Suchergebnisse

Im Jahr 2021 sind Self-Tracking-Technologien ein fester Bestandteil gesellschaftlicher Alltagspraxen. In der Gegenwart von Corona-Tracing-Apps und Social Scoring erinnert kaum noch etwas an die frühen Prototypen der technologieenthusiastischen Self-Tracker*innen. Der Autor wirft einen Blick auf die intensiven Beziehungen, die diese Pionierprojekte untereinander gepflegt haben, und zeichnet dabei die sie bestimmenden Phänomene nach: angefangen bei der Ellenbogenmentalität der prekären Kreativökonomie bis zum progressiven Selbstbestimmtheitsstreben von Self-Tracker*innen mit chronischen Erkrankungen.

The corona pandemic and its economic and social consequences are testing EU cohe­sion as well as the balance of power in the Union. The belated -or lack of - reaction by the EU during the crisis has reinforced the national sovereignty of the member states and the dominance of the intergovernmental method in moments of crisis. One of the palpable consequences has been an alteration in the "North-South divide" resulting from a European policy offensive by Spain and Italy, a stronger "southern orientation" by France, and a simultaneous crumbling of the "New Hanseatic League". During the corona crisis, institutionalised groups of member states have acted pri­marily as interest groups that exacerbate differences rather than overcome them. Germany, which will assume a special mediating role as the Presidency of the Council from 1 July 2020, has to act as a bridge builder. (Autorenreferat)

Welcome to another episode of Fully Automated! Our guest for this episode is Keir Milburn, Lecturer in Political Economy and Organization at the University of Leicester. Keir has a new book out, called Generation Left. I had a chance to discuss the text recently, with my Columbus, OH-based friends, Chairman Moe's Magic Contradiction (AKA Charlie Umland and Jim Calder). We liked it so much, we thought we'd reach out to Keir and see if he'd come on the show, to discuss.



American audiences may have heard Keir interviewed by Chuck Mertz a couple of weeks ago, on This Is Hell! We're kind of hoping this could be a good companion episode to that interview, as we go deep into some aspects of the book that Chuck didn't have time to address. And there is a LOT going on in this book! It starts by questioning the popular notion that Millennials and Zoomers are a bunch of entitled snowflakes, and suggesting that this myth is actually doing quite a lot of work, politically, in dividing young and old members of the working class, giving them over to the idea that they have fundamentally different interests.



But of course, as with many myths, an investigation of the facts produces a rather different persecutive. It turns out, says Keir, that the generations are stuck in rather different material trajectories. One statement Keir makes early in the book really caught our attention: "the older generation are still tied to the neoliberal hegemony of finance while the young seek to escape it." But these trajectories are not a given. To the contrary, the logic of neoliberalism forces the Boomer generation to hold onto its material advantages, as a retirement strategy. And, as it does this, it condemns Millennials and Zoomers to a life of debt and forces them into a culture of cynical entrepreneurialism.



In the show, we talk with Keir about the role of events in composing generations. Events, he says, can disrupt our accepted ways of making sense of the world, and lead to the emergence of radically new social energies. But not every disruptive event will necessarily lead to some kind of new configuration, nor will every new configuration necessarily be a progressive one.



One particular event, the 2008 financial crisis, of course looms large in Keir's story. Unleashing austerity on the developed world, it represents in a sense the apogee of neoliberal governmentality. Milburn cites academic theorists like Wendy Brown, Maurizio Lazzarato, and Jennifer Silva to try to explain how neoliberal capitalism tries to get us to think and act as if there is no alternative to neoliberalism, even tho we all know its not working — we know we can't all be entrepreneurs. (This reminded us a bit of Adam Curtis, and his hyper-normalization documentary). A key figure for Milburn here is Mark Fisher, and his argument about consciousness deflation.



Whatever we want to call this system (authoritarian neoliberalism? zombie capitalism?), clearly it is making us sick. Throughout the text, Milburn make repeated reference to how we are living in the midst of an epidemic of "depression, insomnia and mental distress." Yet there's kind of a mystery to unpack here. He cites Jennifer Silva, for example, to explain how capitalism prefers us to internalize these issues, making them questions more to to do with our emotional and psychic resilience, than anything to do with the structure of the economy.



And, as he argues, this way of thinking about our mental wellbeing even showed up in the "assemblyism" of the occupy Wall Street movement. Nevertheless, he insists, Occupy's approach to the collective discussion of experiences and struggles did offer therapeutic and even political potentials to the young people who participated. And, as we discuss in the show (admittedly not in nearly enough detail) there are things we can learn here, very much in the spirit of the late Mark Fisher, that might be applied to a new model of treating mental and ...

