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Ali Abbas (" From the Editors… ") is an associate professor in the Department of Industrial and Enterprise Systems Engineering at the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign. He received an M.S. in electrical engineering (1998), an M.S. in engineering economic systems and operations research (2001), a Ph.D. in management science and engineering (2003), and a Ph.D. (minor) in electrical engineering, all from Stanford University. He worked as a lecturer in the Department of Management Science and Engineering at Stanford and worked in Schlumberger Oilfield Services from 1991 to 1997, where he held several international positions in wireline logging, operations management, and international training. He has also worked on several consulting projects for mergers and acquisitions in California, and cotaught several executive seminars on decision analysis at Strategic Decisions Group in Menlo Park, California. His research interests include utility theory, decision making with incomplete information and preferences, dynamic programming, and information theory. Dr. Abbas is a senior member of the Institute of Electrical and Electronic Engineers (IEEE) and a member of the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS). He is also an associate editor for Decision Analysis and Operations Research and coeditor of the DA column in education for Decision Analysis Today. Address: Department of Industrial and Enterprise Systems Engineering, College of Engineering, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, 117 Transportation Building, MC-238, 104 South Mathews Avenue, Urbana, IL 61801; e-mail: aliabbas@uiuc.edu . Matthew D. Bailey (" Eliciting Patients' Revealed Preferences: An Inverse Markov Decision Process Approach ") is an assistant professor of business analytics and operations in the School of Management at Bucknell University, and he is an adjunct research investigator with Geisinger Health System. He received his Ph.D. in industrial and operations engineering from the University of Michigan. His primary research interest is in sequential decision making under uncertainty with applications to health-care operations and medical decision making. He is a member of the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS) and the Institute of Industrial Engineers (IIE). Address: School of Management, Bucknell University, 308 Taylor Hall, Lewisburg, PA 17837; e-mail: matt.bailey@bucknell.edu . Anthony M. Barrett (" Cost Effectiveness of On-Site Chlorine Generation for Chlorine Truck Attack Prevention ") is a risk analyst at ABS Consulting in Arlington, Virginia. He holds a Ph.D. in engineering and public policy from Carnegie Mellon University, and he also was a postdoctoral research associate at the Homeland Security Center for Risk and Economic Analysis of Terrorism Events (CREATE) at the University of Southern California. His research interests include risk analysis, risk management, and public policies in a wide variety of areas, including terrorism, hazardous materials, energy and the environment, and natural hazards. Address: ABS Consulting, 1525 Wilson Boulevard, Suite 625, Arlington, VA 22209; e-mail: abarrett@absconsulting.com . Manel Baucells (" From the Editors… ") is a full professor at the Department of Economics and Business of Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona. He was an associate professor and head of the Managerial Decision Sciences Department at IESE Business School. He earned his Ph.D. in management from the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) and holds a degree in mechanical engineering from Polytechnic University of Catalonia (UPC). His research and consulting activities cover multiple areas of decision making including group decisions, consumer decisions, uncertainty, complexity, and psychology. He acts as associate editor for the top journals Management Science, Operations Research, and Decision Analysis. He has received various prizes and grants for his research. In 2001, he won the student paper competition of the Decision Analysis Society. He is the only IESE professor having won both the Excellence Research Award and the Excellence Teaching Award. He has been visiting professor at Duke University, UCLA, London Business School, and Erasmus University. Address: Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Ramon Trias Fargas 25-27, 08005 Barcelona, Spain; e-mail: manel.baucells@upf.edu . J. Eric Bickel (" Scoring Rules and Decision Analysis Education ") is an assistant professor in both the Operations Research/Industrial Engineering Group (Department of Mechanical Engineering) and the Department of Petroleum and Geosystems Engineering at the University of Texas at Austin. In addition, Professor Bickel is a fellow in both the Center for International Energy and Environmental Policy and the Center for Petroleum Asset Risk Management. He holds an M.S. and Ph.D. from the Department of Engineering-Economic Systems at Stanford University and a B.S. in mechanical engineering with a minor in economics from New Mexico State University. His research interests include the theory and practice of decision analysis and its application in the energy and climate-change arenas. His research has addressed the modeling of probabilistic dependence, value of information, scoring rules, calibration, risk preference, education, decision making in sports, and climate engineering as a response to climate change. Prior to joining the University of Texas at Austin, Professor Bickel was an assistant professor at Texas A&M University and a senior engagement manager for Strategic Decisions Group. He has consulted around the world in a range of industries, including oil and gas, electricity generation/transmission/delivery, energy trading and marketing, commodity and specialty chemicals, life sciences, financial services, and metals and mining. Address: Graduate Program in Operations Research, The University of Texas at Austin, 1 University Station, C2200, Austin, TX 78712-0292; e-mail: ebickel@mail.utexas.edu . Vicki M. Bier (" From the Editors… ") holds a joint appointment as a professor in the Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering and the Department of Engineering Physics at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, where she has directed the Center for Human Performance and Risk Analysis (formerly the Center for Human Performance in Complex Systems) since 1995. She has more than 20 years of experience in risk analysis for the nuclear power, chemical, petrochemical, and aerospace industries. Before returning to academia, she spent seven years as a consultant at Pickard, Lowe and Garrick, Inc. While there, her clients included the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, the U.S. Department of Energy, and a number of nuclear utilities, and she prepared testimony for Atomic Safety and Licensing Board hearings on the safety of the Indian Point nuclear power plants. Dr. Bier's current research focuses on applications of risk analysis and related methods to problems of security and critical infrastructure protection, under support from the Department of Homeland Security. Dr. Bier received the Women's Achievement Award from the American Nuclear Society in 1993, and was elected a Fellow of the Society for Risk Analysis in 1996, from which she received the Distinguished Achievement Award in 2007. She has written a number of papers and book chapters related to uncertainty analysis and decision making under uncertainty, and is the author of two scholarly review articles on risk communication. She served as the engineering editor for Risk Analysis from 1997 through 2001, and has served as a councilor of both the Society for Risk Analysis and the Decision Analysis Society, for which she is currently vice president and president elect. Dr. Bier has also served as a member of both the Radiation Advisory Committee and the Homeland Security Advisory Committee of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's Science Advisory Board. Address: Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering, University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1513 University Avenue, Madison, WI 53706; e-mail: bier@engr.wisc.edu . Samuel E. Bodily (" Darden's Luckiest Student: Lessons from a High-Stakes Risk Experiment ") is the John Tyler Professor of Business Administration at the University of Virginia's Darden School of Business and has published textbooks and more than 40 articles in journals ranging from Harvard Business Review to Management Science. His publications relate to decision and risk analysis, forecasting, strategy modeling, revenue management, and eStrategy. He has edited special issues of Interfaces on decision and risk analysis and strategy modeling and analysis. Professor Bodily has published well over 100 cases, including a couple of the 10 best-selling cases at Darden. He received the Distinguished Casewriter Wachovia Award from Darden in 2005 and three other best case or research Wachovia awards. He is faculty leader for an executive program on Strategic Thinking and Action. He is the course head of, and teaches in, a highly valued first-year MBA course in decision analysis, has a successful second-year elective on Management Decision Models, and has taught eStrategy and Strategy. He is a past winner of the Decision Sciences International Instructional Award and has served as chair of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society. He has taught numerous executive education programs for Darden and private companies, has consulted widely for business and government entities, and has served as an expert witness. Professor Bodily was on the faculties of MIT Sloan School of Management and Boston University and has been a visiting professor at INSEAD Singapore, Stanford University, and the University of Washington. He has a Ph.D. degree and an S.M. degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and a B.S. degree in physics from Brigham Young University. Address: Darden School of Business, 100 Darden Boulevard, Charlottesville, VA 22903; e-mail: bodilys@virginia.edu . David Budescu (" From the Editors… ") is the Anne Anastasi Professor of Psychometrics and Quantitative Psychology at Fordham University. He held positions at the University of Illinois and the University of Haifa, and visiting positions at Carnegie Mellon University, University of Gotheborg, the Kellog School at Northwestern University, the Hebrew University, and the Israel Institute of Technology (Technion). His research is in the areas of human judgment, individual and group decision making under uncertainty and with incomplete and vague information, and statistics for the behavioral and social sciences. He is or was on the editorial boards of Applied Psychological Measurement; Decision Analysis; Journal of Behavioral Decision Making; Journal of Mathematical Psychology; Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory and Cognition (2000–2003); Multivariate Behavioral Research; Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes (1992–2002); and Psychological Methods (1996–2000). He is past president of the Society for Judgment and Decision Making (2000–2001), fellow of the Association for Psychological Science, and an elected member of the Society of Multivariate Experimental Psychologists. Address: Department of Psychology, Fordham University, Bronx, New York, NY 10458; e-mail: budescu@fordham.edu . John C. Butler (" From the Editors… ") is a clinical associate professor of finance and the academic director of the Energy Management and Innovation Center in the McCombs School of Business at the University of Texas at Austin, and the secretary/treasurer of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society. Butler received his Ph.D. in management science and information systems from the University of Texas in 1998. His research interests involve the use of decision science models to support decision making, with a particular emphasis on decision and risk analysis models with multiple performance criteria. Butler has consulted with a number of organizations regarding the application of decision analysis tools to a variety of practical problems. Most of his consulting projects involve use of Visual Basic for Applications and Excel to implement complex decision science models in a user-friendly format. Address: Center for Energy Management and Innovation, McCombs School of Business, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX 78712-1178; e-mail: john.butler2@mccombs.utexas.edu . Philippe Delquié (" From the Editors… ") is an associate professor of decision sciences at the George Washington University and holds a Ph.D. from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Professor Delquié's teaching and research are in decision, risk, and multicriteria analysis. His work focuses on the interplay of behavioral and normative theories of choice, with the aim of improving managerial decision making and risk taking. His research addresses issues in preference assessment, value of information, nonexpected utility models of choice under risk, and risk measures. Prior to joining the George Washington University, he held academic appointments at INSEAD, the University of Texas at Austin, and École Normale Supérieure, France, and visiting appointments at Duke University's Fuqua School of Business. Address: Department of Decision Sciences, George Washington University, Funger Hall, Suite 415, Washington, DC 20052; e-mail: delquie@gwu.edu . Zeynep Erkin (" Eliciting Patients' Revealed Preferences: An Inverse Markov Decision Process Approach ") is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Industrial Engineering at the University of Pittsburgh. She received her M.S. and B.S. degrees in industrial engineering from the University of Pittsburgh and Middle East Technical University, Turkey, in 2008 and 2006, respectively. Her research interests include maintenance optimization and medical decision making. Address: Department of Industrial Engineering, University of Pittsburgh, 3600 O'Hara Street, Pittsburgh, PA 15261; e-mail: zee2@pitt.edu . Peter I. Frazier (" Paradoxes in Learning and the Marginal Value of Information ") is an assistant professor in the School of Operations Research and Information Engineering at Cornell University. He received a Ph.D. in operations research and financial engineering from Princeton University in 2009. His research interest is in the optimal acquisition of information, with applications in simulation, medicine, operations management, neuroscience, and information retrieval. He teaches courses in simulation and statistics. Address: School of Operations Research and Information Engineering, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853; e-mail: pf98@cornell.edu . L. Robin Keller (" From the Editors… ") is a professor of operations and decision technologies in the Merage School of Business at the University of California, Irvine. She received her Ph.D. and M.B.A. in management science and her B.A. in mathematics from the University of California, Los Angeles. She has served as a program director for the Decision, Risk, and Management Science Program of the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF). Her research is on decision analysis and risk analysis for business and policy decisions and has been funded by NSF and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Her research interests cover multiple-attribute decision making, riskiness, fairness, probability judgments, ambiguity of probabilities or outcomes, risk analysis (for terrorism, environmental, health, and safety risks), time preferences, problem structuring, cross-cultural decisions, and medical decision making. She is currently Editor-in-Chief of Decision Analysis, published by the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS). She is a Fellow of INFORMS and has held numerous roles in INFORMS, including board member and chair of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society. She is a recipient of the George F. Kimball Medal from INFORMS. She has served as the decision analyst on three National Academy of Sciences committees. Address: The Paul Merage School of Business, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, CA 92697-3125; e-mail: lrkeller@uci.edu . Lisa M. Maillart (" Eliciting Patients' Revealed Preferences: An Inverse Markov Decision Process Approach ") is an associate professor in the Industrial Engineering Department at the University of Pittsburgh. Prior to joining the faculty at the University of Pittsburgh, she served on the faculty of the Department of Operations in the Weatherhead School of Management at Case Western Reserve University. She received her M.S. and B.S. in industrial and systems engineering from Virginia Tech, and her Ph.D. in industrial and operations engineering from the University of Michigan. Her primary research interest is in sequential decision making under uncertainty, with applications in medical decision making and maintenance optimization. She is a member of the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS), the Society of Medical Decision Making (SMDM), and the Institute of Industrial Engineers (IIE). Address: Department of Industrial Engineering, University of Pittsburgh, 3600 O'Hara Street, Pittsburgh, PA 15261; e-mail: maillart@pitt.edu . Jason R. W. Merrick (" From the Editors… ") is an associate professor in the Department of Statistical Sciences and Operations Research at Virginia Commonwealth University. He has a D.Sc. in operations research from the George Washington University. He teaches courses in decision analysis, risk analysis, and simulation. His research is primarily in the area of decision analysis and Bayesian statistics. He has worked on projects ranging from assessing maritime oil transportation and ferry system safety, the environmental health of watersheds, and optimal replacement policies for rail tracks and machine tools, and he has received grants from the National Science Foundation, the Federal Aviation Administration, the United States Coast Guard, the American Bureau of Shipping, British Petroleum, and Booz Allen Hamilton, among others. He has also performed training for Infineon Technologies, Wyeth Pharmaceuticals, and Capital One Services. He is an associate editor for Decision Analysis and Operations Research. He is the information officer for the Decision Analysis Society. Address: Department of Statistical Sciences and Operations Research, Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA 23284; e-mail: jrmerric@vcu.edu . Phillip E. Pfeifer (" Darden's Luckiest Student: Lessons from a High-Stakes Risk Experiment ") is the Richard S. Reynolds Professor of Business at the University of Virginia's Darden School of Business, where he teaches courses in decision analysis and direct marketing. A graduate of Lehigh University and the Georgia Institute of Technology, his teaching has won student awards and has been recognized in Business Week's Guide to the Best Business Schools. He is an active researcher in the areas of decision making and direct marketing, and he currently serves on the editorial review board of the Journal of Interactive Marketing, which named him their best reviewer of 2008. In 2004 he was recognized as the Darden School's faculty leader in terms of external case sales, and in 2006 he coauthored a managerial book, Marketing Metrics: 50+ Metrics Every Executive Should Master, published by Wharton School Publishing, which was named best marketing book of the year by Strategy + Business. Address: Darden School of Business; 100 Darden Boulevard; Charlottesville, VA 22903; e-mail: pfeiferp@virginia.edu . Warren B. Powell (" Paradoxes in Learning and the Marginal Value of Information ") is a professor in the Department of Operations Research and Financial Engineering at Princeton University, where he has taught since 1981. He is the director of CASTLE Laboratory (Princeton University), which specializes in the development of stochastic optimization models and algorithms with applications in transportation and logistics, energy, health, and finance. The author or coauthor of more than 160 refereed publications, he is an INFORMS Fellow, and the author of Approximate Dynamic Programming: Solving the Curses of Dimensionality, published by John Wiley and Sons. His primary research interests are in approximate dynamic programming for high-dimensional applications and optimal learning (the efficient collection of information), and their application in energy systems analysis and transportation. He is a recipient of the Wagner prize and has twice been a finalist in the Edelman competition. He has also served in a variety of editorial and administrative positions for INFORMS, including INFORMS Board of Directors, area editor for Operations Research, president of the Transportation Science Section, and numerous prize and administrative committees. Address: Department of Operations Research and Financial Engineering, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 08544; e-mail: powell@princeton.edu . Mark S. Roberts (" Eliciting Patients' Revealed Preferences: An Inverse Markov Decision Process Approach "), M.D., M.P.P., is professor and chair of health policy and management, and he holds secondary appointments in medicine, industrial engineering, and clinical and translational science. A practicing general internist, he has conducted research in decision analysis and the mathematical modeling of disease for more than 25 years, and he has expertise in cost effectiveness analysis, mathematical optimization and simulation, and the measurement and inclusion of patient preferences into decision problems. He has used decision analysis to examine clinical, costs, policy and allocation questions in liver transplantation, vaccination strategies, operative interventions, and the use of many medications. His recent research has concentrated in the use of mathematical methods from operations research and management science, including Markov decision processes, discrete-event simulation, and integer programming, to problems in health care. Address: Department of Health Policy and Management, University of Pittsburgh, Graduate School of Public Health, 130 De Soto Street, Pittsburgh, PA 15261; e-mail: robertsm@upmc.edu . Ahti Salo (" From the Editors… ") is a professor of systems analysis at the Systems Analysis Laboratory of Aalto University. His research interests include topics in portfolio decision analysis, multicriteria decision making, risk management, efficiency analysis, and technology foresight. He is currently president of the Finnish Operations Research Society (FORS) and represents Europe and the Middle East in the INFORMS International Activities Committee. Professor Salo has been responsible for the methodological design and implementation of numerous high-impact decision and policy processes, including FinnSight 2015, the national foresight exercise of the Academy of Finland and the National Funding Agency for Technology and Innovations (Tekes). Address: Aalto University, Systems Analysis Laboratory, P.O. Box 11100, 00076 Aalto, Finland; e-mail: ahti.salo@tkk.fi . Andrew J. Schaefer (" Eliciting Patients' Revealed Preferences: An Inverse Markov Decision Process Approach ") is an associate professor of industrial engineering and Wellington C. Carl Fellow at the University of Pittsburgh. He has courtesy appointments in bioengineering, medicine, and clinical and translational science. He received his Ph.D. in industrial and systems engineering from Georgia Tech in 2000. His research interests include the application of stochastic optimization methods to health-care problems, as well as stochastic optimization techniques, in particular, stochastic integer programming. He is interested in patient-oriented decision making in contexts such as end-stage liver disease, HIV/AIDS, sepsis, and diabetes. He also models health-care systems, including operating rooms and intensive-care units. He is an associate editor for INFORMS Journal on Computing and IIE Transactions. Address: Department of Industrial Engineering, University of Pittsburgh, 3600 O'Hara Street, Pittsburgh, PA 15261; e-mail: Schaefer@pitt.edu . George Wu (" From the Editors… ") has been on the faculty of the University of Chicago Booth School of Business since September 1997. His degrees include A.B. (applied mathematics, 1985), S.M. (applied mathematics, 1987), and Ph.D. (decision sciences, 1991), all from Harvard University. Prior to joining the faculty at the University of Chicago, Professor Wu was on the faculty at Harvard Business School. Wu worked as a decision analyst at Procter & Gamble prior to starting graduate school. His research interests include descriptive and prescriptive aspects of decision making, in particular, decision making involving risk, cognitive biases in bargaining and negotiation, and managerial and organizational decision making. Professor Wu is a coordinating editor for Theory and Decision, an advisory editor for Journal of Risk and Uncertainty, on the editorial boards of Decision Analysis and Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, and a former department editor of Management Science. Address: Booth School of Business, University of Chicago, 5807 South Woodlawn Avenue, Chicago, IL 60637; e-mail: wu@chicagobooth.edu .

