drugs have become a part. In this sense, drugs can be seen as part of this embodied self rather than separate. Consequently, Mya's account is about more than how her body interacts with drugs, but rather how they become together. Drawing from Deleuze's ontology of becoming, this is the idea that life does not start with any given entities or organisms, but that these forms are brought into being through the forces of life, and as such they are in a constant state of flux, becoming something else. This can challenge ideas of "recovery" (e.g. Home Office) where people are expected to remove themselves from drugs in order to regain their "normal" self. If one's "normal" includes drugs this calls into question the very attempt to de-couple an entangled relationship that, as another participant put it, "has been a long time in the making " (my emphasis). Therefore, it is perhaps not surprising that Mya explains with a heavy heart that she is feeling substantial pressure to reduce her prescription. She feels the clinic staff fail to understand how drugs are part of her and what constitutes her "normal." Thus, as she sees it, her "problem" is not the drugs themselves, but the people who want her to stop taking them. Mya's frustrations start to make more sense—to return to the question in the epigraph—when we think about the body as something we do , involved in a constant task of keeping oneself together . Keeping Oneself Together One does not hang together as a matter of course: keeping oneself together is something the embodied person needs to do . The person who fails to do so dies. (Mol and Law 43) Mol and Law argue that bodies are not something we have but something we do , and that bodies are actively held together through a series of practices. For instance, in their example of hypoglycaemia, a pin prick of blood needs to be taken for the condition to be known, and then counteracted by eating a sugary substance (49). Thinking about Mya's account of becoming normal in these terms, drugs, instead of being seen as "evil" objects of misuse, can, for Mya at least, be part of this vital (life) project of keeping one elf together. This thoroughly blurs the distinctions between "good" medicine (life sustaining/enhancing) and "bad" drugs of abuse (life destroying). Following a Deleuzian understanding of the human body as an assemblage, making the body "actualise" as one is a process of life: "'A' or 'a' (one) is always the index of a multiplicity: an event, a singularity, a life." (Deleuze 388). As such, making bodily boundaries becomes essential. For Mya, drugs are part of this individualisation process in quite overt ways. For example, in her body map (Figure 1) she drew a picture of herself inside a cloud, with voices shouting inwards, penetrating the barrier from outside. About these she said, they are "shouting at me," "telling me what to do," and "what's best for me." But she was at pains to point out that the depicted cloud is not about representing a pleasurable or disassociated feeling, but more to do with blocking out these intruding voices telling her how to live her life so that they "can't get to me": Mya: That makes it sound like the drug makes me feel like I'm in a cloud, it doesn't, cos I just feel normal , it just helps me to, to deal with things better, it helps me to get less stressful, does that make sense? Author: Normal? Mya: Yeah Author: So if you haven't had it, you feel more on edge? Mya: I'm a complete nervous wreck. I'll be jumping everywhere, you know, if someone opens the window of a bus and I'm jumping. Figure 1: Mya's Body Map For Mya, then, her drug use is not about pleasure, or pain for that matter, but about something altogether more vital: it is about keeping together in a stressful, invasive world, to "deal with things better." It seems that Mya's drawing—through which she was asked to depict her feelings when using drugs—is about trying to hold the permeable, leaky body together. For the injecting body, which regularly incorporates and excorporates drugs, is an active/metabolic body: The active body has semi-permeable boundaries [.] inside and outside are not so stable. Metabolism, after all, is about eating, drinking and breathing; about defecating, urinating and sweating. For a metabolic body incorporation and excorporation are essential. (Mol and Law 54) A similar argument is made by Vitellone, citing Keane: Heroin is not separate from but becomes central to the body, selfhood, and processes of individualization. Thus according to Keane "a drug is something external that becomes internalized, blurring the distinction between not only inside/outside but also self/other". (166; see also Keane) In Mya's drawing and account, drugs are intimately involved in the task of individuating—in making clear boundaries between her and the world. In this sense, her drawing of a cloud can be seen almost like an extra layer of skin. This also occurs in the accounts of two other participants. One female participant commented