International audience ; The issue of performativity reverse the classical perspective in the social sciences, for they revolve less around describing a pre-existing reality than understanding how reality is produced by intentional interventions. Yet the link between intervention and performativity is by no means automatic. On the contrary, this approach encourages us to focus on the pragmatic conditions that allow this performation to be constructed. In this sense, the aim of this article is threefold. First, it expands the field of performativity, which is structured around three dominant approaches (Austinian, Callonian and Butlerian), to encompass lesser-known research on writing and calculation. Second, it proposes a comparison between theoretical perspectives of research on performativity, and two other research trends in social science and in organizations. These, without using the term performativity, present strong similarities to it from a theoretical and methodological point of view: Foucauldian approaches and instrument-based approaches to organizations.Based on the concepts thus introduced, this article then proposes an analysis framework for performation processes in organizations, articulated around three levels of analysis: i) the study, on an elementary level, of speech acts, acts of calculation, and acts of writing organized around instrumented activities; ii) their insertion within the management dispositifs that give them meaning and contribute to defining their boundaries; and iii) the putting into perspective of these dispositifs in historical transformations in forms of governmentality. This analytical framework is applied in the case of the car project referred to as L, an instance of collaborative research in which a crisis situation characterized by the disalignment between the elementary acts studied and the management dispositif implemented by the company was examine. This case illustrates a more general phenomenon in which management dispositifs produce negative effects on the skills dynamics in a company, and on individuals' involvement in these collective projects. It also explains the infelicity of certain performative acts. ; Qu'est-ce que la performativité peut apporter aux recherches en management et sur les organisations Mise en perspective théorique et cadre d'analyse Franck Aggeri Résumé. La problématique de la performativité renverse la perspective classique en sciences sociales : il s'agit moins de décrire une réalité préexistante que de comprendre comment la réalité est produite par des interventions intentionnelles. Toutefois, le lien entre intervention et performativité n'a rien d'automatique et cette approche invite, au contraire, à s'intéresser aux conditions pragmatiques qui permettent de construire cette performation. Dans cette perspective, cet article vise un triple objectif. Il élargit tout d'abord le champ de la performativité, structuré autour de trois approches dominantes (dites austinienne, callonienne et butlérienne), à des travaux moins connus sur les actes d'écriture et de calcul. Il propose ensuite une mise en perspective des travaux sur la performativité par rapport à deux autres courants de recherche en sciences sociales et dans les organisations qui, sans utiliser le terme de performativité, présentent de fortes similitudes sur le plan théorique et méthodologique : les approches foucaldiennes et les approches des organisations par les instruments. A partir des concepts introduits, l'article propose enfin un cadre d'analyse des processus de performation dans les organisations qui articule trois niveaux d'analyse : l'étude, à un niveau élémentaire, des actes de langage oraux, de calcul et d'écriture organisés autour d'activités instrumentées ; leur insertion dans des dispositifs de management qui leur donnent du sens et contribuent à les cadrer ; la mise en perspective de ces dispositifs dans les transformations historiques des formes de gouvernementalité. Ce cadre d'analyse est mobilisé sur le cas du projet automobile L, objet d'une recherche-intervention, dans lequel une situation de crise, caractérisée par un désalignement entre les actes élémentaires étudiés et le dispositif de management mis en place par l'entreprise, a pu être étudiée. Ce cas illustre un phénomène plus général où les dispositifs de management produisent des effets pervers sur la dynamique des compétences et sur l'adhésion des individus à de tels projets collectifs et expliquent l'infélicité de certains actes performatifs.

La expansión de las tecnologías digitales en red acelera los procesos previos por los cuales se automatizaba la percepción permitiendo una creciente agencia técnica que impacta en la gubernamentalidad contemporánea que es parte constitutiva de la presente etapa de la evolución técnica. Desde la filosofía este problema transversal puede abordarse a partir de discusiones que procuran vincular estética y técnica. En particular dos conceptos, el de "escrituras algorítmicas" y el de "imágenes invisibles" permiten abordar la novedad de la interpretación maquínica que tienen aplicación efectiva en múltiples campos del quehacer humano contemporáneo. A partir del concepto simondoniano de "tecnoestética", las poéticas experimentales permiten revisar los rasgos salientes de las nuevas ontologías técnicas que se concretizan en la circulación masiva de datos que no tienen intérpretes humanos. Para ello se presenta primero el concepto simondoniano y sus alcances, luego se propone una extensión de los modos de existencia propuestos para los objetos técnicos al medio digital y en red actual. Esto permite revisar el problema del objeto estético a partir de nuevas ontologías, producto de una escritura algorítmica, que den cuenta de la emergencia de una percepción maquínica capaz de producir e interpretar imágenes que no están destinadas a ojos humanos. Pero es además una percepción integrada a una agencia técnica no humana que pone en crisis el antropocentrismo que organizaba el reconocimiento de los signos y que impacta en la constitución de la esfera de lo político. El trabajo concluye con una valoración provisoria de los alcances y necesidad de adecuaciones de la tecnoestética como propuesta teórica que permita rearticular técnica y política. ; The expansion of digital network technologies accelerates the previous processes by which perception was automated, allowing a growing technical agency that impacts on contemporary governmentality that is a constitutive part of the present stage of technical evolution. From philosophy this cross-cutting problem can be approached from discussions that seek to link aesthetics and technique. In particular, two concepts, that of "algorithmic writings" and that of "invisible images" allow us to address the novelty of machinic interpretation that have effective application in multiple fields of contemporary human endeavor. Based on the Simondonian concept of "techno-aesthetics", experimental poetics allow us to review the salient features of the new technical ontologies that are materialized in the massive circulation of data that have no human interpreters. For this, the Simondonian concept and its scope are presented first, then an extension of the modes of existence proposed for technical objects to the current digital and networked medium is proposed. This makes it possible to review the problem of the aesthetic object from new ontologies, the product of algorithmic writing, which account for the emergence of a machine perception capable of producing and interpreting images that are not intended for human eyes. But it is also a perception integrated into a non-human technical agency that puts into crisis the anthropocentrism that organized the recognition of signs and that impacts the constitution of the political sphere. The work concludes with a provisional assessment of the scope and need for adaptations of techno-aesthetics as a theoretical proposal that allows technical and political rearticulation. ; Fil: Ré, Anahi Alejandra. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Estudios Avanzados; Argentina. Universidad Provincial de Córdoba; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba; Argentina ; Fil: Costa, Flavia Gisela. Universidad Nacional de San Martín; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Celis Bueno, Claudio. Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano; Chile ; Fil: Berti, Agustin. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Instituto de Humanidades. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Instituto de Humanidades; Argentina