Willie F. Moore, July 17, 2013 ; Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. ; The following is an oral history interview with Willie Moore. The interview was conducted at his barber shop on 25th Street on July 17, 2013, by Woodrow Johnson. Willie discusses his experiences with 25th Street.; The following is an oral history interview with Willie Moore. The interview was conducted at his barber shop on 25th Street on December 13, 2013, by Sarah Langsdon. Willie discusses his experiences with 25th Street. ; 40p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 videodisc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Willie F. Moore Interviewed by Woodrow Johnson 17 July 2013 and Sarah Langsdon 12 December 2013 Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Willie F. Moore Interviewed by Woodrow Johnson 17 July 2013 and Sarah Langsdon 12 December 2013 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description Business at the Crossroads - Ogden City is a project to collect oral histories related to changes in the Ogden business district since World War II. From the 1870s to World War II, Ogden was a major railroad town, with nine rail systems. With both east-west and north-south rail lines, business and commercial houses flourished as Ogden became a shipping and commerce hub. After World War II, the railroad business declined. Some government agencies and businesses related to the defense industry continued to gravitate to Ogden after the war—including the Internal Revenue Regional Center, the Marquardt Corporation, Boeing Corporation, Volvo-White Truck Corporation, Morton-Thiokol, and several other smaller operations. However, the economy became more service oriented, with small businesses developing that appealed to changing demographics, including the growing Hispanic population. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management Special Collections All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Moore, Willie, an oral history by Woodrow Johnson, 17 July 2013 and Sarah Langsdon 12 December 2013, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, Special Collections, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Willie F. Moore July 17, 2013 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Willie Moore. The interview was conducted at his barber shop on 25th Street on July 17, 2013, by Woodrow Johnson. Willie discusses his experiences with 25th Street. WJ: Alright I'm Woodrow Johnson here with Willie Moore. Here with me is also Lorrie Rands; we will be interviewing Willie Moore at his barber shop here on 25th in Ogden. Today is July 17, 2013. Alright Willie so the first question I have for you. I want you to just kind of sum up how you got to be here. So tell us a little bit about where you are from and the life events that brought you to Utah. Not necessarily to Ogden, but to Utah. WM: Oh lordy. WJ: Loaded question—let's go with where you are from. WM: Grablet, that's a state where the famous Eddy Robinson is a coach. I stayed there two months and then I got looking for a job. I couldn't find a job there and I didn't like there, I wanted to come back to Utah. I always liked Utah. I came to Utah with some people who adopted me because my parents separated when I was young. Then I stayed in and out of the Hotel Utah all the time. Then when I grew up just a little bit, I started living in the Hotel Utah, not with the people who brought me here. I started to live with them and then after staying with them a long time working at the Hotel Utah. I was a bus boy and then I was a waiter. I decided that wasn't the thing because I was making 27 cents an hour and I knew I couldn't do with that. I heard a job out in Washington state, the name of the job was Hantred, Utah. 1 That's where they put all of the atomic bombs or something out there you know. That's in Yacamo and Pasco, that's where it was. I worked there a long time then I came back to Utah and I worked a while in Utah until I finished school, barber school. After I finished barber school this is where the droves started coming through Utah. Then they need some help that night, I decided I'd help them get their things together to play basketball. The person who I took place was Dougie Moore. He was off that night with a girl and I took his place. That's how I got to be this with the globetrotters a little while. With this Dougie Moore thing see. Then after that it started growing kind of bigger, little bigger all the time you know. Then I decided that that wasn't the thing to do because I didn't want to be a clown all my life. I wanted to do something else. So Mrs. Bamberger was there and she said well I'll tell you what I do. I'll set you up in business if you promise me you'll finish and you'll have your own business. This was on Regan Street, the barber college was on Regan Street. So I went there for until I finished. Then I started the barber business and I've been in the barber business ever since. Then we come to Ogden and up in this hotel here where we are now they killed a guy. A navy person and it frightened me so I went back to Salt Lake and when I went back to Salt Lake I met Doc White. That's the guy the policeman killed, I met him getting off the train. I helped him take his clothes to a place called, I forget the name of the place. He moved in there. He says, "Willie I want to be a policeman." I said, "You do?" He said, "Yes." 2 So he went to Salt Lake City to get to be a policeman and they told him they didn't hire blacks. It wasn't blacks then it was color. They didn't have colors so they said go to Ogden they hire anybody or anything. So he came to Ogden and when he got to Ogden then he worked a little while. He was a foot doctor and he worked just a little while for the health department and they start to decide they wanted to put him on the police department. Then when he got on the police department wandering the streets here comes the porters and waiters that people always wondered about. Porters and Waiters wasn't about no woman at all. It was about Billie Weekly and the porters and waiters. After so long a time it turned from the porters to waiters to a business that Annabelle was supposed to have run. He gave her a chance to run it. Then when the porters and waiters got to be as said, the porters and waiters, they was sit there to stay. When the lot of people there wasn't a lot of them there-but it was a lot of single men because of Hill Field and all these other navy bases and all that stuff and then the Rose Room. Have you heard of Rose Room? That's right on the corner over there, the Rose Room. Because the men didn't bring their wives with them then that was a good place for them, over there. Then that wasn't the only place it was. Rose was a lady and she was so smart she made it a business. The business was that she would open up at 8:00 and she closed at 5:00. When she closed there was no women or men doing nothing with nobody. Then she'd open them up the next morning, that's the way she ran the business. She had a Cadillac, a pink Cadillac, I'm sure it was a Cadillac. It was a convertible and she rode all up and 3 down this street here with dark shades on, a hat on and the women didn't like her too much because she wasn't working. You know making money off those women you know. First they kind of wandered about them over there, this porters and waiters, still the porters and waiters wandered about them. Who are they? Then they checked them out and find out that they weren't white. They were French and Creole from Louisiana. When they come here they named the Rose Room because that was her name. His name was Davies, Bill Davies. As I said the porters and waiters didn't bother all these women that would come down dance and all that stuff like that. It wasn't a whore house, no no it wasn't a whore house. Most people think that, but it wasn't a whore. Now I told you how this Billy Weekly would sit at this door and when people would go into this place then he'd let them in and out. Finally they got rid of the key because, see Billie Weekly was my friend. When I owned the barber shop at the LaFrance Hotel you see that was part of the porters and waiters. A sister in law and brother in law part of the hotel. They went from there to cooking the best food. Then there was a Spanish fellow that was friends of Annabelle Weekly, that was her name. He helped them cook the Mexican food in this place. They would dance in this place and had some pretty good sized people at the porters and waiters. Course I remember seeing two guys, they used to have little old TVs and radios and things. I seen them fighting with each other, throwing those things at each other. They were mad, but after that sisters and brothers and cousins and all that stuff they was going to 4 Salt Lake City and they got killed, but Annabelle didn't get killed. Another lady got killed and there was a time when they had this street was okay. They had the lyceum theatre right up the street, they had Keely's on Washington. These were the places you got the best food. When I came here in this place here to eat you could get a T-bone steak, eggs, and potatoes and what not and a drink for $1.79. That's what and haircuts were 35 cents then. Person who was an apprentice was 15 cents. This place, I was so lucky to get this place. I think prayer helped a little bit and the experience I had with the people over there. I decided when I was young I would never drink, smoke, or have coffee because I thought that was a waste. I don't know if you should name people but the head of the church said the best thing you can do is to put good things in your body and good things will come out. But if you don't do that you're going to have some problems. So I decided to do that and haven't done nothing yet. Somehow I used to like the smell of new cigars and I used to have a smell new drinks but I never did. When some of the guys would come into my barber shop, I'm skipping. When someone come in the barber shop and they'd stay drunk on this street a lot when I lay down we used to give them hot shaves then-I would lay the guy down in the chair and he would open his mouth and breathing all that nasty stuff. Ohhh that was terrible! I'd tell them sometimes, shut your mouth because that was a smell you know. Then I got along pretty good then I met my wife. Then she was born on 27th street and well I went to West High School a little while in Salt Lake, I was in 5 and out of that school. She went to school here and she is a number one person with me after 63 years, number one. We always took care of each other all the time. I never been away from my wife after 10:00 if she didn't know where I was. I never did, I always stayed around home all the time because she did. I enjoyed her so much and we had two kids you know. One of them just passed away 6/7 years ago, but the girl is doing real well out in Maryland. She built a big home and I don't think I'll be going back out there no more because I'm 90 years old and she built a home out there with 27 steps to the top and I can't go. She'll be here tomorrow morning, my daughter will. She laughed about that all the time, well come see me then I'll come see you. My little granddaughter is a peach. She have a good job, she live in Manhattan in New York. She has what I mean she have a job. She might make $500 a day, $1000 a day. She don't make less that and she's gone all the time. She was in Madrid last year, Shanghai in Japan and now she's in San Francisco. She'll be performing again in Salt Lake City. She set up places for all the target places that she can get too. She come here and she was in target and she was looking, she watch the shelves, how you place everything and how everything would be. One lady walked up and said what are you doing? She told her well we don't do things like that and she just hand it back to her and just kept walking. She don't argue at all. You should see her, she's really light. With all of that it came from me starting with the Hotel Utah and those people, the MTC was right down kind of west, northwest of the hotel. It's right where the conference center, in that area, that's where it is now. Then they took 6 it to Provo and they used to discuss a lot of things you know about church and stuff and I would listen to them because I didn't have—I was adopted so I didn't have nothing to go on nothing at all. I just did what I could do myself. I enjoyed all of my workers, they're nice. They all can cut hair, wouldn't have them if they didn't. They're true like my helpers as well as I did with my family that I had. I want to get back to this porters and waiters thing because I said this one guy actually got killed in there. He ran on the road like everybody else so this guy was aiming and his name was Bill Edwin. I can't name a lot of names but his name was Bill Edwin. He was working there and then they had other people there, so a good cook until the people that come from all around to eat at the porters and waiters. It was always welcome there in the porters and waiters. They really didn't have no junk there. The people was turned back that would come there and feel like they were going to destroy something in there. They would turn them back so this porters and waiters was so good to people. So good to people you know. I enjoyed that. That's some of it, but I got some most of it. Then you can answer that. Then I started playing golf, that's what everybody knows me by, the golf. Everybody, we had a 24th street like my birthday be on the 24th of this month. Okay so that was where we was, like I said Allan Holmes, Frank Robinson, and a lot more other players and one thing I liked about baseball was they had the Ogden Reds. That was good, Ogden Dodgers. When I went to New Orleans that was probably, I stayed upstairs in the hotel, New Orleans hotel and early that morning I woke up and there was guards standing in front of the hotel so it kind 7 of frightened me. I said what's this going on I told my wife and I said look why are you guarding my door? Because you're Willie Mays that's why we're guarding your door. I said I'm not Willie Mays, I'm not Willie Mays. Yes it is. We see right here your name is W. M. Willie Mays, it was Willie Moore you see and that's what it was. I couldn't convince them no kind of way. They followed me all downstairs, was guarding downstairs. Had me signing autographs outside, about 25 autographs because they wouldn't let me go. Mr. Moore I know you Willie Mays because my parents know you. That's where you are and that's what you going to be, Willie Mays. My wife come down and broke that up, but I had a lot. That was some of my experience and all that experience came from being in the hotel. The hotel really learned me a lot and when they sold the hotel Utah, they didn't tear it down, but they changed the Hotel Utah. When they did they sent a letter to me because I'd work there. All the people that worked there they sent them letters. We going to change this hotel into other things. It might be a room up there or two because the upstairs was where the residents lived south side upstairs. That's where they lived all the time. We going to change this thing and when we change it we going to send you another letter. When they name it the Smith Building, see they named it the Smith Building and they changed it and everything. My whole life was around the hotel and 25th street and 2nd south was two of the kind of street. They both had people would come. I remember the time when guys coming from the porters and waiters had been cut or something in the snow time and you could trace them with blood all the way to their house. Yeah, 8 you could see the blood track all the way to the house. This is some of the stuff that went on. It all came out and everybody and everything was coming out of the porters and waiters then, that's why the porters and waiters got so famous. It wasn't supposed to be famous like that, but they got it famous. Like I said cause they had different places, that was the only prostitute house. They had other prostitute house, they had clothing stores, they had everything on this street. Porters and waiters got big fame because people didn't understand it. I gave you the real understanding, there was no prostitute in the porters and waiters. You got some more stuff there? WJ: Absolutely, so after coming to Ogden how long did it take you to establish your barber shop? WM: Well it took me about, there was a lady there called Cory Eason, she leased the place then she turned it to me. About 70 years ago, that's when I went into business here. I was oh about 68 years, I'll say 68 years. I stayed in business until now and I've had all different kinds of barbers. We've had as many 97 barbers. What happened was in the United States gave us the shops if we would open them up all over Utah. Dugway and all that stuff you see. That was us and all we would do is ride into the place, clean, sterilize it real well (audio cuts out) WJ: We were talking about how long it took you to get your barber shop established? WM: Real slow and I tell you I was across the street, there was a white side and a black side you know that. Well I was over there and a guy called Archuto, Spanish guy was on this side of the street. He'd decided to quit, but I'd worked over there a long time in the La France Hotel and all those places. He decided to 9 quit and go up in the community and he said if you get a Mexican barber Willie then I'll let you have this place. You can't have it unless that because they are not going to come to you and nobody else unless you have a Mexican barber here. So I got a Mexican barber and I've been working with barbers ever since. It didn't take very long at all. I just walked in and started, he had the shop, walked in and started the shop. (audio cuts out) 10 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Willie Moore. The interview was conducted at his barber shop on 25th Street on December 12, 2013, by Sarah Langsdon. Willie discusses his experiences with 25th Street. SL: Okay this is Sarah Langsdon and I'm here interviewing Willie Moore at his barber shop on 25th Street. Today is December 12, 2013. So Willie this is sort of a continuation with what they had started with you a while ago. So when you came to Ogden was it still segregated? WM: Yes segregated on both sides. One side was blacks and one side was whites. The south side was black, the north side was white. That's the way they had that and then most of the places you couldn't eat in them because they were segregated. Had a few Chinese places that you might want that you could eat in. They're called Mama's, Mama's Café. It was kind of fun, guy would trim his toenails and then go fix your food. SL: So what about other places in Ogden or outside of Ogden? WM: All dance halls were segregated, but if a big band come or something like that, the white would always go to the other side to hear the music. They all got to where there was no segregation when the big bands would come. Then there was segregated again. There's no time in Utah that I could find, because what happened was, when I knew they were coming in front, then I would go to the station and I would get their instrument and take them in. I'd stay with the instrument until they quit. I was always in the building when they couldn't do it. That was one thing I kind of enjoyed because I was there. 