on how, without drugs, she does not feel herself, to the point that she said, "I don't want to be in my own skin." And a male participant also used similar language to note that without heroin (even though he is prescribed methadone, an opiate substitute) he can feel "disembodied": Everything is all "oh oh" [he makes sounds and body movements to show a fear of things getting too close] like that, everything is like right, like if you're trying to walk around the streets and it's just like you can't handle busy high streets and you know busy like tubes and . In these accounts, drugs are playing a key role in this boundary work, that is, in enacting the body as One. This resonates strongly with Donna Haraway's idea of individualisation as "a strategic defense problem" (212). This is the idea that the individual body is not something we are born with, but something we strive towards. Haraway argues that "bodies have become cyborgs," where "the cyborg is text, machine, body, and metaphor" (212). Mya takes great care in making sure that I have understoo this process of boundary-making, which is essential to the cyborg, and on several occasions checks back with me to confirm that she is making sense. She gives the impression that she has been explaining these feelings for years, but still does not feel fully understood. This is perhaps why she seems so thrilled when she feels I have finally got a handle on the dynamic: Mya: But the methadone makes me feel heavy, lethargic, with the diamorphine I can get on with being normal, more better, and not so sleepy, does that make sense? [.] It just helps me cope with everything. You know what I mean, everything . Even . Author: Like taking the edge off things? Mya: That's it, the edge off things, you've got it! I've never thought of that before, that's a good way of putting it. Author: No cos I was thinking about what you were saying about how you can feel anxious and stuff, and I can imagine it just . Mya: You're right, you've done it in a nut shell there. Cos people have asked me that before and I haven't been able to answer. That is a good answer. It takes the edge of things. Yeah. At the end of the interview, and long past this initial reference, Mya shows appreciation of this phrase once more, as an expression which she feels could help in her bid to be better understood: Author: Anyway, I'll end the interview there. Mya: Was that alright? Author: Yeah, perfect. Is there anything else that you think is important that I've missed out? Mya: No not at all. I think you've just helped me there by saying it takes the edge off things, I've been trying to put that into words for a long time, I didn't know how to say it . Although these experiences are of course linked to withdrawal symptoms as a particular arrangement of bodily connections, when I ask about this, it is evident that it is also about something more. For example, in trying to get at why Mya feels she needs diamorphine rather than methadone, she talks about it being "cleaner," "purer," "less groggy." And even though I prompt her on the potential enjoyment, she links "the buzz" to being able to get on with "normal things," saying "I can act more normal with the heroin": Mya: Definitely it's less groggy. Author: And does it give you a slight buzz also? Mya: Sometimes it does yeah. Like I can get on with my housework better and things like that, day to day things, I can act more normal with the heroin. With just the methadone, things just slip . With an interesting use of the term, Mya says that with methadone (which would be the more usual opiate prescribed in heroin treatment) "things just slip." Again, there is a sense of diamorphine holding her together, in a way that without it she would "slip." This perhaps highlights the slipperiness of connections that are only ever "partial" (Haraway 181). Rather than becoming too porous, with methadone she becomes too shut off or "groggy," and again her body becomes unable to do things. This is perhaps why she is so insistent that diamorphine stays put in her life: "I'm not going to lie, even if I don't get it, I'm still going to use the diamorphine." Or, in Haraway's words, she "would rather be a cyborg than a goddess"(181) —she would rather endure the political and potentially criminal consequences of requiring this "outside" substance than pretend to live apart from/above the material world. Conclusion When we consider bodies as something we do, rather than have, we see that rather than Mya's account of normality reflecting a social change (Parker et al .) or solely discursive embodiment (Nettleton et al .), it actually refers to how she becomes her "normal self" in more material ways. Mya's account thoroughly disrupts a separation of object/subject, as well as several other binaries that underpin contemporary ideas of psychoactive drug use and the body, including drug/medicine, inner/outer, self/other, and of course, normal/pathological. 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