Africa is today the most important part of the Francophonie. French is an official or co-official language along with other languages in 21 African countries, all in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Since the end of colonialism and Cold War politics, changes in the Francophonie have been driven largely by external factors, such as a drive to combat Anglo-American cultural hegemony. Continuities, on the other hand, are mainly due to France's historical affinity with Africa, its view of its place in the world and its understanding of the role of the state. The International Organization of Francophonie (OIF) defends the common interests of the Francophone area and imposes a common vision for reform, particularly in the area of terms of trade. However, the demographic future of Francophonie will play out more and more in southern countries, especially in Africa. In 2010, half of all Francophones worldwide lived in Africa. It is expected that by 2060 almost 84% of the French-speaking population will live in Africa. Francophonie is mainly driven by the Francophone power elite in, both France and Africa, and the infamous Françafrique patronage network. Both propagate the universality of French as a language, including Pidgin French (often biasedly referred to as 'petit-nègre'), culture and way of life. Although the fate of African Francophonie is still determined by the North, the high mobility of the African population, driven by increasing urbanization, means that multilingualism, e.g. the simultaneous use of French and African languages, is 'deterritorialized'. Therefore, it would be crucial to solve the problem of the interface between French and African languages and to identify which other languages could replace French and in which areas this would be most desirable. Apart from that, there are promising perspectives for a self-determined development in the area of the francophone culture of the SSA. The African film industry, literature and religion could make it possible to find a new African rationality, a new way of defining oneself and hoping for a better future, free from the socio-economic inequalities that characterize the francophone post-colony despite globalization. Thus, a viable, dynamic and truly African culture in Francophone SSA could equal and even surpass the rival 'Commonwealth culture'. Although both European colonial powers, Great Britain and France, conquered substantial geographic spaces in SSA, using language as a means of control, the resulting networks, the Commonwealth and Francophonie are quite different.

This Ph-D thesis develops the twofold history of the notions of "race" and "degeneration" between the XVIIth and the XIXth century. This history is studied from two points of view: historical epistemology that is "how race and degeneration became the concepts of various knowledges (natural history, anthropology, psychiatry)"; and history of government practices, that is "how race and degeneration became problems of government". Focusing on the historical link between these notions gives us the possibility to analyze the emergence, in the XIXth century, of a field of knowledge that dealt with what we call the "abnormal man", that is this very specific entity which agglomerates madness, criminality and "inferior" races as deviations of human normality, in an ambiguous space between the normal and the pathological. Our thesis describes the various categories that organise this field of knowledge. More deeply, we want to argue that the notions of race and degeneration, far from being external to humanism and universalism, far from being systematically correlated to practices of exclusion, are intimately connected to a practical and theoretical humanism and to practices of inclusion, that deal with race, madness and crime as alterations of a norm one has to regenerate, correct and improve through specific apparatus of power. Through this historical lens, we want to study all the ambiguities and aporias that lurk in the very heart of this will of inclusion and this analysis of heterogeneous realities as alterations of a norm. We show in particular how we can establish a very strong link between the insertion of the concept of "race" into natural history and monogenism; and, on the other side, how it is important to study the insertion of "race" into the political field and, more broadly, the emergence of the knowledge of the abnormal, to take into consideration its logical links with political liberalism in the beginning of XIXth century. ; Cette thèse fait l'histoire conjointe des notions de " race " et de " ...