11 SL: So who were some of the big band people that came through that you remember? WM: You know King Perry, Kyle Basey, I don't know one too big, but I know some sit in with the musicians here because they had a contract. When you do have a contract then you can't perform unless it's at that right place, but all your musicians can. All of the band can't play 'cause you have a contract in just that one place. SL: So did they come and play, a lot of them come and play with Joe McQueen when he was here? WM: Yes a lot come with Joe McQueen and he played really well himself, sure did. All the people like him and on this side of the street Ogden hadn't been too bad. They had a lot of places on this side of the street that was like drug stores, they had places for cleaning; they had clubs I would say all over everything. They had all of that going when they would come by, but they had all that going. SL: So your shop has had many locations when you were here in Ogden right? WM: I had about six locations. SL: So can you tell me a little bit about why you moved around and why you ended up staying, coming to 25th street and staying? WM: I wanted a better place to work. They fixed a better place for me to work and I enjoyed that because we came here a long time ago. The lady that was really a partner of mine, but we went to school together and she leased this place. Then I lease, work right with her, that's been about 72 years ago. Her name was Cory 12 Eason and so I've had part with that. Haircuts was about 35 cents when we came here and if you was an apprentice, haircuts were 15 cents, that's happened then. SL: So why did you stay here on 25th street? WM: 25th street is the best location that you can find and the best people around this place. I had some people that I didn't know were so nice until I kind of mingled with them a little bit. They were so nice to me on 25th street and that's why I'm here and we're still like to stay here. I'll be back here soon, regular, until they think that I'm still here. SL: So during the war a lot of troops were coming in through the trains WM: A lot of people coming, lots of people, not a small amount, I mean lots of people come here. They had navy bases here, they had this brothel place across the street. They had about 5 or 6 of them over there and the reason why that was is because when they would come to the base or coming through then there was no women here. They didn't have the wives with them so that made the brothel place really famous, yeah real famous. SL: So was that Rose's place across the street? WM: Rose Davie, her husband was named Bill. Really what happened with that was a funny thing went on there. Bill and Rose would open at 8:00 in the morning and they would stay open until 5:00. When 5:00 come no woman from that place would be on the street. They would dress and they would come back on the street just like you wouldn't even know they were working in those places. Everybody just hated Rose because she had a pink Cadillac and it was pink and she wore dark shades and a dark cap on her head. In this Cadillac was 13 convertible and she'd ride up and down the street all time, making sure those girls wasn't on the street after a certain time you know dressed the other way. They had some place that was pretty fancy, it was a place down below here called the Show Windows. What would happen, the girls would stay in there and walk all over the place all the time, that was their job. Then you picked a person that you want and then they would let her out or stay where she could and they would unlock it. She would do what she was going to do and then they'd lock her back up as the day go on. They also had a red hanky over there and it was over the El Boracho. What would happen there was is when they got to serve as I say, then they would come to the window and flash this red hanky then you could go up. I was about 15, a little young somewhere in there. I was going to try my luck up there and it was the best girl up there I think was about $2.50 and the others were $2.50. I was going to get me one, I was so young I didn't really know and I started up and one of those pimps caught me by the head and told me, "If you don't get out of here-I know you-get out of here before I beat you half to death." I didn't try that no more. SL: So you were talking about the Rose Rooms, but there were a lot of other well-known hotels and clubs on 25th street. Did you frequent any? WM: Yeah they had some on the street called Johnson. They had about five of them on the other side. They had, let me tell you this. Out of all those things they had everyone seemed like they was welcome and in charge so much. Ogden was a good place, it just changed about it every ten years. They had a lot of clothing stores down here as I said before, cleaning, and cafes. 14 Another thing about the porters and waiters, I'm going to get over there real quickly like. The person, nobody knew who was furnishing the money for the porters and waiters. This black group got together and they would come to Ogden and they would find the place and that was the porters and waiters. When they found the porters and waiters they lease the place and that's where those fellows stayed. Nobody knew that Billy Weekly-nobody knew him much but he was the person who worked there in Ogden club and they gave him money to complete this porters and waiters. Everybody think that they were, it was a brothel place, but it wasn't, was not, see. Billie Weekly would sit in the door and to keep the people from going up. They would come to the porters and waiters from the train and when they come from the train the men didn't have their wives so they would fool around places that like. They weren't for the porters and waiters at all. It was just where they meet and dance and eat, that's what it was porters and waiters, and gamble. I know one time this is funny. You wouldn't know about this, but they had a cord like this cord here that go downstairs and there was gambling downstairs and upstairs. They had a light on that thing and they put me in shoe shine there, I didn't want to shoe shine, but I didn't know what the was there for really, I really didn't. What they had, they had a little plug along the floor and when the police would come. He'd sit in this chair all time and he'd take his foot and if it was a policeman coming he'd bash this little plug. Then the policeman found it out and one time they were going downstairs to do some gambling and he raised his foot up to touch that thing to let them know the police were coming. The police said 15 keep your foot up, don't mash it down cause I know what you're doing. Stuff like that, but porters and waiters they would just forget. Annabelle she had every kind, everybody was her friend. She was their friend, but Billie Weekly when he was sitting at this door to keep them from going up there he had the key to go upstairs where he lived. The brothel people weren't up there, that's what people thought. He had the key and Annabelle and a guy called Lyle Kersaki he started to go around Annabelle all the time. He was going Annabelle and they borrowed this key from him and told him Annabelle and him borrowed this key and then he gave it back. So then he died with that kind of thing going. They wanted me to put the barber shop and that was in the La France Hotel, La France Hotel that's where I was barbered. Lyle and Annabelle come over and says we want to put this in the porters and waiters barber shop. Billie Weekly who owned the place said Willie don't do that, the place is too hot for that. I want you to stay just like you are, Moore's Barber Shop other than being in the hotel. They always raid the hotels and that was one thing that happened in the hotel. It was like I said, Ogden was the worst place in the world. It was nice place to come cause you know you could and most of the rest was Chinese and Japanese on this street. I would trade Ogden for any place as they changed. I wouldn't change anyplace that I love because I guess I got along cause I didn't do the just go to the shop and my house. There's nobody here in my family but me, all my life. I've been here by myself that's why I was always afraid to go out. I never drank, never did smoke, 16 and never did oh so many other things that I didn't do because I was going these Mormon kids a lot. They didn't do all of those things so it kept me clean because one of them told me, "Willie if you put good things in your body, good things will come out. If you put bad things in there, that's going to come out. You bet your boots you see." I decided I would follow that rule and not do those things and the world got real nice. I've had nice barbers, that's one thing I've had. I've had barber shops all over the county because they one time, they didn't cut black hair, they didn't cut white. They didn't cut no hair so we had the Mex with the blacks, we had that, that was ours. It was still good and we made a lot of money. I took Hill Field barber shop over and what we did, me and a pair or person they gave us a chance to put barber shops in all bases and we had about 97 barbers once. We would just go over and see, if I was going. I had good connections, never had no problem in my barber shops at all. I had one guy who was kind of funny like. He was from Mississippi and he come in and he wanted to dance. He wanted to dance with this black girl and she was ugly, I thought she was. He said "Willie boy I like to dance with that girl, but I want to get a haircut." So I said, "Okay that's a deal." When I put him in the chair and put the towel on his face, a hot towel that's what it used to be. A hot towel I see that towel easing down over his eyes, he wanted to know what was going on. Towel come on down and then he said, "Martin Luther King is marching in Alabama." He said, "Barber," I said, "What?" "Will you take this damn towel off my face?" I said, "Why?" "You either take this towel off and sharpen this razor and I'm a friend now." When I see that 17 towel coming off and I got to tell him about all this stuff. It changed a lot. Ogden had changed lots of times, but it had been really bad. 15 years ago, Ogden you wouldn't even know it, oh yeah it was just terrible. Then started 25th street business you know and they started coming up better, much better. I had Ms. Roosevelt come in my shop. Yeah she came into my barber shop 'cause they were having a meeting and they was running for president. She had these guards with them and when she seen all the people standing around reading while she come in. All the people in the barber shop sat around and all she said was vote, vote, vote. That's what she kept saying to the people, she wanted them to vote. I enjoy Ogden. SL: So how did you meet Betty? WM: I knew her brother. See Ogden, Betty went to Ogden High School when it was maybe one black. I was going to West High School it was maybe two blacks. They had more, this is real funny. All the blacks turned white so they didn't fool me too much. They had kind of turned, but I didn't go that road anyway. So Betty broke arms skiing in Ogden, skating. She was about 8 or 9 years old then and they had a maple. She had a rink in Salt Lake City so Ogden went to ski. I went to her dad's one night, we used to dance. I went to church and after this church thing about 2 or 3 Sundays I went down to where they danced. She was down there dancing, oh she could dance. Little dance was too much for her. I mean little dance wasn't enough for her. She could really dance and I thought she was so pretty. She's all business she turned me around fast, all business she was. When she died the same thing. 18 When she died I just feel bad 'cause I always sleep with my arm like this. I told her, I said Betty I don't care how bad things get whoever your mate is whoever your friend is you kiss them goodnight. Lock your arms and stay with them. The night before she died she hollered up on me all night. For six weeks, "Willie, Willie, Willie, Willie I'm so sick," she said, "My stomach hurts and right here is so tight." I don't know what then she woke up a little while and she said, "Willie I'm going to die pretty soon." I started feeling bad, but there's a part of this, getting along. I start thinking, "Don't leave me here by myself. Don't leave me." She hollered one night so loud you could hear her all over the community, "Willie!" Just like that. The next morning I kissed her and I was coming into the barber shop. I kissed her on the jaw every time, whether she's mad, sleep or what. She looked up and said, "Willie don't kiss me on the chin this time." She turned over and she said, "Kiss me on my lips." I say, "Okay," she went on out. That's what made me feel so bad. She was a good person, she played the church piano, she was one of the first person that had a newsletter, big newsletter in St. Rose Lima, but before she joined the Catholic church she was part of a Methodist Church. A little girl playing the piano for them. When she started to go to St. Rose Lima it was a man who did most of this stuff. So she wrote this newsletter and then later she want to read. The man was reading and in this community she fought for years, let a woman take this part, let a woman do this. Finally they decided to let her read and she read for a long time. She spent a lot of time in that church, along with as I said we'd go out to dance. 19 We'd go over to La Kai, we were part of the La Kai over there. We knew them before they killed themselves. All the kids and everything, we'd go there to eat. They had six people there when we first went. We stayed with them until-for Mother's Day you go there now they'll have 13 or 1400 people. Isn't that big? That was so sad, we knew them so well and everything. In the meantime I said we tried to go to the nicest place and a bad place can be nice if you want to be nice yourself. You know you have to do that yourself, that's the way I feel. Another thing we figured, laying in bed with people was a good thing. Understand them and another thing I'll tell them here in the barber shop I don't care what going in the barber shop out there when you hit that door smile. I can't be mad with everybody. That was some of the things I liked about her. She would smile when I'd come in and I holler, she'd be upstairs. We stayed at that place 50 some years, son said, "We were together 65 years see. Sometimes I'd get so mad you know ohhhh!," but I said it low so she couldn't hear me. She was a nice woman. SL: So did you ever take her dancing at like the Berthana or White City? MW: Berthana, her mother worked there for 50 years. SL: At the Berthana? MW: Yes, if we don't go before you, they got a big sign that said with the governor plate with about 5 or 600 little, small names all over it at the Berthana. She worked there 50 years and we would go there, but we didn't go to dance then. Dance was just about gone, it was skating then. Then they had the White City Ballroom and they had the one out on, coming into Ogden I forget the name of it right now. Her parents worked all over, that's what they had to do, work. After 20 they would go away we could dance a little bit, eat a little bit cause everybody was gone. I guess you can tell what you want to in this thing, but this had nothing to do with it. I worked at the Hotel Utah and they used to have the MTC, I did everything that worked. Everything to get a job. I was trying to work hard to get a lot of money so we could go out. You don't know nothing, you're not raised by nobody. I was always trying to find something to do and then after I got married I got smart and that was all by Betty. It was all about her, she was sweet. She was sweet. SL: So I have to ask you this question. There's been rumors of tunnels on 25th street. Do you know anything about those? MW: No I don't, I do know when I came here there was a short tunnel where the China men would go in and smoke opium. I never seen it go all the way across, but it was open there for that. In fact it went along here. I think it was, but nobody definitely going all the way across. You do know this that underneath you can go from door to door, underneath some places. Go door to door, but I didn't know it was completed. I've seen everything else but that. When you speak of that one sailor lived upstairs cause that's what they had in the Army. It wasn't the Air Force, it was Army then and one morning they threw him down upstairs here, they killed him and threw him right down there. Right on the sidewalk and guess what happened, I left here running. If you think that roadrunner can run you should've seen me getting away from here. I left here quick so that was all part of it. 21 She was a fine person and always tried to tell me Willie you got to love people. You got to love them whether they're good or bad you got to love them and they'll love you. But if you don't love somebody you keeping all that stuff in your mind it's going to stay right there. She wanted to love everybody and education. She wrote poems you don't have much time now, but we got a place almost like this full of books. Even Barnes and Nobles doesn't have as many books as she has. Even got big bags and I believe she knew about you and you would never know it. She was a collector. She liked that and she liked, really liked John's family. She said a lot of stuff, I got a lot of stuff back there when Charlie Trentlemen start. I got some of the stuff back then from him, when he started as a kid. I had to bring some down here, she liked education. She loved kids and everything that was one of the things I liked about her. SL: So being on 25th street did you notice sort of the anti-vice push that happened in the 50s and 60s? WM: Yes you know it wasn't quite as many people killed, but a lot of people were hurt, shot and everything. There's one guy was coming across the street, they cut him up and he died right in the middle of the street there, just fell dead. I've seen that, El Boracho, all the places. People in Clearfield didn't even like the people in Ogden and they had a lot of it. I know that sometime-when you said one thing that worried me a little bit, this guy, black guy he was supposed to have been the smartest person in the world. He knew everything, he was smart so he went in and bought his groceries and when you hear about it, it was a California Flea Market, right up here on the street here. Well he went in and bought his groceries 22 and stole a clock and put the clock in his bosom. Go to get out with it and as soon as he started walking out with the clock started off. I thought that was one funniest thing that you ever seen in your life. See nowadays they would put him in jail, but there was just people there you know, but that was one of the funniest things. There was a lot of funny things that make you laugh after you think. I seen one time a guy got killed, not killed but stabbed all over. It was snow like that out there you could trail him to his house and they did that a lot. Let me tell you this though, there was a lot of famous people out of this town, 25th street. Some of them felt like 25th street was way beyond their thoughts, but it was here too. You know they were here too, a lot of it. I used to open up at 6:00 in the morning right here in order to clean them up so they could go there, they'd be having meetings. Doctors, lawyers, all of them, but I don't know no name or nothing, but that's what happened. I've seen it all. SL: So did you ever know Marshall White, Doc White? WM: I knew him when he first got off to come to Salt Lake City. I'm going to give you the real dope on him I don't care what nobody say, I'm going to give you the real dope. In Salt Lake City he come as an army man. His girlfriend was a Chigley in Salt Lake City we delivered her to a place called High Marine Hall. Then everything help him get off. We went and took him to the High Marine Hall, we stayed up there. He come here a little while and then he wanted to be a policeman. He tried to be a policeman in Salt Lake City and they said no we don't want you to be any police for Salt Lake City. He said you might not like our rules anyway. He said if I had a policeman, I would let this policeman. If he arrest a 23 white person he'd have to stand there until the white cop come to take him to jail. They didn't let black men to arrest a white man, I've seen all that. Now I'm going to get down to where he is now. He come to Salt Lake City to work, he was a foot doctor I'd call him. He come to want to be a policeman. They told him in Salt Lake City just as I'm telling you because we lived next door. They told him they don't hire blacks, but go to Ogden they hire anybody over there, anything. That's what they said so he came over here. He had to work his way in, he worked his way in from this foot doctor into health. Then in the health thing they hired him as a policeman. They didn't want him to be a policeman they hired him anyway, policeman. He made a detective, he was quite a smart guy. I sit on the other side of the street, he was very clean, anybody can tell you. Nice clothes, when he caught a guy once and the guy he hit him over the head, he was bleeding. Doc would hold his coat out so he wouldn't bleed and hit him like this. Yeah I've seen it all. You know it wasn't quite what it was like, this is the worst place in the world though. I know when the war was going on this place so well known until they sent a letter and they put 25th street Utah. Didn't have no address and it came right down to the porters and waiters. This 25th was quite a thing, quite a place. SL: So was Doc White the first black cop in Ogden or were there others? WM: They had others, but Doc was the first one. They had one called Pete, then they had this other guy, he was going with a girl up in the hotel. They called the police and this is a cop, beat the woman. They trusted him so well that when the police 24 would come in he would walk in the door and say I got it all settled out. They went on their way, woman's up there laying half naked. It was another policeman up there. I had a son who was the best in Ogden. When you go up there you look in the football, you find his name up there, but he was a crook. He was my boy, a natural crook. He was such a nice to everybody they didn't see that. He was quite a fellow. SL: So having lived in Ogden for numerous years how do you think Ogden has changed? WM: For the best because when it was like it was before like I said they had all that drinking and fighting going on. They come this last time with a different view. They have just a few bars and they have just a few fights. They had everything here, they had a fellow that sit right where he's sitting all times for almost a year and a half, sitting there. When I got ready to go out to buy a car in the evening time, just as I open my door he jumped out with a pistol. Said "I got to have 25 dollars now." I said "Why, I don't have no 25 dollars." He said, "Yeah you have 25." I said "How do you know?" He said, "'Cause I was sitting there looking you cut hair all day so you got that 25 dollars to give me." Then I talked to a policeman after then, they said don't try to do anything just try to identify him. See they're prepared to do what they going to do, but you are not so you don't know this is going to happen. He knows it, but then they built it up nicely now. I hope it keeps going, it's improving so much. They have theatres all up and down 25 the street here, yeah Lyceum and all that. So Ogden had been the worst place in the world, it's been nice, but it hasn't been the worst place in the world. I love it! SL: Did you use to go to the Lyceum? WM: Yes go to the Lyceum. Lyceum was 10/15 cents for a hamburger, the biggest hamburger they had. Five cents for a drink, that's what they had. So I went to the Lyceum theater, well all of them after that. They had a café called Keely's. So all the good people ate at Keely's. You know they had banks up there and everything. Ogden has improved so much and it's coming my way. Now hey I'm leaving. I'll be back. SL: Do you have any questions? LR: I just have one. Did you know the police officer Lou Burch? WM: Oh! Big Burch talk all the time. LR: I was just curious because he told a story not too long ago about a time, and I wanted to hear your version of the story. The story went he was coming up to talk to a gentleman you were with, big Swedish guy. For some reason you mistook what was happening and you took Lou and you just threw him. WM: That's right, Big Burch that was my partner, he and I and his family and everything. See during that time when a Spanish guy and a black guy walked into the drug store and everything they had a number. When you walk into the store they didn't know it, but he'd walk in the store, he's going now and they would holler when he walk in aisle 99, that's where a black guy, white guy going in to steal something. Aisle 99 and that's where the police would go and arrest him, that's where that happens. 26 Ogden's been nice and it's going to be nicer. The whole state is going to be nicer, yeah the whole state because they got some good people in Utah. Really good and it's going to be much nicer because it seem like they have what they need now to improve this state and this town, they have it. I'll bet you money that a lot of people would stay here, they'd come here to visit, they'd be back. I can show you some stuff we got from Australia, got people come get a haircut from Australia right here. They wait until they get ready to come ski on their haircut. We got one kid who's six years old when he started coming and now he's 18 come to this place. We got lots of them that come here to visit and all over. The missionaries they know us way before we knew them. They come up and down here now. What happened is when they go and stay their two years during that time in the United States of wherever they are they would go back home and say stop at Willie Moore's Barber Shop. So that's where they come in and stop. We love the missionaries because they tell us some good stuff. Yeah they tell us some awful good stuff. SL: So when did you and Betty get married? WM: Oh back in 50, we got married twice. We slipped off to get married you see and we got married in Nevada. Went to Nevada and got married and guess what? When we got wait there was a big turkey waiting, red big old turkey. Guess what? The preacher come right after we just sat down and said your wife and you got to get married again. You either get married in the church or downtown, there's not going to be no wedding until this thing, people are here, and good people, the preacher and everything. You're not going to get married by anybody so I got two 27 licenses on her, now I wish I had one. Two licenses on here, yeah. We got married twice, we went to Idaho and then we come back. As soon as we got back my mother-in-law was waiting on us with that big turkey. You know with my diet I was going to say yes, so I enjoyed myself. They got good people here. Brewski's they're nice, Rooster's they're nice, and well I won't name them all cause it's not good if you don't name them all then you're doing something wrong. It's improving, it's going to keep to continue to improve, when they do that, Ogden will be the best place to live. I've done a lot here, I've done a lot raising my two kids in Ogden High School. From Ogden High School the granddaughter went to Duke University and she'll be paying for that the rest of her life, treat her so good. Half of the time she's out of state, Madrid, I don't know what they told her. The girl if she walked in here right now you sit right there she sit up in your lap and go to sleep. She's so small that when my wife died she did the eulogy or something there. I could be laying on the bed and she come lay right on top of me. Lay her little head on me and guess what? She's in her 40s. SL: Is this Cara? WM: Yes, she's in her 40s. She got married and it kind of torn up things a little bit. She hasn't been married since and I worry about my family. I worry about her, she just didn't get married again. I think she's in San Francisco now, then she goes to Dallas, San Francisco, Houston and other places like that in the United States where they have these big orders. She had something to do with Targets. She 28 come in here and she'll look and find the place for Target, put Target here. She looks so little. I said lord have mercy but that's what she does. SL: I noticed Carol looks a lot like Betty. WM: Yeah she does and think like her too. Oh I can hardly stay home sometimes tell her to pick up stuff and change this around and set this way. Oh! SL: So how did Betty start working out at Hill Field? WM: Oh, well when Hill Field come there was very few places that you could work in Utah. Samuel's and Keely's all those places, very small. So when Hill Field come this guy called Jack, I forget his name, he was the head of Hill Field. They went to school together and she failed. She failed and Big Jack told her said, "Betty you go to work here. You take it until you've completed." She took it two times and she completed it and started working at Hill. Worked all those years at Hill Field, but at the Hill Field time I told her, "Betty someday you might retire." We had these two kids, I took a little short job over at the train station over there in order to help us with our family. She was my friend ever since and she thought it would be different honest to god. I was a bragger 'cause I was pretty sharp myself, had no problems. Cutting hair and saving my money. Dress-I wish you could go to my place and see I got a lot of suits, a lot of suits all the way over. I mean a big line of suits and Betty tell me, "Don't you go out looking like a clown. You go dressed up every time." This is some of the things-she was in front of me, Utah Corrections-she was in front of me there on that board. I've been in Chamber of Commerce twice that was because she wanted Lamar Butler who she went to school with. See 29 what happens was, during that time it was very easy for a white person. You were by yourself, but she didn't know anyone hardly they'd say, "Uh oh look there she goes. Did she turn the corner?" "Yeah she turned the corner." "We'll keep our eyes on her." They didn't know what they heard. It's so pitiful that all people that don't know each other. I tell them all the time hey you know me. Some of them come in they want a pop, you black. I said sure what's wrong with that? Gee I would be white if they didn't keep me in the oven too long. You got to have it. You're going to be great. Both of you going to be great with your job cause you ask good questions. SL: So I read somewhere that you used to do golf tournaments. WM: I mean tournaments all over this. Would you get my golf tournament stuff out of there? My pictures of stuff. Oh I got about six or some trophies. I used to play golf, that's all I did. I played from Hilton Island to Pebble Beach to anyplace you can name. I got a stack of stuff like this. I won the Mormon tournament and that's a tournament they have that people from Idaho, Wyoming, and Utah, 100 people. I walked away with the tournament. Yeah walked away with it and guess what? Winning the tournament and birthday on the 24th of July, that's when my birthday is on Mormon. I played golf. SL: So did you used to hold tournaments for fundraisers for kids? WM: Yes, we had one at Ben Lomond, we had one at Riverside, places like that. Whole tournament and I was going to do it this year, but seemed like Betty was kind of slowing up a little bit and I wanted to stay close to her. I think if it come again next year I'm going to do it for one of the big disease. We win a lot of 30 money, Leavitt mortuary, up here, he was helping me and we win that together. Well Ernie Snider, all those places we were together. You can call Ernie, we had the same birthday, 24th of July. He owned two or three golf courses: The Bluff, Riverside, and another one. We go together, that's the reason I had all these different clothes. I wanted to be ready, I didn't want anybody dragging me along. I don't want to walk my head up. Yeah that's what you want to go, that's what both of you are going to do. It's going to be there for you all you have to do is get it. It's out there, I tell my wife you're just as great as anybody out there. You're as great as they are and I told my kids that. They seem to did pretty good, but I tell you what happened about five years ago. Somebody killed Betty's son. He had a check come from the government it was really big. They beat him in the back of his head and took his check. I think it was 17,000 then, but it had more coming. They beat him all over the head and I tell you, you could hear Betty scream from here to Salt Lake. She walked in and seen him and they killed him and took his money and everything. Just when he got off that child thing. You have to change sometime if you don't change you don't know where you're going, a person might lead you any place. That's what I used to tell them all the time. I told be a leader, if you be a leader know where you're going, you're going to make it. If you got any kids or any friends or anybody, make them be number one. I tell them I said when you go out in the world today don't never tell you that we are broke. Just tell them we don't have no money today. That's the way I did. I learned that because I was adopted here with Jewish people and they 31 like money. Jewish people like money, they don't food around, they like money it's quite a thing. This is a busy barber shop, but it doesn't look like it now. I'm glad because I can talk loud, I like to talk. Betty and I talked like we were strangers. I loved that. I'll never forget her, no never forget her. Somebody told me the other day would you think about getting married again? I says, "What? I'll kill you dead." That's my Betty the rest of my life, that's the way I feel. That's the way I'm now, love it and I love people. Good golf tournaments and good basketball tournaments. Golf, basketball, pool and bowling go to these places up there. Like when they didn't let us eat. We would bowl black and white, but we couldn't eat together. Up on 25th street we ordered 28 steaks, that's all they had in the place, 28 steaks. When we got ready to eat they said, "We can't serve black." I say, "What?" "We can't serve black." I said, "Well, you know funny thing about that I got to work for them because I'm in the barber shop. You don't serve blacks, that's okay because I don't eat blacks either because it would mess up my stomach. Every time I eat one it mess up my stomach." We walked out of there; they come out left those steaks. You should see that Japanese man (ha ho ching chong bing bong!!!) we gone, eat them yourself. So many times like that, but it wasn't the toughest thing in the world. The toughest thing in the world was education. If they had an education girl they had education think good, think real good. You'll make it, I bet you will. What I mean by that is, there's nobody on the hill that has no more than you have if you got education. You can do what you want with it and they can't do no more than you 32 can with it. So if your kids say, "Momma we broke," say, "No we just don't have money today." They give me hell here, all these barbers, but I know how to handle them. I say yes and don't get mad. You come in that door there all mad about what happened you going to be in bad shape, got to be good. SL: When did you play for the Harlem Globetrotters? WM: Well what happened that was, I went to a black school called Gramblem College and I wanted to come back to Utah. The globetrotter was coming up this way and they could only play in black school. They play at black school so they told me we're short of people, we need another person. I say okay but the way we do that, but my name could be John Robinson and John Robinson being on their team. People didn't know that who I was, there was a way to see the Globetrotters. Globetrotters had a pretty bunch of girls when we'd go and play we'd come out of there, the girls out there waiting. So I when substituted for a lot, but I helped them even when the Globetrotters broke up. See people don't know the Globetrotters broke up and the team they broke up from was the big Globetrotters and they were named Harlem Magicians. If you ever look at them-I got a shirt up here right now, I think it's in this drawer. A shirt up here and they got six stars, big stars on the Globetrotters. Then when we broke up we let those stars here, but farmer was about this size so he couldn't see. When they would see Globetrotters all the time what would happen there is-Garcia would you look in here? Garcia look in there and see that shirt in there. I got a shirt here now right in this corner, you see it there, right in 33 the top drawer. Is it the bottom? Yeah that's one of my old shirts. I got a lot of stuff. The Globetrotters and the Magicians we had there. I enjoyed it, see those stars. You can put it back. What we would do with that is we would go in front of the Globetrotters. We still Harlem Globetrotters, but we were performers and we would go in ahead of the people and collect the money. When the Globetrotters come, the real Globetrotters there wasn't no money for them. I substitute all the time. When they had a girl they wanted to see or when someone got sick or something that's what happened. I enjoyed it, but I wasn't a clown no more when I met Betty. She didn't like the clowning so I had to get out of that thing. That was one thing I like about her, she was just real. We would go out with somebody and she'd bring up that race thing and I just got so shaky. I said, "Don't do that now," but she said, "When am I going to do it?" You know about it that's what she said to me. Tough as a boot. SL: Well thank you Willie, we appreciate it. WM: Okay I'm so glad you come down. I've had more fun with you than I had with what's his name? Charles, he stayed here a long long time. I thought I had his stuff here I guess I don't. This right here I want you to talk about this one. 34

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In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the College of Graduate and Continuing Studies Degree Completion category. ; 1 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century Michael J. Bearden Norwich University SOCI401: Cultural and Anthropology Studies Dr. Timothy Maynard April 30, 2020 2 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. 3 Since its beginning in circa 610 CE, when the prophet Muhammad ibn Abdullah was visited by the angel Gabriel in a cave near Mecca, Islam has shaken the foundations of the Middle East and remained in a state of near-perpetual conflict with the Western world. Islam is an Arabic term most closely relating to the English words submission or surrender. Mujahedeen, or holy warriors, spread this new religion by the sword throughout Asia, forcing the "submission" of thousands, and have hardly been at peace with their neighbors since. Centuries later, in the two decades following the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in the United States, radical Islam's stance against the West has altered the diplomatic landscape between the world's great powers, fundamentally changed the United States' national strategic direction, and caused youth from all walks of life to sacrifice the best years of their lives in holy war to protect the supra-national community of Islam. From the invasion of Afghanistan to the subsequent invasions of Iraq and Syria to the ongoing peace talks with the Taliban, diplomatic and military efforts to eradicate jihadists from the Middle East have to-date been nearly ineffectual. Not only have these efforts failed to contain or defeat jihad, but at times have served to strengthen Islamic extremists' resolve in their call to arms against the West. Because jihad is such a fundamental part of the Islamic faith, it can never be "defeated" in the sense of traditional military eradication of an enemy force, but it can be confronted, contained, or refocused, as this paper will address. I argue that enabling local solutions and promoting education, alongside tailored surgical strike and security cooperation operations where necessary, are the keys to confronting, containing, and countering jihad. 