This Ph-D thesis develops the twofold history of the notions of "race" and "degeneration" between the XVIIth and the XIXth century. This history is studied from two points of view: historical epistemology that is "how race and degeneration became the concepts of various knowledges (natural history, anthropology, psychiatry)"; and history of government practices, that is "how race and degeneration became problems of government". Focusing on the historical link between these notions gives us the possibility to analyze the emergence, in the XIXth century, of a field of knowledge that dealt with what we call the "abnormal man", that is this very specific entity which agglomerates madness, criminality and "inferior" races as deviations of human normality, in an ambiguous space between the normal and the pathological. Our thesis describes the various categories that organise this field of knowledge. More deeply, we want to argue that the notions of race and degeneration, far from being external to humanism and universalism, far from being systematically correlated to practices of exclusion, are intimately connected to a practical and theoretical humanism and to practices of inclusion, that deal with race, madness and crime as alterations of a norm one has to regenerate, correct and improve through specific apparatus of power. Through this historical lens, we want to study all the ambiguities and aporias that lurk in the very heart of this will of inclusion and this analysis of heterogeneous realities as alterations of a norm. We show in particular how we can establish a very strong link between the insertion of the concept of "race" into natural history and monogenism; and, on the other side, how it is important to study the insertion of "race" into the political field and, more broadly, the emergence of the knowledge of the abnormal, to take into consideration its logical links with political liberalism in the beginning of XIXth century. ; Cette thèse fait l'histoire conjointe des notions de " race " et de " ...

This Ph-D thesis develops the twofold history of the notions of "race" and "degeneration" between the XVIIth and the XIXth century. This history is studied from two points of view: historical epistemology that is "how race and degeneration became the concepts of various knowledges (natural history, anthropology, psychiatry)"; and history of government practices, that is "how race and degeneration became problems of government". Focusing on the historical link between these notions gives us the possibility to analyze the emergence, in the XIXth century, of a field of knowledge that dealt with what we call the "abnormal man", that is this very specific entity which agglomerates madness, criminality and "inferior" races as deviations of human normality, in an ambiguous space between the normal and the pathological. Our thesis describes the various categories that organise this field of knowledge. More deeply, we want to argue that the notions of race and degeneration, far from being external to humanism and universalism, far from being systematically correlated to practices of exclusion, are intimately connected to a practical and theoretical humanism and to practices of inclusion, that deal with race, madness and crime as alterations of a norm one has to regenerate, correct and improve through specific apparatus of power. Through this historical lens, we want to study all the ambiguities and aporias that lurk in the very heart of this will of inclusion and this analysis of heterogeneous realities as alterations of a norm. We show in particular how we can establish a very strong link between the insertion of the concept of "race" into natural history and monogenism; and, on the other side, how it is important to study the insertion of "race" into the political field and, more broadly, the emergence of the knowledge of the abnormal, to take into consideration its logical links with political liberalism in the beginning of XIXth century. ; Cette thèse fait l'histoire conjointe des notions de " race " et de " ...

'Im Zentrum dieses Aufsatzes steht das 'Lesen' und Interpretieren von Affekten. Dies soll am Beispiel einer diskursiv-dekonstruktiven Analyse von Interviews mit 'Care'- bzw. Hausarbeiterinnen sowie deren Arbeitgeberinnen, die die Verfasserin im Rahmen einer ethnographischen Studie durchgeführt hat, diskutiert werden. Es wird gezeigt, wie eine dekonstruktive Lektüre von Affekten zu einem Verstehen (a) der Einbindung des Subjekts der Aussage in einen diskursiven Rahmen und (b) der Intensität in der Begegnung zwischen 'Care' - bzw. Hausarbeiterinnen und deren Arbeitgeberinnen beitragen kann. Diese Begegnungen ereignen sich in einem 'heterotopischen Raum', d.h. einem heterogener Raum, der auch von den Folgen affektiver Ereignisse durchzogen ist. In diesem Zusammenhang meint Affekt eine mehr oder weniger organisierte Erfahrung, eine Erfahrung wahrscheinlich mit ermächtigenden oder entmächtigenden Konsequenzen, die auf der Ebene dieser Begegnungen wahrnehmbar ist, aber nicht unbedingt ausgesprochen und damit 'eingeschrieben' ist. Ausgehend von den Redeweisen derjenigen, die diese vergeschlechtlichten und ethnisierten Räume bewohnen, stellt der Beitrag folgende Fragen: Wie können die Begegnung zwischen Care- und Hausarbeiterinnen und ihren Arbeitgeberinnen auf der Basis affektiver Bezüge gelesen werden? Wie können wir Affekte als einen Moment der Intensität in diesen Beziehungen aufspüren? Wie kann die Lektüre von Foucault, Derrida und Spivak zu einer Theoretisierung von Affekt beitragen?' (Autorenreferat)