4 Background Defining Jihad and Salafism Jihad is a transliterated form of the Arabic word meaning to struggle or to strive. In the traditional teachings of the Islamic faith, jihad is broken into two distinct categories: Greater jihad and lesser jihad. Greater jihad includes the personal struggle against selfish desires, emphasizing discipline and morality, as well as the struggle against Satan and the forces of evil. It includes jihad of the heart, jihad of the mind, and jihad of the tongue, involving praise for those who follow the will of Allah and correction for those who have gone astray (Gorka, 2016). The second category, lesser jihad, is viewed as the struggle against the enemies of Islam and the defense of its people. Lesser jihad is commonly referred to as Jihad of the Sword. Gorka (p. 60) reveals that, over time, this category of jihad has been used as justification for at least seven different subsets of holy war: 1. Using holy war to build an empire 2. Going after apostate regimes or individuals 3. Revolting against non-pious Muslim leaders 4. Fighting against the forces of imperialism in Muslim lands 5. Countering the West's pagan influence 6. Guerrilla warfare against a foreign invader 7. Using jihad as justification for terrorist attacks against civilian targets In a broad sense, lesser jihad can be viewed as offensive or defensive martial action. On the offensive side, jihadists use religion to justify building an empire, such as the Islamic State, attack apostate regimes, like those of the Taliban against Afghan government forces, and use terrorism against civilians, like the attacks on the World Trade Center. This offensive action 5 often takes jihadists beyond the borders of the ummah, or the people of Islam, striking fear into hearts of unbelievers around the globe. The defensive variety, especially in recent history, has most often correlated directly with the use of guerrilla warfare against foreign invaders, such as al-Qaeda's attacks on the international military coalitions that invaded Afghanistan and Iraq. This radical view of Islam is mostly practiced by those who follow the way of the Salafi, or the pious predecessors from the time of Muhammad, who experienced Islam in its purest form. It is believed that the first three generations who practiced the teachings of the prophet Muhammad are the ones who all Muslims thereafter should try to emulate. Themes of Salafism focus on complete adherence to sharia law, the fight against apostate Muslim regimes, and the spread and protection of Islam and its followers. At its core, Salafism is a very traditionalist view of Islam and has been practiced by multiple 21st Century terrorist organizations. The terms jihad and Salafi have shared such a close relationship in the last few decades that they have become nearly synonymous, at times described as Salafi-Jihadism or Jihadi-Salafism (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019) What Cultural Influences Lead One to the Path of Jihad? Before the attacks on 9/11, the largest call to jihad answered by the international Muslim community was in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Stopping the spread of communism and defending the ummah against the atrocities of Russian ground forces was seen as a noble and just cause for young Muslim men, and not just among Muslims (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019). Many nations, including the United States, funded, equipped, and trained the Afghan mujahedeen (those who conduct jihad) for the fight against the Soviet empire. Jihad in the 21st Century has been viewed in a much different light, as it is most closely associated with acts of extreme violence against Western nations. While the piles of rubble that used to be the 6 World Trade Center smoldered, and a gaping hole scarred the wall of the Pentagon, people of the world were forced to ask themselves, "How could a person do this? Why would someone take their own lives and thousands of others in the name of Allah?" Religious Justification for Jihad. Though jihad has become almost entirely associated with Islamic holy war, the term itself is still simply the Arabic word for striving. Struggling against one's selfish desires, striving to maintain traditional values, and defending a community against a common enemy are not just Islamic concepts, they are universal to most tightly-knit cultures. Similarly, Christians and Jews are taught self-discipline, adherence to moral codes, and defending their belief against enemies of their faith. So, why has the Islamic flavor of this common cultural theme become so violent, causing deep unrest around the world in our modern era? Verses from the Qur'an can begin to unpack why horrific public executions, suicide bombings, and advocating for generalized violence against non-Muslims may be justifiable in jihadist culture. The Qur'an (2015) lays out the following decree in chapter 9, verse 29: Fight those from among the People of the Book who believe not in Allah, nor in the Last Day, nor hold as unlawful what Allah and His Messenger have declared to be unlawful, nor follow the true religion, until they pay the tax with their own hand and acknowledge their subjection (p. 208). My personal study of Islam and conversations with Muslims in the field revealed that this bit of prose has been used as motivation and justification for jihad by groups like al-Qaeda, the Taliban, the Islamic State, and Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham of our modern age. Some of the following themes are evident in the translation: 7 • Jews and Christians are recognized as People of the Book, but are required to accept the following—Allah as the one true god, sharia as the acceptable law, and Islam as the one true religion. • If Jews and Christians refuse to accept these statutes, they must pay a tax called the jizyah to show their subjugation. • If they refuse to do either of these, they are to be put to the sword (p. 208). Salafi-jihadist groups such as the Taliban and Islamic State have tried to revive the jizyah tax in areas under their control. Likewise, hundreds of Christians, Jews, and even Muslims who refuse to adhere to strict sharia law have been publicly executed. This vehement enforcement of arcane Islamic law is seen as a return to the purest form of Islam, as pious as the first few generations who followed the Prophet Muhammad. Another common religious cultural theme that ties these jihadist organizations together is a message of religious oppression. They preach to young Muslims that the Islamic world is under siege by the West and that their god, their value systems, and their way of life are being threatened by the evils of capitalism and democracy (Venhaus, 2010). In joining organizations like al-Qaeda or the Islamic State, young men from across the globe find a sense of purpose and direction in their cause to protect the ummah. This theme is manifested in the teachings of Anwar al-Awlaki, the spiritual leader of al-Qaeda and the father of home-grown terrorism in the United States. He calls on Muslims living among those in the West: How can your conscience allow you to live in peaceful coexistence with a nation that is responsible for the tyranny and crimes committed against your own brothers and sisters? How can you have your loyalty to a government that is leading the war against Islam and Muslims? Hence, my advice to you is this, you have two choices: either hijra [migration 8 to an Islamic land] or jihad. You either leave or you fight. You leave and live among Muslims or you stay behind and fight with your hand, your wealth, and your word. I specifically invite the youth to either fight in the West or join their brothers on the fronts of jihad: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia (as cited in Gorka, 2016). This way of thinking is also captured in chapter 9, verse 5 of the Qur'an (2015): Kill the idolaters wherever you find them and take them prisoners, and beleaguer them, and lie in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they repent and observe Prayer and pay the Zakat, then leave their way free (p. 204). When taken literally, as they are by followers of Salafi-jihad, scriptures such as these leave no choice. To these men who have committed themselves fully to the ways of the pious ones, they are compelled to become shahid, or martyrs in the protection of the ummah. The Qur'an promises paradise for those who do: Surely, Allah has purchased of the believers their persons and their property in return for the Garden they shall have; they fight in the cause of Allah, and they slay and are slain—a promise the He has made incumbent on Himself in the Torah, and the Gospel, and the Qur'an. And who is more faithful to his promise than Allah? Rejoice, then, in your bargain which you have made with Him; and that it is which is the supreme triumph (p. 222). The concept of becoming a martyr in the struggle for Islam is romanticized by jihadist groups, like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, and even state governments in local programming. In Lebanon, Mothers of Martyrs are interviewed to share the stories of their sons' glorious end while fighting abroad against the infidels (Venhaus, 2010). The Qur'an itself calls this sacrifice the supreme triumph for a jihadist, striving for the glory of Allah. 9 Though enforcing the jizyah, publicly executing those who do not follow sharia law, and seeking opportunities to kill infidels through suicide attacks represent a very small, extremist cultural sect of Islam, each of these practices is still justifiable if one looks to the Qur'an. This could be viewed as no different than a rural Pentecostal church in the Deep South who maintains strict standards for how women must dress and act: it all comes down to interpretation and a community's willingness to subjugate themselves to these standards. Spiritual leaders of jihadist groups in the 21st Century have used the Qur'an as continued justification for a variety of cruel, inhumane, and brutal actions that served to shock the West. The holy book of Islam acts as the essential glue, binding together all facets of Arab and Islamic culture. Artistic Inspiration for Jihad. A far cry from the harsh proclamations of the Qur'an, Arabic poetry predates Islam by centuries and serves as a bedrock of Arabic culture across the Middle East. Early desert nomads composed poems mostly in mono-rhyme and in one of sixteen standard canonical measures, which made them easy to commit to memory (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Naturally, this beautiful form of cultural expression has found a home in the modern jihadist movement, where it has become an inspiration for new recruits to join the cause and crucial in the sustainment of those already fighting infidels abroad. Creswell and Haykel assert that although analysts have generally ignored this facet of jihadist culture, it is woven deeply into the fabric of modern Islamic extremism. Osama bin Laden, most recognized as the former head of al-Qaeda, was also a highly-celebrated jihadist poet. Without question, his lyrical genius inspired young Arabs with stories of a return to the heroic and chivalrous past of Islam. One of his most famous works celebrates the martyrdom of the 9/11 hijackers. This is a theme among modern jihadist poetry, which preserves the tales of suicide bombers, the conquered apostate regimes of Iraq and Syria, and the glories of jihadist heroes (Creswell & Haykel). Likewise, in a 10 group of individuals who have each traveled far from home to defend Islam against the kuffar, these poems help to establish a sense of cultural identity, strengthening their wartime bond and solidifying their resolve. In seeing the videos of the Islamic State as they carved a path of destruction across large swathes of Iraq in early 2014, it may be difficult for one to believe that its members were motivated by the rhythmic lines of jihadist poetry. It is hard to accept that the same young fighter who is willing to behead an infidel for all the free world to see, could also be found passionately reciting lines celebrating the glorious return of an Islamic caliphate. During its rise, the Islamic State capitalized on the lyrical talent of a Damascus-born woman named Ahlam al-Nasr. In her first broadcast, called the Blaze of Truth, she sang each one of her 107 works a cappella, in accordance with the Islamic State's ban on musical instruments. The video was uploaded to Youtube, receiving thousands of views and further shares on multiple social media platforms (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). In the early days of the group's brutal campaign in Iraq, al-Nasr celebrated victory in Mosul as a new dawn for the country: "Ask Mosul, city of Islam, about the lions— how their fierce struggle brought liberation. The land of glory has shed its humiliation and defeat and put on the raiment of splendor" (as cited in Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Her choice of words helps one sense her deep passion for jihad, hidden within the lines. Mujahedeen are called lions and liberators. Mosul is called both a city of Islam and a land of 11 glory that, because of its liberation, has been released from the chains of shame and can now live in the splendor and pride of its former renown. Poetry has succored those serving in times of war for hundreds, even thousands of years. In the same manner, this key element of artistic cultural expression has helped bind together the modern jihadi movement, capturing the heroic deeds of martyrs who would otherwise remain nameless and unrecognized by the outside world. Serving in lands far away from home, young jihadists find inspiration, strength, and a renewed sense of identity in these haunting bits of rhyme. Social Pressure to Join Jihad. Abdullah Anas was an Algerian who served as one of the mujahedeen in Afghanistan in the 1980s and spent several years studying under Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian "Father of Resistance to the Soviets" (Gall, 2020). Working to help Algerians achieve nonviolent change in their government, Anas, now in his 60s, has spent a life living and working among jihadists. To Anas, jihad is a fundamental principle of Muslim culture through which mujahedeen receive rewards in heaven: "I will never denounce jihad. As a Muslim, I know this to be a noble deed—where man can be the most beastly" (Gall). In a study of three Swedish jihadists, with experiences ranging from 1980s Afghanistan to the modern fight in Syria, Nilsson (2019) suggests that one of the fundamental social justifications for joining jihad is the sense that Islam and Muslims are collectively under attack. This, again, is a theme that applies to more than just the modern jihadist movement: Americans lined up in droves outside recruiting stations following the attacks on Pearl Harbor and decades later after September 11, 2001. Following the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, many Muslims from around the world began to see this not as just the West going after the 9/11 conspirators, but as a global attack on Islam. Each day, fresh news stories of coalition soldiers' crimes against 12 Muslim civilians and pictures of burning villages continued to motivate men to join the fight to protect the ummah from the foreign invaders. Nilsson contends that since most jihadists are very young, in their teens and early twenties, they are very susceptible to the influences of close friends and social groups. Safet, a young Muslim living in Sweden, was pressured by a friend to join the Islamic State in Syria, saying that he became convinced by his friend Ahmed that the group was fighting to protect Muslims (Nilsson). However, after realizing that the Islamic State was actually killing other Muslims in a practice called takfir, or excommunication, Safet became disillusioned and returned to Sweden (Nilsson). From the fight against the foreign invaders in the early 2000s in Afghanistan and Iraq, to the struggle for the establishment of an Islamic caliphate in 2015, it seems jihadists have most often been motivated by the need to protect the international Muslim community. Aside from the social responsibility of defending their faith and people, the need for adventure also seems to permeate the ideations of young men seeking to join a jihadist group. One of Nilsson's (2019) most interesting theories is that jihad is not the radicalization of Islam, but rather the Islamization of radicalism. Individuals who are already naturally predisposed to such adventurous or nihilistic behavior get caught up in the social dynamics of their time, ending up in a jihadist movement. Venhaus (2010) explains that in interviews with over 2,000 al-Qaeda prisoners from Iraq to Guantanamo Bay, he found that young Muslim men sought the cause of jihad for a number of normal social pressures felt by normal teens worldwide: "Revenge seekers need an outlet for their frustration, status seekers need recognition, identity seekers need a group to join, and thrill seekers need adventure" (Venhaus). The Effects of Social Media and Technology on Jihad. In the modern era, news is no longer bound by the time it takes for an article to be published, printed, and distributed across 13 great distance in a community. Social media platforms like Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, and Instagram have made sharing news instantaneous. Additionally, the advent of the smartphone, which acts simultaneously as a hand-held computer, high definition camera, and telephone with nearly world-wide coverage has forever changed the media landscape. In the era of modern jihad, one can post a single video that moves the minds of thousands in a matter of seconds. Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq to topple Saddam Hussein's regime, news stories of atrocity among the efforts of coalition troops over the next decade served to further the cause of local and foreign jihadists to protect the ummah from these invaders. Accidental bombing of civilians, mistreatment of the prisoners at Abu Ghraib, and a general ignorance toward Muslim culture were fueled by social media and smartphone technology. Venhaus (2010) claims that throughout this early phase of the war in Iraq, al-Qaeda very rarely had to actively recruit, their global brand was aggressively promoted through satellite television, internet chat rooms, and social media platforms; willing candidates sought them out. This use of media continued to be perfected by jihadist organizations like the Islamic State, who published a digital magazine called Dabiq, named for the ideological capital of the proposed caliphate, which rallied Muslims to jihad through stories of glory and heroism in the cause for Islam. The Islamic State also posted grisly execution videos, with stunning music and production value, including super high-definition shots of their brutality. Publications and videos such as these could be copied, saved, shared, and re-shared before any sort of government intervention could stop them. Creswell and Haykel (2015) reveal that jihadists were running a massive, secret network of social media websites and fake accounts that could be rapidly assembled and dissembled by hackers. The effects of social media and technology on modern jihadist culture are easy to understand, but challenging to measure in scope and reach. Just as easily as videos of Islamic 14 State propaganda or poetry can be shared, so too can stories of coalition force atrocities in Afghanistan and Iraq. This has put strategists in a unique position, where it is nearly impossible to control the narrative. Unfortunately, the story that breaks first is still the one that is liked and shared the most, even if the truth comes out after. Effects of Western Culture on Jihad. Rapid globalization, including the widespread diffusion of the internet and technology into the Middle East in the last two decades has continued to foment jihadist hatred for the West. Personal conversations with multiple Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan revealed that the decadence, lavish richness, and sinful lifestyles portrayed by Western movies and media served to fuel the fires of disdain among the pious Salafi-jihadists. Additionally, Muslim men living in Western nations following the attacks on the World Trade Center were ostracized and feared by society, often leading them to an eventual radicalization process. Being denied a peaceful coexistence because of continued Western misperception, caused many young Muslims to become angry and seek community and brotherhood among other Muslims experiencing the same problems. Venhaus (2010) notes that out of the over 2,000 captured jihadists interviewed, more than 30 per cent of them sought al-Qaeda because they were angry. Under the tutelage of local al-Qaeda mentors, the frustrations of these young men were then turned upon their neighbors through careful instruction and manipulation. They were taught to see the West as the enemy of Islam, with hundreds of the ummah being harmed by their military coalitions in Afghanistan and Iraq each day. They were instructed in the ways of the pious ones who came before them, inspiring them to turn from the sinfulness of their Western neighbors and take pride in their newfound self-discipline and righteousness in the eyes of Allah. Eventually, many of these young men would travel to their 15 ancestral homelands to join the struggle, or conduct terrorist attacks on their own Western communities. Analysis A Unique Challenge Given the litany of reasons one might join jihad, the incredibly complex cultural and social environment, and the fluidity of the modern jihadist movement, how can the United States begin to contain this problem? The reasons one individual might join a jihadist cause are as various and sundry as why one might choose to join any movement or profession over another. As Nilsson (2019) and Venhaus (2010) have detailed, there appears to be no singular marker: one could be an extremely religious or a passive Muslim, rich or poor, single or married with a family, have a completely stable social life or be isolated with no friends. Jihadists can be from any country, any walk of life, and usually do not widely broadcast their intentions prior to taking part in acts of violence for the cause of Islam. It is because of the near-impossibility of clearly identifying a pattern of distinguishable cultural markers that make it such a challenge for the United States government and its allies to address the threat of jihad. Targeting an individual before they become a jihadist or before they commit a terrorist act has been one of the most formidable challenges of our time for military and law enforcement professionals alike. Usually, the much simpler job is finding a jihadist who has allowed their communications discipline to slip before an act, or catching them in a pitched battle on foreign soil. In order to protect citizens of the West and East alike against jihadists' aims, the United States Government must be prepared to confront, contain, and counter the jihadist narrative "left of bang," before an attack occurs. 16 The Global War on Terrorism: Taking the Fight to the Jihadists. In the months that followed September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush deployed Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) paramilitary officers and US Special Operations Forces (SOF) to find, fix, and finish pockets of al-Qaeda militants being harbored by the Taliban in Afghanistan. A fierce campaign of relentless aerial bombardment and mounted assaults by the forces of the Afghan Northern Alliance led to a swift and decisive defeat of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. With Kabul and Kandahar in allied hands, and an interim government established under the leadership of the Pashtun Hamid Karzai, the future of a free and prosperous Afghanistan seemed assured, but what came to be known as The Long War had only just begun. Trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and 19 years later, the United States and its allies have been forced to the negotiating table with the Salafi-jihadist Taliban. Likewise, after Saddam Hussein's continued disregard for international law, threats against the United States, and open violence against his own people, the administration of President Bush decided again to pursue a military option. Much like Afghanistan, the coalition was led by CIA operatives and SOF operators, coordinating airstrikes on key positions in a tactical display of American firepower affectionately titled Shock and Awe. However, unlike Afghanistan, a massive conventional invasion followed the bombing campaign, bent on toppling the Baathist regime and finding Saddam's chemical weapons stockpiles. What followed was a series of policy failures, leading to a steady influx of jihadists partnering with local insurgents seeking to oust the foreign invaders and protect the ummah from the atrocities of the kuffar. In my professional opinion, Iraq is still recovering from the decade-long military occupation, cleaning up the destruction left by the Islamic State, and on the brink of civil war due to concerns about being an Iranian puppet state. 17 Ineffective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Operation Iraqi Freedom. During my first combat rotation as an Infantryman in the Triangle of Death in southern Iraq in 2005-2006, I experienced the initial rumblings of a civil war between the Sunni and Shia Muslims in Iraq, each wrestling for power in a post-Saddam world. I was also witness to the inundation of foreign jihadists, joining the ranks of al-Qaeda in Iraq under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who at times headquartered in my area of operations. As I analyze our highly-kinetic and aggressive initial campaigns years later, I can see that the coalition's fight, first against Saddam, then against al-Qaeda, only bolstered jihadist motivation. In being a foreign invader, we inadvertently created a jihadist resistance movement, bent on the removal of their occupiers. Kilcullen (2010) explains this dilemma by explaining that focusing on the wrong metrics in a fight against insurgents can be deceptive: If you kill 20 insurgents, they may have 40 relatives who are now in a blood feud with your unit and are compelled to take revenge. Again in 2007-2008, I was deployed to Iraq as an Infantry squad leader to the sacred city of Khadimiyah in Northwest Baghadad. This was during the famous troop surge, meant to fix the ongoing problems with stability throughout the country. Being in the home of the beautiful Shrine of the Seventh Imam, it was a predominantly Shia area. Over the course of 15 months, my unit fought several engagements against Iranian-backed Shia militias and worked on project after project to strengthen local civil infrastructure, all while maintaining the utmost discretion against damaging homes or creating civilian casualties. Yet again, although we had conducted a nearly perfect counterinsurgency fight, it seemed that Kilcullen's insurgent math still applied: Fighting the jihadists only served to create more unrest within the population, no matter if we were restoring essential services and reducing damage to homes or not. 18 Operation Enduring Freedom. Nearly a decade after the fall of al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts, I was deployed to the mountains of Afghanistan from 2010-2011. Stationed along the Arghandab River, just north of Kandahar, we were in the heart of the Pashtun Taliban. Again, the same story remained true: We fought the Taliban jihadists almost daily, but could not seem to win over the true key terrain in a counterinsurgency fight: The hearts and minds of the people. The Taliban would harass our unit's base of operations with a few pop shots as we called them, which would unleash a massive response in firepower and resources. Thousands of rounds of machine gun ammunition would be fired into the farm fields surrounding our Combat Out Post (COP), squads would be sent in pursuit of the attackers, and helicopters would spend hours scouring the terrain in an attempt to heap justice on the insurgents. This massive effort against so few served to erode the unit's motivation, exhaust our supplies, and alienate the civilian population whose homes and fields had been damaged in the process. Reflections on Personal Combat Experience. After years of combat experience and deeply studying Muslim culture, I can now see how the mistakes the coalitions made early-on in both operations only fueled the fires of insurgency, resistance to foreign occupiers, and generalized hatred for the West. Porch (2013) argues brilliantly that US counterinsurgency doctrine made the same mistake as its imperialistic predecessors of centuries before: Believing that military action was a proper vehicle for providing Middle Easterners with Western values, as well as a foundation for governance, social programs, and economic transformation in a region. This became evident in my own experience, realizing that no matter what sort of social, infrastructure, or economic programs ran alongside our military efforts, the people of both Afghanistan and Iraq felt the enormous social weight of being occupied by a foreign power, rendering these efforts nearly ineffectual. On the contrary, local and foreign jihadist movements 19 capitalized on each and every mistake of coalition forces, increasing their recruitment and resolve against the West. Though our military may have been winning every major battle against the jihadists, our policy makers and field commanders made the fundamental mistake of believing that these non-Western nations lived in some sort of time-warp, in which the adoption of Western democracy, rule of law, and capitalism would allow them to thrive as a nation (Porch). Effective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Surgical Strike and Precision Targeting. A unique feature of the Global War on Terrorism was the US military's continued perfection of covert strike operations with surgical precision deep into enemy safe havens. This was put on display in the rout of al-Qaeda by CIA and SOF in Afghanistan, in the kill/capture missions against the Baathists in the deck of cards in Iraq, and later in the killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan and Sheik Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in Iraq. Having the ability to appear out of nowhere in the middle of the night, kill or capture an intended target with zero damage to infrastructure or civilian casualties, and leave within minutes of arrival struck fear into the hearts and minds of jihadists across the globe. The success and efficacy of this type of operation was acknowledged in the 2015 National Military Strategy, which stated: "The best way to counter VEOs [violent extremist organizations] is by way of.military strengths such as ISR, precision strike [emphasis added], training, and logistical support" (p.11). Likewise, President Obama's massive expansion of the use of drones, which could watch individuals for days and execute a precise strike that only touched the intended target, has continued to sow fear and deny jihadists' freedom of maneuver on a global scale. The US military and its allies have only continued to master these types of operations throughout the 20 fights in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other locations. The jihadists know this, and realize that one wrong move at any time could mean disaster. Security Cooperation. An additional theme that has spelled the end for jihadists throughout the globe has been the training, advising, and equipping of security forces and partners within Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other nations. Enabling the host-nation military to handle jihadist movements on their own helps the United States military work itself out of a job. US Army Special Forces are uniquely suited to accomplish this mission: With specialized training, language capability, and cultural understanding, they are able to train foreign security forces through a variety of Principle Tasks. These tasks include Foreign Internal Defense, which focuses on a holistic approach to internal security and protection of citizens against lawlessness and insurgency, and Security Force Assistance, which can be focused internally or externally against threats to a nation's stability and security. The success of these mission sets was evident in 2014, during my own experience with the Afghan Commando Kandaks' continued fight against the Taliban and in closely following the Iraqi Counterterrorism Service's efforts against the Islamic State. Both of these forces, built from the ground-up by US Army Special Forces have continually fortified weak conventional military force operations against jihadist groups in their respective nations. Muslim Youth Efforts Against Jihad Globalization, though it has been proven to bolster the jihadists' narrative against the West, has also been beneficial to the movement against jihad itself. Because youth of the world have access to technology that allows them to see the atrocities and lies associated with global jihadist organizations, they are beginning to turn the tide. During the Islamic State's rise to power in Iraq and Syria, Muslim youth from across Europe travelled to join the jihadists in their 21 fight against the West. However, groups of Muslim youth also spoke up to counter this narrative. In 2015 the Muslim Youth League, an anti-Islamic State cultural movement, declared a holy war against all extremist organizations (Dearden, 2015). The group called on all Muslims to stand united against those who have hijacked Islam and misrepresented the faith. Through engagement work in schools and communities, as well as a robust online campaign, the Muslim Youth League is fighting back against jihadist propaganda that bids young Muslims join the Islamic State and other extremist groups (Dearden). Since the time of this publication, the Muslim Youth League has spread to several countries throughout the Middle East, Asia, and Europe, each with their own social media presence, outreach programs, community events, and websites. Local Government Efforts Against Jihad In the years following the Islamic State's spread across Iraq and Syria, the United Kingdom has developed a robust strategy to help at-risk Muslims avoid the radicalization process. The program itself is called Contest, and includes four distinct categories: Prevent, Prepare, Protect, and Pursue (British Broadcasting Corporation [BBC], 2017). Police departments and social organizations have built relationships with doctors, faith leaders, teachers and others, who are required to report suspicious persons to the proper authorities. In response to these reporting requirements and recommendations, over 7,500 reports were filed between 2015-2016, with one in 10 being actionable intelligence for government and police forces (BBC). In 2015 alone, over 150 people, including 50 children, were kept from traveling to conflict zones in Iraq and Syria (BBC). The strategy has of course drawn criticism, for fear that it will further alienate Muslims from their local communities, but it presents as an excellent plan of action for identifying individuals who are at risk beyond just using traditional signals intelligence and 22 surveillance techniques. It does more than just target the individual, it also seeks to reform them through education, outreach, and community programs. Counterarguments You Can Kill an Idea. I have heard the opinion throughout my time in the military that jihad and the idea of Islamic supremacy can be completely eradicated. The example most often given is that Nazism, including the idea that the Aryan race was superior to all others, was effectively destroyed by a global military campaign. This argument is weak. The Nazis represented a very small portion of German culture, including among those serving in the military, so it was relatively easy to contain once there was an overwhelming military victory by the Allies. However, although the German Army of the 1940s was defeated militarily, the idea of white supremacy lives on in small social groups throughout the world to this day. The Ongoing Taliban Peace Talks. I have colleagues throughout the military who are convinced that the current negotiations with the Taliban are a key indicator of success in our two decades at war against the Salafi-jihadist group. The issue with this is that temporary cease fires have already been violated several times, leading one to believe that the strategic level leadership's messages are simply not reaching their subordinates or that local factions are not adhering to the agreement. Trusting that radical Muslim extremists will not allow Afghanistan to become a future safe haven for other jihadists, as it has in the past, is simply unrealistic. Believing some sort of quasi peace deal is going to miraculously pacify an organization that hates everything the West stands for is misguided. My own experiences throughout the Middle East have proven that the spirit of jihad and hatred will live on in Afghanistan. The Islamic State is Nearly Defeated. Multiple global media outlets continue to run stories about the dismantling of the Islamic State, as though the battle is won. Though Sheik Abu 23 Bakr al-Baghdadi has been killed, and the proposed Islamic caliphate was never fully realized, it would be naïve to think that the Islamic State's jihad is over. The movement will metastasize and take on new forms in other parts of the globe: It is already happening. Jihadists are continually leaving the battlefields of Iraq and Syria, headed back to their former homes in mainland Europe. As these individuals reenter the diaspora, the concern is that they will radicalize other individuals and conduct terrorist attacks within the continent. Conclusion The reasons an individual seeks to join a jihadist movement are deeply rooted in personal social dynamics, the security situation of their country, and a multitude of other religious, cultural, and economic factors. I agree with Venhaus (2010) and Gorka (2016) who assert that there is no singular military operation or strategy that can bring about a decisive victory against something so intangible as why one might join the modern jihadist movement. Use of the US military as a vehicle for the establishment of Western democracy and nation-building efforts in tribal nations like Afghanistan and Iraq only served to invigorate the jihadists' call to arms. Jihad is not something that can be eradicated completely by military force. Jihad must be confronted, contained, and countered through a comprehensive approach that empowers state and non-state actors to develop local solutions and directs expeditious military applications only where completely necessary. Recommendations Promote and Protect the Muslim Youth Leagues In order to truly create a cultural paradigm shift in Muslim youth at risk of radicalization, groups like the Muslim Youth League (BBC, 2017) should be promoted by governments worldwide as a bastion of true and peaceful Islam. While they should no doubt be supported, 24 governments must also protect these organizations from becoming targets for violent acts of terrorism or influence operations by jihadists. Through a combination of deep cultural understanding and positive messaging, the Muslim Youth League has already shown its effectiveness in the United Kingdom and beyond. Because the youth of each nation understand the social pressures and cultural influences that may lead one to seek jihad, they can effectively develop tailored, local solutions to persuade at-risk individuals. The Muslim Youth Leagues are on the front lines of countering the jihadist worldview, taking a stand and declaring war on jihad and its misrepresentations of Islam. Enable Local Solutions for Local Problems This should be accomplished through unified government action that involves all the United States' instruments of national power including diplomacy, information sharing, military action where necessary, and economic stimulus as needed. The specific issue with efforts like these, is that they cannot be accomplished during what is perceived by locals as a military occupation. This was proven true in Afghanistan and later in Iraq. Despite massive efforts to rebuild infrastructure, aid in agricultural processes, build schools, and organize community projects, the United States and its allies were still viewed as pushing Western values and democracy on nations through military occupation. As much as possible, we must limit our military presence in areas that are ripe for developing a jihadist movement, or in ones that are recovering. I have seen firsthand that government efforts against jihadist organizations or at-risk communities have often been fragmented, poorly staffed, and uncoordinated. Venhaus (2010) suggests the creation of an agency that is staffed, trained, funded, enabled, and equipped for strategic communications, calling it the United States Strategic Communications Agency. An 25 agency like this could ensure that a comprehensive national communications strategy is developed and achieved, with a focus on enabling local community efforts to counter the jihadist narrative. By promoting social outreach, religious education, and community programs, this agency could bolster the efforts of community leaders and stifle jihadist aims in their areas. Support Religious Education and Reintegration Reintegration programs in Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Singapore and elsewhere have successfully rehabilitated former jihadists through religious education (Venhaus, 2010). Countering the apocalyptic world view of jihadist groups like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State requires local religious leaders who understand their community's issues to band together and refute the extremist narrative. Through careful, patient, and individually-tailored instruction, Muslim religious leaders can invalidate each and every one of the extremists' claims. Individuals who turn to jihad are often seeking this type of direction, they just find it in the wrong places. Counter Threats with Tailored Military Force Packages Continued themes among the military failures in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations during the early years of the Global War on Terrorism are indiscriminate use of force, lack of cultural understanding, and hyper-focus on tactical gains while failing at the strategic level. US government nation-building efforts on the backs of the military cost our country trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and years of frustration, bogged-down in an endless quagmire of misunderstanding. US Army Special Forces are selected, trained, equipped, and enabled to clandestinely handle complex problem sets in denied or politically-sensitive environments. Each Special Forces Group is regionally-aligned, with Operational Detachments developing deep cultural understanding through Area Studies and continuous relationship-building with regional state and 26 non-state actors. Special Forces operators understand the complex cultural and security situations in their areas of responsibility and have the language capability and strategic understanding to operate with complete independence of outside support. Frankly, if given the authority and autonomy to do their jobs, Special Forces can coerce, disrupt, or overthrow jihadist organizations unilaterally, or train, advise, and equip foreign security forces to accomplish this task on their own. This can all be done independent of a large, slow, and expensive conventional military occupation. Organizations like al-Qaeda must be kept in a state of constant fear and uncertainty. US Special Operations Forces are uniquely suited to this task. Through structured, rapid application of military force, SOF can find, fix, and finish intended targets with surgical precision. This has proven true in the capture of Saddam Hussein and the elimination of Osama bin Laden and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, among numerous other targets throughout the Global War on Terrorism. Continuing to deny safe havens through short, precise applications of combat power is crucial and does not rely on a conventional military occupation of the target area. Operations such as these, characterized by discriminate use of force and strategic impact, should be the main avenue for denying the relative safety, security, and freedom of maneuver of jihadist organizations. 27 References British Broadcasting Corporation (2017, June 4). Reality check: What is the prevent strategy? Reality Check. https://www.bbc.com/news/election-2017-40151991. Creswell, R., & Haykel, B. (2015, June 1). Battle lines: Want to understand the jihadis? Read their poetry. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/06/08/battle-lines-jihad-creswell-and-haykel. Dearden, L. (2015, March 21). Young British Muslims declare own jihad against ISIS and other terrorists who 'hijack' Islam. Independent. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/young-british-muslims-declare-own-jihad-against-isis-and-other-terrorists-who-hijack-islam-10146534.html. Dempsey, M. (2015). The national military strategy of the United States of America 2015: The United States military's contribution to national security. The Joint Staff. https://www.jcs.mil/Portals/36/Documents/Publications/UNCLASS_2018_National_Military_Strategy_Description.pdf. Gall, C. (2020, January 31). From armed struggle to peaceful protest, a road still to travel: A veteran of the Afghan jihad working for nonviolent change in Algeria. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/31/world/middleeast/from-armed-struggle-to-peaceful-protest-a-road-still-to-travel.html. Gorka, S. L. (2016). Defeating jihad: The winnable war. Regnery Publishing. Kilcullen, D. J. (2010). Counterinsurgency. Oxford University Press. Nilsson, M. (2019, 18 June) Motivations for jihad and cognitive dissonance: A qualitative analysis of former Swedish jihadists. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2019.1626091. 28 Porch, D. (2013). Counterinsurgency: Exposing the myths of the new way of war. Cambridge University Press. Qur'an (M. Ali, Trans.; 7th ed.) (2015). Islam International Publications. (Original work published ca. 1537). Venhaus, J. (2010). Why youth join al-Qaeda. Special Report, 236(1), 1-12. https://www.usip. org/sites/default/files/SR236Venhaus.pdf.