Since the end of the 2000s, measures to protect marine biodiversity have been progressively implemented in the oceans leading to the creation of marine protected areas (MPAs). States have started to take on this final frontier and began to set up MPAs in their territorial waters and exclusive economic zones. A global maritime ecofrontier has opened up under the impetus of a group of stakeholders - the eco-conquerors - who are advocating the replacement of unsustainable ocean exploitation methods with more environmentally friendly ones. This thesis focuses on France, compared with South Africa. The originality of the analysis lies, on the one hand, in the comparison between these two States, and on the other hand, in an approach of the French policy as seen from the perspective of its overseas territories, considered as socio-economically and politically marginal. The work is based on several case studies: first, carried out in the Indian Ocean, in Mayotte (Mayotte Marine Natural Park [PNMM] and National Nature Reserve [RNN] of the M'bouzi islet) and in Reunion Island (Reunion Island Marine Nature Reserve [RNMR]), and second, in South Africa, in the Table Mountain National Park Marine Protected Area (TMNP MPA) around the Cape Peninsula and in the iSimangaliso Wetland Park (iSWP) in KwaZulu Natal. These areas were complemented by an analysis of the Glorieuses Marine Natural Park (PNMG) and the French Southern Lands National Nature Reserve (RNN TAF).The thesis documents the way in which the maritime ecological front has opened up and has become sustainable at different scales and the role played by administrations, NGOs and scientist's mobilisation. It highlights the originality of the merritorialities, the political orientations chosen by the two States and the forms of national maritime ecofrontier development. A resistance movement born from the field has led to a "dotted line" maritime ecological front made up of reduced, shifting, unstable conservation merritories based on an incomplete and dissonant governmentality. The analysis highlights the importance of the postcolonial history of the studied territories in the way national policies have been negotiated by local actors - the eco-creators – in order to produce hybrid policies and to give birth to original competing conservation merritories. ; Les océans se couvrent progressivement, depuis la fin des années 2000, de dispositifs de protection de la biodiversité marine : les aires marines protégées (AMP). Les États se sont lancés à la conquête de cette ultime frontière et ont commencé à mettre en place des AMP dans leurs eaux territoriales et leur zone économique exclusive. On observe ainsi l'ouverture d'un front écologique maritime global sous l'impulsion d'un groupe d'acteur∙rices – les écoconquérant∙es – prônant le remplacement d'un mode d'exploitation non-durable des océans par des modalités plus respectueuses de l'environnement. Cette thèse s'intéresse à la France, mise en regard avec l'Afrique du Sud. L'originalité de l'analyse réside, d'une part, dans la comparaison entre ces deux États, et d'autre part, dans une approche de la politique française vue depuis ses outre-mer, territoires socio-économiquement et politiquement marginaux. Le travail prend appui sur plusieurs études de cas : d'une part dans l'océan Indien, à Mayotte (Parc naturel marin de Mayotte [PNMM] et Réserve naturelle nationale [RNN] de l'îlot M'bouzi) et à la Réunion (Réserve naturelle marine de La Réunion [RNMR]), d'autre part en Afrique du Sud, à la Table Mountain National Park Marine Protected Area (TMNP MPA) autour de la Péninsule du Cap et dans l'iSimangaliso Wetland Park (iSWP) au KwaZulu Natal. Ces terrains ont été complétés par une analyse des cas du Parc naturel marin des Glorieuses (PNMG) et de la Réserve naturelle nationale des Terres australes françaises (RNN TAF).La thèse documente la manière dont s'est ouvert et se pérennise le front écologique maritime à différentes échelles et le rôle joué par la mobilisation des administrations, des ONG et des scientifiques. Il met en avant l'originalité des merritorialités, les orientations politiques choisies par les deux États et les formes de développement des fronts écologiques maritimes nationaux. Des résistances nées du terrain résulte un front écologique maritime « en pointillés » formé de merritoires de la conservation réduits, mouvants, instables et reposant sur une environnementalité incomplète et dissonante. L'analyse met en évidence l'importance de l'histoire postcoloniale des territoires étudiés dans la manière dont les politiques nationales ont été négociées par les acteur∙rices locaux∙ales – les écocréateur∙rices – pour produire des politiques hybrides et former des merritoires de la conservation concurrents et originaux.

Migration in recent decades has increased language diversity in America, fueling controversies about bilingual education, and revealing how deeply national identity is entangled with assumptions about language and race. Drawing from an analysis of policy debates about the federal legislation and education policy known as No Child Left Behind and from ethnographic studies of multilingual migrant households and schooling practices in upstate Nueva York, I examine how metadiscourses about languages and persons circulate across differently-scaled discursive events and social spaces, including congressional hearings and academic policy research, as well as the classroom sites where individual schools enact policies for 'English Language Learners'. My analysis uses anthropological theories of register, racialization, and the state to investigate how linguistic and social inequality are co-constructed in an era of increasing social polarization. Such co-construction depends upon forms of governmentality, forms of decentralized 'state effects', that operate across the apparent boundaries between state and civil society, and result from both top-down and bottom up processes, policy mandates as well as local categories of 'good' and 'bad' minorities. The analysis revealscomplex, enduring connections between language, race and inequality in processes of education; their critique remains a pressing task for the Anthropology of Education. ; Las migraciones de las décadas recientes han aumentado la diversidad lingüística deAmérica, lo que alimenta controversias acerca de la educación bilingüe y revela el puntoen que la identidad nacional se entremezcla con supuestos acerca del lenguaje y la raza.Partiendo de un análisis de los debates políticos acerca de la legislación federal y lapolítica educativa conocida como Ningún Niño Dejado Atrás (No Child Left Behind, NCLB) y los estudios etnográficos de hogares de migrantes multilingües así como prácticas de escolarización del norte del Estado de Nueva York, examino cómo los metadiscursos acerca de lenguas y personas circulan a través de eventos discursivos y espacios sociales de diferentes escalas, que incluyen audiencias en el Congreso e investigaciones académicas acerca de NCLB, así como los ámbitos escolares en los que, en cada escuela, se ponen en práctica las políticas educativas destinadas a estudiantes clasificados como "aprendices de lengua inglesa". Mi análisis utiliza teorías antropológicas de registro, racialización y del Estado para investigar cómo son coconstruidas las inequidades lingüísticas y sociales en una era de creciente polarización social. Dicha coconstrucción depende de formas de gubernamentalidad, formas de efectos de Estado descentralizados, que operan a través de las fronteras aparentes entre Estado y sociedad civil, y resultan tanto de procesos "de arriba hacia abajo" como "de abajo hacia arriba"; de mandatos políticos así como de categorías locales de "buenas" y "malas" minorías. El análisis revela conexiones complejas y duraderas entre el lenguaje, la raza y la desigualdad en los procesos de educación; su crítica sigue siendo una tarea apremiante para la antropología de la educación. ; As migrações das décadas recentes aumentaram a diversidade linguística de América, alimentando controvérsias em relação à educação bilíngue, e revelando o ponto no qual a identidade nacional se mistura com supostos em relação ao linguagem e a raça. Partindo de uma análise dos debates políticos em relação a legislação federal e a política educativa conhecida como Ningún Niño Dejado Atrás (No Child Left Behind, NCLB [Nenhuma criança pra trás]) e aos estudos etnográficos de lares de migrantes multilíngues assim como às prácticas de escolarização da área norte do Estado de Nueva York, examino como os meta-discursos em relação a línguas e pessoas circulam através de eventos discursivos e espaços sociais em diferentes escalas, que incluem audiências no Congresso e investigações académicas acerca da NCLB, assim como os âmbitos escolares nos quais, en cada escola, se põem em prática as políticas educativas orientadas a estudantes classificados como "aprendizes de língua inglesa". Meu análise utiliza teorias antropológicas de registro, racialização e do estado para pesquisar como são co-construídas as inequidades linguísticas e sociais numa era de crescente polarização social. Dita co-construção depende de formas de gubernamentalidade, formas de efeitos de estado descentralizados, que operam através das fronteiras aparentes entre estado y sociedade civil, e resultam tanto de processos "de encima para abaixo"como "de abaixo para encima", de mandatos políticos assim como de categorias locais de "boas" y "más" minorias. A análise revela conexões complexas e duradouras entre a linguagem, a raça e a desigualdade nos processos de educação; sua crítica continua sendo uma tarefa urgente para a Antropología da Educação.

Migration in recent decades has increased language diversity in America, fueling controversies about bilingual education, and revealing how deeply national identity is entangled with assumptions about language and race. Drawing from an analysis of policy debates about the federal legislation and education policy known as No Child Left Behind and from ethnographic studies of multilingual migrant households and schooling practices in upstate Nueva York, I examine how metadiscourses about languages and persons circulate across differently-scaled discursive events and social spaces, including congressional hearings and academic policy research, as well as the classroom sites where individual schools enact policies for 'English Language Learners'. My analysis uses anthropological theories of register, racialization, and the state to investigate how linguistic and social inequality are co-constructed in an era of increasing social polarization. Such co-construction depends upon forms of governmentality, forms of decentralized 'state effects', that operate across the apparent boundaries between state and civil society, and result from both top-down and bottom up processes, policy mandates as well as local categories of 'good' and 'bad' minorities. The analysis revealscomplex, enduring connections between language, race and inequality in processes of education; their critique remains a pressing task for the Anthropology of Education. ; Las migraciones de las décadas recientes han aumentado la diversidad lingüística deAmérica, lo que alimenta controversias acerca de la educación bilingüe y revela el puntoen que la identidad nacional se entremezcla con supuestos acerca del lenguaje y la raza.Partiendo de un análisis de los debates políticos acerca de la legislación federal y lapolítica educativa conocida como Ningún Niño Dejado Atrás (No Child Left Behind, NCLB) y los estudios etnográficos de hogares de migrantes multilingües así como prácticas de escolarización del norte del Estado de Nueva York, examino cómo los metadiscursos acerca de lenguas y personas circulan a través de eventos discursivos y espacios sociales de diferentes escalas, que incluyen audiencias en el Congreso e investigaciones académicas acerca de NCLB, así como los ámbitos escolares en los que, en cada escuela, se ponen en práctica las políticas educativas destinadas a estudiantes clasificados como "aprendices de lengua inglesa". Mi análisis utiliza teorías antropológicas de registro, racialización y del Estado para investigar cómo son coconstruidas las inequidades lingüísticas y sociales en una era de creciente polarización social. Dicha coconstrucción depende de formas de gubernamentalidad, formas de efectos de Estado descentralizados, que operan a través de las fronteras aparentes entre Estado y sociedad civil, y resultan tanto de procesos "de arriba hacia abajo" como "de abajo hacia arriba"; de mandatos políticos así como de categorías locales de "buenas" y "malas" minorías. El análisis revela conexiones complejas y duraderas entre el lenguaje, la raza y la desigualdad en los procesos de educación; su crítica sigue siendo una tarea apremiante para la antropología de la educación. ; As migrações das décadas recentes aumentaram a diversidade linguística de América, alimentando controvérsias em relação à educação bilíngue, e revelando o ponto no qual a identidade nacional se mistura com supostos em relação ao linguagem e a raça. Partindo de uma análise dos debates políticos em relação a legislação federal e a política educativa conhecida como Ningún Niño Dejado Atrás (No Child Left Behind, NCLB [Nenhuma criança pra trás]) e aos estudos etnográficos de lares de migrantes multilíngues assim como às prácticas de escolarização da área norte do Estado de Nueva York, examino como os meta-discursos em relação a línguas e pessoas circulam através de eventos discursivos e espaços sociais em diferentes escalas, que incluem audiências no Congresso e investigações académicas acerca da NCLB, assim como os âmbitos escolares nos quais, en cada escola, se põem em prática as políticas educativas orientadas a estudantes classificados como "aprendizes de língua inglesa". Meu análise utiliza teorias antropológicas de registro, racialização e do estado para pesquisar como são co-construídas as inequidades linguísticas e sociais numa era de crescente polarização social. Dita co-construção depende de formas de gubernamentalidade, formas de efeitos de estado descentralizados, que operam através das fronteiras aparentes entre estado y sociedade civil, e resultam tanto de processos "de encima para abaixo"como "de abaixo para encima", de mandatos políticos assim como de categorias locais de "boas" y "más" minorias. A análise revela conexões complexas e duradouras entre a linguagem, a raça e a desigualdade nos processos de educação; sua crítica continua sendo uma tarefa urgente para a Antropología da Educação.