COVID-STORM Clinicians Giuseppe Foti1, Giacomo Bellani 1, Giuseppe Citerio1, Ernesto Contro1, Alberto Pesci2, Maria Grazia Valsecchi3, Marina Cazzaniga4 1Department of Emergency, Anesthesia and Intensive Care, School of Medicine and Surgery, University of Milano-Bicocca, San Gerardo Hospital, Monza, Italy. 2Department of Pneumology, School of Medicine and Surgery, University of Milano-Bicocca, San Gerardo Hospital, Monza, Italy. 3Center of Bioinformatics and Biostatistics, School of Medicine and Surgery, University of Milano-Bicocca, San Gerardo Hospital, Monza, Italy. 4Phase I Research Center, School of Medicine and Surgery, University of Milano-Bicocca, San Gerardo Hospital, Monza IT ; COVID Clinicians Jorge Abad1, Sergio Aguilera-Albesa2, Ozge Metin Akcan3, Ilad Alavi Darazam4, Juan C. Aldave5, Miquel Alfonso Ramos6, Seyed Alireza Nadji7, Gulsum Alkan8, Jerome Allardet-Servent9, Luis M. Allende10, Laia Alsina11, Marie-Alexandra Alyanakian12, Blanca Amador-Borrero13, Zahir Amoura14, Arnau Antolí15, Sevket Arslan16, Sophie Assant17, Terese Auguet18, Axelle Azot19, Fanny Bajolle20, Aurélie Baldolli21, Maite Ballester22, Hagit Baris Feldman23, Benoit Barrou24, Alexandra Beurton25, Agurtzane Bilbao26, Geraldine Blanchard-Rohner27, Ignacio Blanco1, Adeline Blandinières28, Daniel Blazquez-Gamero29, Marketa Bloomfield30, Mireia Bolivar-Prados31, Raphael Borie32, Cédric Bosteels33, Ahmed A. Bousfiha34, Claire Bouvattier35, Oksana Boyarchuk36, Maria Rita P. Bueno37, Jacinta Bustamante20, Juan José Cáceres Agra38, Semra Calimli39, Ruggero Capra40, Maria Carrabba41, Carlos Casasnovas42, Marion Caseris43, Martin Castelle44, Francesco Castelli45, Martín Castillo de Vera46, Mateus V. Castro37, Emilie Catherinot47, Martin Chalumeau48, Bruno Charbit49, Matthew P. Cheng50, Père Clavé31, Bonaventura Clotet51, Anna Codina52, Fatih Colkesen53, Fatma Çölkesen54, Roger Colobran55, Cloé Comarmond56, David Dalmau57, David Ross Darley58, Nicolas Dauby59, Stéphane Dauger60, Loic de Pontual61, Amin Dehban62, Geoffroy Delplancq63, Alexandre Demoule64, Jean-Luc Diehl65, Stephanie Dobbelaere66, Sophie Durand67, Waleed Eldars68, Mohamed Elgamal69, Marwa H. Elnagdy70, Melike Emiroglu71, Emine Hafize Erdeniz72, Selma Erol Aytekin73, Romain Euvrard74, Recep Evcen75, Giovanna Fabio41, Laurence Faivre76, Antonin Falck43, Muriel Fartoukh77, Morgane Faure78, Miguel Fernandez Arquero79, Carlos Flores80, Bruno Francois81, Victoria Fumadó82, Francesca Fusco83, Blanca Garcia Solis84, Pascale Gaussem85, Juana Gil-Herrera86, Laurent Gilardin87, Monica Girona Alarcon88, Mònica Girona-Alarcón88, Jean-Christophe Goffard89, Funda Gok90, Rafaela González-Montelongo91, Antoine Guerder92, Yahya Gul93, Sukru Nail Guner93, Marta Gut94, Jérôme Hadjadj95, Filomeen Haerynck96, Rabih Halwani97, Lennart Hammarström98, Nevin Hatipoglu99, Elisa Hernandez-Brito100, Cathérine Heijmans101, María Soledad Holanda-Peña102, Juan Pablo Horcajada103, Levi Hoste104, Eric Hoste105, Sami Hraiech106, Linda Humbert107, Alejandro D. Iglesias108, Antonio Íñigo-Campos91, Matthieu Jamme109, María Jesús Arranz110, Iolanda Jordan111, Philippe Jorens112, Fikret Kanat113, Hasan Kapakli114, Iskender Kara115, Adem Karbuz116, Kadriye Kart Yasar117, Sevgi Keles118, Yasemin Kendir Demirkol119, Adam Klocperk120, Zbigniew J. Król121, Paul Kuentz122, Yat Wah M. Kwan123, Jean-Christophe Lagier124, Bart N. Lambrecht33, Yu-Lung Lau125, Fleur Le Bourgeois60, Yee-Sin Leo126, Rafael Leon Lopez127, Daniel Leung125, Michael Levin128, Michael Levy60, Romain Lévy20, Zhi Li49, Agnes Linglart129, Bart Loeys130, José M. Lorenzo-Salazar91, Céline Louapre131, Catherine Lubetzki131, Charles-Edouard Luyt132, David C. Lye133, Davood Mansouri134, Majid Marjani135, Jesus Marquez Pereira136, Andrea Martin137, David Martínez Pueyo138, Javier Martinez-Picado139, Iciar Marzana140, Alexis Mathian14, Larissa R. B. Matos37, Gail V. Matthews141, Julien Mayaux142, Jean-Louis Mège143, Isabelle Melki144, Jean-François Meritet145, Ozge Metin146, Isabelle Meyts147, Mehdi Mezidi148, Isabelle Migeotte149, Maude Millereux150, Tristan Mirault151, Clotilde Mircher67, Mehdi Mirsaeidi152, Abián Montesdeoca Melián153, Antonio Morales Martinez154, Pierre Morange155, Clémence Mordacq107, Guillaume Morelle156, Stéphane Mouly13, Adrián Muñoz-Barrera91, Leslie Naesens157, Cyril Nafati158, João Farela Neves159, Lisa FP. Ng160, Yeray Novoa Medina161, Esmeralda Nuñez Cuadros162, J. Gonzalo Ocejo-Vinyals163, Zerrin Orbak164, Mehdi Oualha20, Tayfun Özçelik165, Qiang Pan-Hammarström166, Christophe Parizot142, Tiffany Pascreau167, Estela Paz-Artal168, Sandra Pellegrini49, Rebeca Pérez de Diego84, Aurélien Philippe169, Quentin Philippot77, Laura Planas-Serra170, Dominique Ploin171, Julien Poissy172, Géraldine Poncelet43, Marie Pouletty173, Paul Quentric142, Didier Raoult143, Anne-Sophie Rebillat67, Ismail Reisli174, Pilar Ricart175, Jean-Christophe Richard176, Nadia Rivet28, Jacques G. Rivière177, Gemma Rocamora Blanch15, Carlos Rodrigo1, Carlos Rodriguez-Gallego178, Agustí Rodríguez-Palmero179, Carolina Soledad Romero180, Anya Rothenbuhler181, Flore Rozenberg182, Maria Yolanda Ruiz del Prado183, Joan Sabater Riera15, Oliver Sanchez184, Silvia Sánchez-Ramón185, Agatha Schluter170, Matthieu Schmidt186, Cyril E. Schweitzer187, Francesco Scolari188, Anna Sediva189, Luis M. Seijo190, Damien Sene13, Sevtap Senoglu117, Mikko R. J. Seppänen191, Alex Serra Ilovich192, Mohammad Shahrooei62, Hans Slabbynck193, David M. Smadja194, Ali Sobh195, Xavier Solanich Moreno15, Jordi Solé-Violán196, Catherine Soler197, Pere Soler-Palacín137, Yuri Stepanovskiy198, Annabelle Stoclin199, Fabio Taccone149, Yacine Tandjaoui-Lambiotte200, Jean-Luc Taupin201, Simon J. Tavernier202, Benjamin Terrier203, Caroline Thumerelle107, Gabriele Tomasoni204, Julie Toubiana48, Josep Trenado Alvarez205, Sophie Trouillet-Assant206, Jesús Troya207, Alessandra Tucci208, Matilde Valeria Ursini‬83, Yurdagul Uzunhan209, Pierre Vabres210, Juan Valencia-Ramos211, Eva Van Braeckel33, Stijn Van de Velde212, Ana Maria Van Den Rym84, Jens Van Praet213, Isabelle Vandernoot214, Hulya Vatansev215, Valentina Vélez-Santamaria42, Sébastien Viel171, Cédric Vilain216, Marie E. Vilaire67, Audrey Vincent35, Guillaume Voiriot217, Fanny Vuotto107, Alper Yosunkaya90, Barnaby E. Young126, Fatih Yucel218, Faiez Zannad219, Mayana Zatz37, Alexandre Belot220* ; Imagine COVID Group Christine Bole-Feysot, Stanislas Lyonnet*, Cécile Masson, Patrick Nitschke, Aurore Pouliet, Yoann Schmitt, Frederic Tores, Mohammed Zarhrate Imagine Institute, Université de Paris, INSERM UMR 1163, Paris, France. *Leader of the Imagine COVID Group. ; French COVID Cohort Study Group Laurent Abel1, Claire Andrejak2, François Angoulvant3, Delphine Bachelet4, Romain Basmaci5, Sylvie Behillil6, Marine Beluze7, Dehbia Benkerrou8, Krishna Bhavsar4, François Bompart9, Lila Bouadma4, Maude Bouscambert10, Mireille Caralp11, Minerva Cervantes-Gonzalez12, Anissa Chair4, Alexandra Coelho13, Camille Couffignal4, Sandrine Couffin-Cadiergues14, Eric D'Ortenzio12, Charlene Da Silveira4, Marie-Pierre Debray4, Dominique Deplanque15, Diane Descamps16, Mathilde Desvallées17, Alpha Diallo18, Alphonsine Diouf13, Céline Dorival8, François Dubos19, Xavier Duval4, Philippine Eloy4, Vincent VE Enouf20, Hélène Esperou21, Marina Esposito-Farese4, Manuel Etienne22, Nadia Ettalhaoui4, Nathalie Gault4, Alexandre Gaymard10, Jade Ghosn4, Tristan Gigante23, Isabelle Gorenne4, Jérémie Guedj24, Alexandre Hoctin13, Isabelle Hoffmann4, Salma Jaafoura21, Ouifiya Kafif4, Florentia Kaguelidou25, Sabina Kali4, Antoine Khalil4, Coralie Khan17, Cédric Laouénan4, Samira Laribi4, Minh Le4, Quentin Le Hingrat4, Soizic Le Mestre18, Hervé Le Nagard24, François-Xavier Lescure4, Yves Lévy26, Claire Levy-Marchal27, Bruno Lina10, Guillaume Lingas24, Jean Christophe Lucet4, Denis Malvy28, Marina Mambert13, France Mentré4, Noémie Mercier18, Amina Meziane8, Hugo Mouquet20, Jimmy Mullaert4, Nadège Neant24, Marion Noret29, Justine Pages30, Aurélie Papadopoulos21, Christelle Paul18, Nathan Peiffer-Smadja4, Ventzislava Petrov-Sanchez18, Gilles Peytavin4, Olivier Picone31, Oriane Puéchal12, Manuel Rosa-Calatrava10, Bénédicte Rossignol23, Patrick Rossignol32, Carine Roy4, Marion Schneider4, Caroline Semaille12, Nassima Si Mohammed4, Lysa Tagherset4, Coralie Tardivon4, Marie-Capucine Tellier4, François Téoulé8, Olivier Terrier10, Jean-François Timsit4, Théo Trioux4, Christelle Tual33, Sarah Tubiana4, Sylvie van der Werf34, Noémie Vanel35, Aurélie Veislinger33, Benoit Visseaux16, Aurélie Wiedemann26, Yazdan Yazdanpanah36 1Inserm UMR 1163, Paris, France. 2CHU Amiens, France. 3Hôpital Necker, Paris, France. 4Hôpital Bichat, Paris, France. 5Hôpital Louis Mourrier, Colombes, France. 6Institut Pasteur, Paris, France. 7F-CRIN Partners Platform, AP-HP, Université de Paris, Paris, France. 8Inserm UMR 1136, Paris, France. 9Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative, Geneva, Switzerland. 10Inserm UMR 1111, Lyon, France. 11Inserm Transfert, Paris, France. 12REACTing, Paris, France. 13Inserm UMR 1018, Paris, France. 14Inserm, Pôle Recherche Clinique, Paris, France. 15CIC 1403 Inserm-CHU Lille, Paris, France. 16Université de Paris, IAME, INSERM UMR 1137, AP-HP, University Hospital Bichat Claude Bernard, Virology, Paris, France. 17Inserm UMR 1219, Bordeaux, France. 18ANRS, Paris, France. 19CHU Lille, Lille, France. 20Pasteur Institute, Paris, France. 21Inserm sponsor, Paris, France. 22CHU Rouen–SMIT, Rouen, France. 23FCRIN INI-CRCT, Nancy, France. 24Inserm UMR 1137, Paris, France. 25Centre d'Investigation Clinique, Inserm CIC1426, Hôpital Robert Debré, Paris, France. 26Inserm UMR 955, Créteil, France; Vaccine Research Instiute (VRI), Paris, France. 27F-CRIN INI-CRCT, Paris, France. 28CHU de Bordeaux–SMIT, Bordeaux, France. 29RENARCI, Annecy, France. 30Hôpital Robert Debré, Paris, France. 31Hôpital Louis Mourier–Gynécologie, Colombes, France. 32University of Lorraine, Plurithematic Clinical Investigation Centre Inserm CIC-P; 1433, Inserm U1116, CHRU Nancy Hopitaux de Brabois, F-CRIN INI-CRCT (Cardiovascular and Renal Clinical Trialists), Nancy, France. 33Inserm CIC-1414, Rennes, France. 34Institut Pasteur, UMR 3569 CNRS, Université de Paris, Paris, France. 35Hôpital la Timone, Marseille, France. 36Bichat–SMIT, Paris, France. ; CoV-Contact Cohort Loubna Alavoine1, Karine K. A. Amat2, Sylvie Behillil3, Julia Bielicki4, Patricia Bruijning5, Charles Burdet6, Eric Caumes7, Charlotte Charpentier8, Bruno Coignard9, Yolande Costa1, Sandrine Couffin-Cadiergues10, Florence Damond8, Aline Dechanet11, Christelle Delmas10, Diane Descamps8, Xavier Duval1, Jean-Luc Ecobichon1, Vincent Enouf3, Hélène Espérou10, Wahiba Frezouls1, Nadhira Houhou11, Emila Ilic-Habensus1, Ouifiya Kafif11, John Kikoine11, Quentin Le Hingrat8, David Lebeaux12, Anne Leclercq1, Jonathan Lehacaut1, Sophie Letrou1, Bruno Lina13, Jean-Christophe Lucet14, Denis Malvy15, Pauline Manchon11, Milica Mandic1, Mohamed Meghadecha16, Justina Motiejunaite17, Mariama Nouroudine1, Valentine Piquard11, Andreea Postolache11, Caroline Quintin1, Jade Rexach1, Layidé Roufai10, Zaven Terzian11, Michael Thy18, Sarah Tubiana1, Sylvie van der Werf3, Valérie Vignali1, Benoit Visseaux8, Yazdan Yazdanpanah14 1Centre d'Investigation Clinique, Inserm CIC 1425, Hôpital Bichat Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 2IMEA Fondation Léon M'Ba, Paris, France. 3Institut Pasteur, UMR 3569 CNRS, Université de Paris, Paris, France. 4University of Basel Children's Hospital. 5Julius Center for Health Sciences and Primary Care, Utrecht, Netherlands. 6Université de Paris, IAME, Inserm UMR 1137, F-75018, Paris, France, Hôpital Bichat Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 7Hôpital Pitiè Salpétriere, APHP, Paris. 8Université de Paris, IAME, INSERM UMR 1137, AP-HP, University Hospital Bichat Claude Bernard, Virology, Paris, France. 9Santé Publique France, Saint Maurice, France. 10Pole Recherche Clinique, Inserm, Paris, France. 11Hôpital Bichat Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 12APHP, Paris, France. 13Virpath Laboratory, International Center of Research in Infectiology, Lyon University, INSERM U1111, CNRS UMR 5308, ENS, UCBL, Lyon, France. 14IAME Inserm UMR 1138, Hôpital Bichat Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 15Service des Maladies Infectieuses et Tropicales; Groupe Pellegrin-Place Amélie-Raba-Léon, Bordeaux, France. 16Hôpital Hotel Dieu, APHP, Paris, France. 17Service des Explorations Fonctionnelles, Hôpital Bichat–Claude Bernard, APHP, Paris, France. 18Center for Clinical Investigation, Assistance Publique-Hôpitaux de Paris, Bichat-Claude Bernard University Hospital, Paris, France. ; Amsterdam UMC Covid-19 Biobank Michiel van Agtmael1, Anna Geke Algera2, Frank van Baarle2, Diane Bax3, Martijn Beudel4, Harm Jan Bogaard5, Marije Bomers1, Lieuwe Bos2, Michela Botta2, Justin de Brabander6, Godelieve de Bree6, Matthijs C. Brouwer4, Sanne de Bruin2, Marianna Bugiani7, Esther Bulle2, Osoul Chouchane1, Alex Cloherty3, Paul Elbers2, Lucas Fleuren2, Suzanne Geerlings1, Bart Geerts8, Theo Geijtenbeek9, Armand Girbes2, Bram Goorhuis1, Martin P. Grobusch1, Florianne Hafkamp9, Laura Hagens2, Jorg Hamann10, Vanessa Harris1, Robert Hemke11, Sabine M. Hermans1, Leo Heunks2, Markus W. Hollmann8, Janneke Horn2, Joppe W. Hovius1, Menno D. de Jong12, Rutger Koning4, Niels van Mourik2, Jeaninne Nellen1, Frederique Paulus2, Edgar Peters1, Tom van der Poll1, Benedikt Preckel8, Jan M. Prins1, Jorinde Raasveld2, Tom Reijnders1, Michiel Schinkel1, Marcus J. Schultz2, Alex Schuurman13, Kim Sigaloff1, Marry Smit2, Cornelis S. Stijnis1, Willemke Stilma2, Charlotte Teunissen14, Patrick Thoral2, Anissa Tsonas2, Marc van der Valk1, Denise Veelo8, Alexander P.J. Vlaar15, Heder de Vries2, Michèle van Vugt1, W. Joost Wiersinga1, Dorien Wouters16, A. H. (Koos) Zwinderman17, Diederik van de Beek4* 1Department of Infectious Diseases, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 2Department of Intensive Care, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 3Experimental Immunology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 4Department of Neurology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam Neuroscience, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 5Department of Pulmonology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 6Department of Infectious Diseases, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 7Department of Pathology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 8Department of Anesthesiology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 9Department of Experimental Immunology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 10Amsterdam UMC Biobank Core Facility, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 11Department of Radiology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 12Department of Medical Microbiology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 13Department of Internal Medicine, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 14Neurochemical Laboratory, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 15Department of Intensive Care, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 16Department of Clinical Chemistry, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 17Department of Clinical Epidemiology, Biostatistics and Bioinformatics, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. 18Department of Neurology, Amsterdam UMC, Amsterdam, Netherlands. *Leader of the AMC Consortium. ; COVID Human Genetic Effort Laurent Abel1, Alessandro Aiuti2, Saleh Al Muhsen3, Fahd Al-Mulla4, Mark S. Anderson5, Andrés Augusto Arias6, Hagit Baris Feldman7, Dusan Bogunovic8, Alexandre Bolze9, Anastasiia Bondarenko10, Ahmed A. Bousfiha11, Petter Brodin12, Yenan Bryceson12, Carlos D. Bustamante13, Manish Butte14, Giorgio Casari15, Samya Chakravorty16, John Christodoulou17, Elizabeth Cirulli9, Antonio Condino-Neto18, Megan A. Cooper19, Clifton L. Dalgard20, Alessia David21, Joseph L. DeRisi22, Murkesh Desai23, Beth A. Drolet24, Sara Espinosa25, Jacques Fellay26, Carlos Flores27, Jose Luis Franco28, Peter K. Gregersen29, Filomeen Haerynck30, David Hagin31, Rabih Halwani32, Jim Heath33, Sarah E. Henrickson34, Elena Hsieh35, Kohsuke Imai36, Yuval Itan8, Timokratis Karamitros37, Kai Kisand38, Cheng-Lung Ku39, Yu-Lung Lau40, Yun Ling41, Carrie L. Lucas42, Tom Maniatis43, Davoud Mansouri44, Laszlo Marodi45, Isabelle Meyts46, Joshua Milner47, Kristina Mironska48, Trine Mogensen49, Tomohiro Morio50, Lisa FP. Ng51, Luigi D. Notarangelo52, Antonio Novelli53, Giuseppe Novelli54, Cliona O'Farrelly55, Satoshi Okada56, Tayfun Ozcelik57, Rebeca Perez de Diego58, Anna M. Planas59, Carolina Prando60, Aurora Pujol61, Lluis Quintana-Murci62, Laurent Renia63, Alessandra Renieri64, Carlos Rodríguez-Gallego65, Vanessa Sancho-Shimizu66, Vijay Sankaran67, Kelly Schiabor Barrett9, Mohammed Shahrooei68, Andrew Snow69, Pere Soler-Palacín70, András N. Spaan71, Stuart Tangye72, Stuart Turvey73, Furkan Uddin74, Mohammed J. Uddin75, Diederik van de Beek76, Sara E. Vazquez77, Donald C. Vinh78, Horst von Bernuth79, Nicole Washington9, Pawel Zawadzki80, Helen C. Su52, Jean-Laurent Casanova81 1INSERM U1163, University of Paris, Imagine Institute, Paris, France. 2San Raffaele Telethon Institute for Gene Therapy, IRCCS Ospedale San Raffaele, Milan, Italy. 3King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. 4Kuwait University, Kuwait City, Kuwait. 5University of California, San Francisco, San Francisco, CA, USA. 6Universidad de Antioquia, Group of Primary Immunodeficiencies, Antioquia, Colombia. 7The Genetics Institute, Tel Aviv Sourasky Medical Center and Sackler Faculty of Medicine, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, Israel. 8Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai, New York, NY, USA. 9Helix, San Mateo, CA, USA. 10Shupyk National Medical Academy for Postgraduate Education, Kiev, Ukraine. 11Clinical Immunology Unit, Pediatric Infectious Disease Departement, Faculty of Medicine and Pharmacy, Averroes University Hospital; LICIA Laboratoire d'Immunologie Clinique, d'Inflammation et d'Allergie, Hassann Ii University, Casablanca, Morocco. 12Karolinska Institute, Stockholm, Sweden. 13Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA. 14University of California, Los Angeles, CA, USA. 15Medical Genetics, IRCCS Ospedale San Raffaele, Milan, Italy. 16Emory University Department of Pediatrics and Children's Healthcare of Atlanta, Atlanta, GA, USA. 17Murdoch Children's Research Institute, Victoria, Australia. 18University of São Paulo, São Paulo, Brazil. 