Assessing Corporate Social Responsability (CSR) implies to investigateempirically the operations implemented and, at the territorial level, to characterizetheir structural impacts beyond the effects initially targeted. Our research carriesout such an assessment for the banana sector in Cameroon. It draws onmethodological tools that Elinor Ostrom has set up by studying commons, thenadjusted to a context of systemic corruption. As a result, we show : how conflictson a key resource use and appropriation (land) have arised in history and areframed by specific sets of rules in use ; to what extent the CSR operations wehave assessed (Fairtrade labels, health and education aid…) result in materialimprovements for workers and neighbouring communities while reducing theircapabilities to face environmental and social issues generated by the banana agroindustry.Then we explain why the way firms' governements steers structuralchanges in the social group addressed by their CSR operations can qualify for'neopaternalism' and 'managerial governmentality'. ; Le concept de Responsabilité Sociale des Entreprises (RSE), tout en faisant l'objet de débats sur ses contours (s'agit-il uniquement d'actions volontaires allant au-delà des exigences légales ? ou y a-t-il des implications réglementaires ?), soulève un intérêt croissant en Afrique depuis les années 2000, a fortiori dans les pays où la puissance publique ne parvient pas à assurer un niveau satisfaisant de fourniture en services sociaux de base ou à faire respecter le droit existant. L'analyse économique considère en général ces actions comme une forme d'internalisation volontaire des externalités d'une entreprise, ce qui présuppose un principe contesté de substituabilité entre éléments naturels (assimilés à du « capital naturel », à la différence du concept de « patrimoine »), et ne tient pas compte du fait que le périmètre impacté par une action de RSE ne se limite pas nécessairement à celui envisagé lors de sa conception (pensée comme une action bénéficiant à un type d'acteur interne ou externe à l'entreprise, elle peut avoir un impact sur d'autres acteurs). En outre, les effets peuvent être mixtes (par exemple, négatif en parallèle des bienfaits attendus). Évaluer l'effet des actions de RSE implique donc de chercher à prendre en compte leur possible « double-effet » (i.e. saisir les différentes dimensions de leur impact, sans se limiter aux seuls effets positifs préalablement recherchés), en intégrant l'analyse dans une approche multi-niveaux (afin de s'intéresser aux différentes échelles d'interactions concernées). Cette thèse cherche à mener une telle évaluation pour la filière banane d'exportation du Cameroun, où l'on assiste au déploiement récent et important d'actions de RSE, et propose une analyse globale des dispositifs mis en œuvre par les entreprises du secteur, en nous situant en particulier par rapport à la gestion collective, sur le territoire, de la ressource foncière – liée au core business de toute agro-industrie. La thèse mobilise l'outillage méthodologique développé par Elinor Ostrom et le Bloomington Workshop, qui permet d'analyser le processus décisionnel et les effets structurels induits, après l'avoir enrichi pour le rendre opératoire pour l'étude d'un tel objet de recherche : notamment prendre en compte le contexte camerounais de corruption systémique et la forte conflictualité observée dans la gestion du foncier agricole. Pour en « révéler » la grammaire institutionnelle, cette opérationnalisation implique de stabiliser certains concept-clés : la thèse propose donc des clarifications conceptuelles sur la caractérisation des types de systèmes de ressource, sur les conditions nécessaires à un commun et donc sur les différentes façons d'appréhender le foncier en fonction du système de ressource considéré et du mode de gestion mis en place à telle ou telle échelle. La thèse analyse ensuite l'histoire et les modalités d'appropriation foncière dans les territoires bananiers du Cameroun, afin d'expliciter la grammaire institutionnelle qui régit les règles de gestion de la ressource foncière de l'un d'eux (le Moungo), dont la comparaison avec l'idéaltype du commun permet de proposer une évaluation systémique des dispositifs RSE observés. Enfin, le relevé méthodique des indices de modification des rapports sociaux dans et autour de l'entreprise, en analysant l'impact sur les modes de régulation sociale de ces dispositifs (dont la certification Fairtrade ou la multiplication d'actions sociales à destination des communautés riveraines), amène à conclure que cet effet s'apparente à du « néopaternalisme », par lequel se diffuse une forme de gouvernementalité managériale : les bénéfices matériels de certains dispositifs RSE pour les ouvriers et les populations locales ont ainsi pour corollaire une réduction de leurs capabilities – et donc une réduction des possibilités d'action face aux problèmes environnementaux et sociaux que peut leur poser l'activité agro-industrielle étudiée.

Abstract'Power in the Tongue': Staging American VoiceByCaitlin Simms MarshallDoctor of Philosophy in Performance StudiesDesignated Emphasis in New MediaUniversity of California BerkeleyProfessor Abigail DeKosnik, ChairVoice is the chief metaphor for power and enfranchisement in American democracy. Citizens exercising rights are figured as 'making their voices heard,' social movements are imagined as 'giving voice to the voiceless,' and elected leaders represent 'the voice of the people.' This recurring trope forces the question: does citizenship have a sound, and if so, what voices count? Scholars of American studies and theater history have long been interested in nineteenth-century national formation, and have turned to speech, oratory, and performance to understand the role of class, gender, and race in shaping the early republic (Fliegelman 1993, Looby 1996, Gustafson 2000, Lott 1993, Deloria 1998, Nathans 2009, Jones 2014). However, these studies are dominated by textual and visual modes of critique. The recent academic turn to sound studies has produced scholarship on the sonic formation of minoritarian American identity and an American cultural landscape. Yet this body of research all but overlooks voice performance as site of inquiry. As a result, research has disregarded a central sensory pathway through which democracy operates. Without academic inquiry on the vocal contours of citizenship, we are left with an incomplete understanding of how America selects its constituents, and on what terms. My project, 'Power in the tongue': Staging American Voice addresses this lacuna by analyzing the racialized and queer disabled dynamics of American voice from 1828 to 1861. Leading up to the Civil War, socio-political shifts in settler colonialism and slavery necessitated a new mode of American governmentality. These exigencies catalyzed the reconceptualization of voice from embodied performance practice to a sonic symbol that could record, reproduce, or contest a soundtrack of American citizenship. Taking up dramatic and dramatized literature, and using original archival research on minstrelsy and melodrama, dime museum exhibition, concert song, and dramatic reading, I show how popular performances "split" black, Native, and queer disabled voices from their originary bodies nearly half a century before the phonograph. Staged as the signs of corporeal difference, these voices were deployed in contradictory ways and in service of competing social interests. In this dissertation, I go behind the scenes of performances by Edwin Forrest, Chief Push-ma-ta-ha, P.T Barnum, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Mary E. Webb, Elizabeth Taylor Greenfield, and Japanese Tommy to understand how each deployed subaltern voice to underscore their claims for national rights and recognitions. 'Power in the Tongue' began in the archives. In examining playbills, broadsides, newspaper reviews, songsters, and scripts at research centers like the Harvard Theatre Collection, the Harriet Beecher Stowe Center, the Library Company of Philadelphia, and many more, I began to hear a pattern that disrupted dominant narratives of American history. While scholars concur that by the nineteenth-century the ascendancy of print culture eclipsed public speech as the primary medium of national formation, the primary archival materials I viewed told a different story. They attested to the persistent importance of oral culture as a site of struggle over belonging in antebellum America, particularly for persons excluded from the elite, literary idea of nation: women, especially women of color, Native Americans, African Americans, and, prior to Andrew Jackson's election, the white, common man. This dissertation hones in on voice performance as the site of struggle of, and between these social actors. Further, the dissertation plots how race and queer disability influenced an evolving counterpoint between embodied voice performance and textuality. I argue that whites like Edwin Forrest, P.T Barnum, and Harriet Beecher Stowe deployed subaltern voice performance alongside textual innovations to ensure their own entrée to American cultural hegemony and bring black, Native, and queer disabled bodies under control, while vocalists of color like Push-ma-ta-ha, Mary Webb, Elizabeth Taylor Greenfield, and Japanese Tommy played-back their sonic difference to contest both the aesthetic and ideological foundations of American citizenship, and white attempts to (re)produce such sonic and written scripts through subaltern bodies. In tracking the sonic signs of race and queer disability as they reel between archive and repertoire, I offer an historically located genealogy of performativity that accounts for the socio-political force of speech act. 'Power in the Tongue' also develops new methods for hearing history and listening to the past – methods that ultimately offer new strategies for registering vocal difference today.