19Washington University School of Medicine, St. Louis, MO, USA. 20The American Genome Center; Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA. 21Centre for Bioinformatics and System Biology, Department of Life Sciences, Imperial College London, South Kensington Campus, London, UK. 22University of California, San Francisco, CA, USA; Chan Zuckerberg Biohub, San Francisco, CA, USA. 23Bai Jerbai Wadia Hospital for Children, Mumbai, India. 24School of Medicine and Public Health, University of Wisconsin, Madison, WI, USA. 25Instituto Nacional de Pediatria (National Institute of Pediatrics), Mexico City, Mexico. 26Swiss Federal Institute of Technology Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland. 27Research Unit, Hospital Universitario Nuestra Señora de Candelaria, Canarian Health System, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Spain. 28University of Antioquia, Medellín, Colombia. 29Feinstein Institute for Medical Research, Northwell Health USA, Manhasset, NY, USA. 30Department of Paediatric Immunology and Pulmonology, Centre for Primary Immunodeficiency Ghent (CPIG), PID Research Lab, Jeffrey Modell Diagnosis and Research Centre, Ghent University Hospital, Edegem, Belgium. 31The Genetics Institute, Tel Aviv Sourasky Medical Center, Tel Aviv, Israel. 32Sharjah Institute of Medical Research, College of Medicine, University of Sharjah, Sharjah, UAE. 33Institute for Systems Biology, Seattle, WA, USA. 34Children's Hospital of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, USA. 35Anschutz Medical Campus, Aurora, CO, USA. 36Riken, Tokyo, Japan. 37Hellenic Pasteur Institute, Athens, Greece. 38University of Tartu, Tartu, Estonia. 39Chang Gung University, Taoyuan County, Taiwan. 40The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China. 41Shanghai Public Health Clinical Center, Fudan University, Shanghai, China. 42Yale School of Medicine, New Haven, CT, USA. 43New York Genome Center, New York, NY, USA. 44Shahid Beheshti University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran. 45Semmelweis University Budapest, Budapest, Hungary. 46KU Leuven, Department of Immunology, Microbiology and Transplantation, Leuven, Belgium. 47Columbia University Medical Center, New York, NY, USA. 48University Clinic for Children's Diseases, Skopje, North Macedonia. 49Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark. 50Tokyo Medical & Dental University Hospital, Tokyo, Japan. 51Singapore Immunology Network, Singapore. 52National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, MD, USA. 53Bambino Gesù Children's Hospital, Rome, Italy. 54Department of Biomedicine and Prevention, University of Rome "Tor Vergata," Rome, Italy. 55Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland. 56Hiroshima University, Hiroshima, Japan. 57Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey. 58Laboratory of Immunogenetics of Human Diseases, Innate Immunity Group, IdiPAZ Institute for Health Research, La Paz Hospital, Madrid, Spain. 59IIBB-CSIC, IDIBAPS, Barcelona, Spain. 60Faculdades Pequeno Príncipe e Instituto de Pesquisa Pelé Pequeno Príncipe, Curitiba, Brazil. 61Neurometabolic Diseases Laboratory, IDIBELL–Hospital Duran I Reynals; Catalan Institution for Research and Advanced Studies (ICREA); CIBERER U759, ISCiii Madrid Spain, Barcelona, Spain. 62Institut Pasteur (CNRS UMR2000) and Collège de France, Paris, France. 63Infectious Diseases Horizontal Technology Center and Singapore Immunology Network, Agency for Science Technology (A*STAR), Singapore. 64Medical Genetics, University of Siena, Siena, Italy; Genetica Medica, Azienda Ospedaliero-Universitaria Senese, Italy; GEN-COVID Multicenter Study. 65Hospital Universitario de Gran Canaria Dr. Negrín, Canarian Health System, Canary Islands, Spain. 66Imperial College London, London, UK. 67Boston Children's Hospital, Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA, USA. 68Saeed Pathobiology and Genetic Lab, Tehran, Iran. 69Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA. 70Hospital Universitari Vall d'Hebron, Barcelona, Spain. 71University Medical Center Utrecht, Amsterdam, The Netherlands. 72Garvan Institute of Medical Research, Sydney, Australia. 73The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada. 74Holy Family Red Crescent Medical College; Centre for Precision Therapeutics, NeuroGen Children's Healthcare; Genetics and Genomic Medicine Centre, NeuroGen Children's Healthcare, Dhaka, Bangladesh. 75Mohammed Bin Rashid University of Medicine and Health Sciences, College of Medicine, Dubai, UAE; The Centre for Applied Genomics, Department of Genetics and Genome Biology, The Hospital for Sick Children, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. 76Amsterdam UMC, University of Amsterdam, Department of Neurology, Amsterdam Neuroscience, Amsterdam, The Netherlands. 77University of California, San Francisco, CA, USA. 78McGill University Health Centre, Montreal, Canada. 79Charité–Berlin University Hospital Center, Berlin, Germany. 80Molecular Biophysics Division, Faculty of Physics, A. Mickiewicz University, Uniwersytetu Poznanskiego 2, Poznań, Poland. 81Rockefeller University, Howard Hughes Medical Institute, Necker Hospital, New York, NY, USA. *Leaders of the COVID Human Genetic Effort. ; NIAID-USUHS/TAGC COVID Immunity Group Huie Jing1,2, Wesley Tung1,2, Christopher R. Luthers3, Bradly M. Bauman3, Samantha Shafer2,4, Lixin Zheng2,4, Zinan Zhang2,4, Satoshi Kubo2,4, Samuel D. Chauvin2,4, Kazuyuki Meguro1,2, Elana Shaw1,2, Michael Lenardo2,4, Justin Lack5, Eric Karlins6, Daniel M. Hupalo7, John Rosenberger7, Gauthaman Sukumar7, Matthew D. Wilkerson7, Xijun Zhang7 1Laboratory of Clinical Immunology and Microbiology, Division of Intramural Research, NIAID, NIH, Bethesda, MD, USA. 2NIAID Clinical Genomics Program, National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, MD, USA. 3Department of Pharmacology & Molecular Therapeutics, Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA. 4Laboratory of Immune System Biology, Division of Intramural Research, NIAID, NIH, Bethesda, MD, USA. 5NIAID Collaborative Bioinformatics Resource, Frederick National Laboratory for Cancer Research, Leidos Biomedical Research, Inc., Frederick, MD, USA. 6Bioinformatics and Computational Biosciences Branch, Office of Cyber Infrastructure and Computational Biology, NIAID, NIH, Bethesda, MD, USA. 7The American Genome Center, Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences, Bethesda, MD, USA. ; Clinical outcome upon infection with SARS-CoV-2 ranges from silent infection to lethal COVID-19. We have found an enrichment in rare variants predicted to be loss-of-function (LOF) at the 13 human loci known to govern TLR3- and IRF7-dependent type I interferon (IFN) immunity to influenza virus, in 659 patients with life-threatening COVID-19 pneumonia, relative to 534 subjects with asymptomatic or benign infection. By testing these and other rare variants at these 13 loci, we experimentally define LOF variants in 23 patients (3.5%), aged 17 to 77 years, underlying autosomal recessive or dominant deficiencies. We show that human fibroblasts with mutations affecting this pathway are vulnerable to SARS-CoV-2. Inborn errors of TLR3- and IRF7-dependent type I IFN immunity can underlie life-threatening COVID-19 pneumonia in patients with no prior severe infection. ; We thank the generous donation from Fisher Center for Alzheimer's Research Foundation for our research. The Laboratory of Human Genetics of Infectious Diseases is supported by the Howard Hughes Medical Institute, the Rockefeller University, the St. Giles Foundation, the National Institutes of Health (NIH) (R01AI088364), the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS), NIH Clinical and Translational Science Award (CTSA) program (UL1 TR001866), a Fast Grant from Emergent Ventures, Mercatus Center at George Mason University, the Yale Center for Mendelian Genomics and the GSP Coordinating Center funded by the National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI) (UM1HG006504 and U24HG008956), the French National Research Agency (ANR) under the "Investments for the Future" program (ANR-10-IAHU-01), the Integrative Biology of Emerging Infectious Diseases Laboratory of Excellence (ANR-10-LABX-62-IBEID), the French Foundation for Medical Research (FRM) (EQU201903007798), the FRM and ANR GENCOVID project, ANRS-COV05, the Square Foundation, Grandir - Fonds de solidarité pour l'enfance, the SCOR Corporate Foundation for Science, Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM), the University of Paris. The French COVID Cohort study group was sponsored by Inserm and supported by the REACTing consortium and by a grant from the French Ministry of Health (PHRC 20-0424). Regione Lombardia, Italy (project "Risposta immune in pazienti con COVID-19 e co-morbidità"), and the Intramural Research Program of the NIAID, NIH. The laboratory of Genomes & Cell Biology of Disease is supported by "Integrative Biology of Emerging Infectious Diseases" (grant no. ANR-10-LABX-62-IBEID), the "Fondation pour la Recherche Medicale" (grant FRM - EQU202003010193), the "Agence Nationale de la Recherche" (ANR FLASH COVID project IDISCOVR cofounded by the "Fondation pour la Recherche Médicale"), University of Paris ("Plan de Soutien Covid-19": RACPL20FIR01-COVID-SOUL). IM is a senior clinical investigator with the FWO Vlaanderen; IM and LM are supported by FWO G0C8517N – GOB5120N. The VS team was supported by "Agence Nationale de la Recherche" (ANR-17-CE15-0003, ANR-17-CE15-0003-01), and by Université de Paris "PLAN D'URGENCE COVID19". LK was supported by a fellowship from the French Ministry of Research. VS-S is supported by a UKRI Future Leaders Fellowship (MR/S032304/1). SZA-M is supported by the Elite Journals Program at King Saud University through grant number PEJP-16-107. JM lab is supported by Columbia University COVID biobank and grant: UL1TR001873. Work in the Laboratory of Virology and Infectious Disease was supported by NIH grants P01AI138398-S1, 2U19AI111825, and R01AI091707-10S1, a George Mason University Fast Grant, and the G. Harold and Leila Y. Mathers Charitable Foundation. JLP is supported by a European Molecular Biology Organization Long-Term Fellowship (ALTF 380-2018). Work at the Neurometabolic Diseases Laboratory received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under grant agreement No 824110 (EasiGenomics grant COVID-19/ PID12342) to A.P., and Roche and Illumina Covid Match Funds to M.G. C.R.G and colleagues are supported by cInstituto de Salud Carlos III (COV20_01333 and COV20_01334), Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation, with the funding of European Regional Development Fund-European Social Fund -FEDER-FSE; (RTC-2017-6471-1; AEI/FEDER, UE), and Cabildo Insular de Tenerife (CGIEU0000219140 and "Apuestas científicas del ITER para colaborar en la lucha contra la COVID-19"). D.C.V. is supported by the Fonds de la recherche en santé du Québec clinician-scientist scholar program. Helen Su is adjunct faculty at the University of Pennsylvania. A-L.N. was supported by the Foundation Bettencourt Schueller. The Amsterdam UMC Covid-19 Biobank was funded by the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw, NWO-vici 91819627), The Corona Research Fund (Amsterdam UMC), Dr. J. C. Vaillantfonds, and Amsterdam UMC. Work on COVID-19 at the AG-S lab is partly supported by NIH supplements to grants U19AI135972, U19AI142733 and R35 HL135834, and to contract HHSN272201800048C, by a DoD supplement to grant W81XWH-20-1-0270, by DARPA project HR0011-19-2-0020, by CRIP (Center for Research on Influenza Pathogenesis), a NIAID funded Center of Excellence for Influenza Research and Surveillance (CEIRS, contract HHSN272201400008C), by an NIAID funded Collaborative Influenza Vaccine Innovation Center (SEM-CIVIC, contract 75N93019C00051) and by the generous support of the JPB Foundation, the Open Philanthropy Project (research grant 2020-215611(5384)) and anonymous donors. The Virscan analysis presented in fig. S11 was performed with financial support from Sidra Medicine ; Peer reviewed

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Alleman Hardware Co., Manufacturer's Agent and Jobber of HARDWARE, OILS, PAINTS AND QUEENSWARE, GETTYSBURG, PA. The only Jobbing House in Adams County. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Vft Seligiiiqi] Am Gettysburg's Most Reliable THILOfjS «»»«* « « 0« « CO., MANUFACTURERS, YORK, PA . U S er Government for this murderous act, but he denied it and put all blame upon the natives, and furthermore, he declared that there was no great loss, because these two families were in the way of prosperity. The British flag was then raised on the place, and he called it British ter-ritory. The Boer Government complained bitterly on account of this act. England answered that it was done without her consent, but as the flag was flying, it could not be taken down, and that England was willing to pay damages to the sum of two million pounds. In 1878, gold was discovered in Zululand, and when Eng-land hoard'of this, she decided that she must have a part of it or all of it. I believe that England would claim the moon, if there were a way to rcn-n that celestial body, and if diamonds and gold were discovered on it And if she had no other rea-sons for her claims, she would say, "we have looked on it for so Jong." But Shoedanviia. the king of Zulaland, was not willing that the British should have their own way for he knew that this would end his rule and bring ruin to his people, and so he ■went to war with Engi-.nd. ' England was worsted in this war. Their army, after having received several defeat , was finally surrounded by the Zulus and would have been annihilated, had not the Boers interfered. Gen-eral Lewis Mover wa; sent from Pretoria with 5,000 Boers to aid the English. He siu.eeded in breaking through the lines, of IO THE MERCURY the Zulu- and relieved the English army. As soon as the Eng-lish gem al realized that he was no longer m danger, lie took matters into his own. hards and invited the Zulu king to visit the British camp under a flag of truce and make tei as soon as lie arrived lie was arrested and e> :>f peace; but on a small island off the western ooast of Africa. England thought that this would end the triibe with the Zulus, but the son of the exiled ruler proclaimed himself king and made preparations to continue the war, but England had enough, and secretly with-drew her arm}' into. Natal. The English Government was chagrined by this defeat at the hands of a savage nation, and the loss of men and money, with-out any corresponding gain of territory, consequently she de-cided to steal the Orange Free State and part of Transvaal. But the Boer Government watched them closely and made pre-parations to meet the invasion. In 18S1 the English army marched into Boer territory, but they were entrapped by an army of Boers numbering 600 men, who defeated the British army of 7,000 men. They killed about half of them and cap-tured the others. When Gladstone, the premier of England, received news of the battle, he said: "I can,not send soldiers to South Africa as fast as the Boers kill them. We ought to make peace with those people who know how to fight for their rights and liberty." A term of trust was agreed upon during which time hostilities should cease, and President Krueger was invit-ed to come to London to make definite terms of peace. Accord-ingly, in 1883, President Krueger, .Taubert, Dr. Reitz and mv-self, went to London where we were treated witli the greatest re-spect by the English. Oom Paul was regarded as a hero With the help of Mr Gladstone, a man of honor, who was friendly toward the Boers, a treaty was signed which favored the Boers. The Tinted States had already recognized the South African Republics as independent governments. In this treaty, Eng-land did likewise, and soon many other powers followed. We went on our way'rejoicing. First to Holland and from there to Germany, where Bismarck gave a dinner in honor of Krueger and hi;-, party. It was on this occasion that Bismarck said: "Krueger is the greatest statesman living, for he got the best of that political fox, Gladstone, and England will dig the grave of her wprld's power in South Africa."- THE MERCURY II The treatj' made in London in 1884 would probably never bave been broken, had not gold been discovered in Jobannsburg, Transvaal during the same year; and if Gladstone., Bismarck and James Blam had lived in 1899, the war would not have broken out. When it became known in England that plenty of gold could be found at Johannsburg. the English people at once began to flock thcTe. Cecil Rhodes, a heartless man without conscience, was one of the first arrivals, who at once made prep-arations to mine the gold. He realized that it would not do to bluff Krueger as he had done before, therefore, he began to treat with Krueger and .he Government in Pretoria. He offered to organize a company to dig the gold and give a certain percent-age to the Boer Government. This company was organized, and it was agreed that the Boer Government should receive 25 per cent, of all the gold mined. All went well for a time; but in the year 1891 the English capitalists began to complain about this percentage, claiming that it was too high. Cecil Rhodes, Barno Banato and Alfred Beit, as the heads of the company, forced the working people to strik.v This strike broke out in 1894 and was at once put down by the Government. In order to lower the wages of the working-men, the company brought in prisoners to work in the mines, but the Government would not allow them to remain. After this failure, the. company imported coolies from Japan, China and India, but these the Government also sent away. Then the company bought control of many Eng-lish newspapers and the newspapers of other countries and these papers slandered the Boers as being opposed to prosperity and progress. Joe Chamberlain, Secretary of the Colonies in Lon-don, now took up the matter and commanded the Boers to per-mit the importation of foreign laborers, and, furthermore, to give all British subjects the right to vote and to hold office. The Government was willing to grant this privilege providing these subjects should swear allegiance to the Transvaal Republic. This the British refused to do. Cecil Rhodes and his friends hired Dr. Jamison and a civil engineer from the United States to organize a mob, invade Jo-hannsburg and take the mines from the Boers; and if possible, to overthrow the Government in Pretoria. The two men organ-ized a mob of 3,000 men who marched up from Capetown and openly boasted that they would soon have the Boers under con- 12 THE MERCURY trol. But the Boers made preparations to meet the mob and were ready to interfere when the time came. Jamison and his men came on toward Johannsburg and expected to arrive there in the evening; hut 'he Boers intercepted them and made an at-tack about nine miles from Johannsburi;. Jamison and his men after a short fight, were captured and taken to Johannsburg. Dr. Jamison and nineteen other leaders were taken to Pretoria and there imprisoned, -while the remainder were condemned to be shot for high treason. The British Government claimed to have no knowledge of the matter, but declared that they would punish these men, if the Boers would turn them over to them. President Krueger obeyed their request and handed over the captives. They were taken to London, given a mock trial, sen-tenced to six months imprisonment, but were soon afterwards pardoned by the Queen. Chamberlain and Rhodes determined to bring on a war be-tween the two nations and, therefore, troops were constantly being brought into cur country. When we inquired as to the meaning of this, we were put off or received no answer at all. It was a kind of "cat and mouse" philosophy wdiich England wished to practice on the Boers; England being the cat and the Boers the mouse. England said, "I am a cat and am satisfied, while you ought to be willing to become a part of a cat." "Come," she said, "let me devour you that you may become a part of a cat as so many other mice have done before." But the Boers failed to see the wisdom of this kind of philosophy and refused the invitation to be eaten. m THE MERCURY , 13 WHAT THE TURKEY DID. ■ A Christmas Story. H. A. CHAMBERLIU, '08. KTHUK CLARKS01SF ceased his labors and, buried in thought, rested for a moment leaning upon his axe. Truly his life was a hard one. .Why should he be compelled to remain here on this farm to cut wood while his companions were enjoying themselves with their friends and relatives at their respective homes? When his chums had all left college he had turned sorrow-fully away and had gone slowly out to the nearby farm where he was to work during the Christmas vacation to pay his college expenses for the ensuing term. It is true he had found a pleas-ant place. Mr. Northwood, the farmer, and his wife had been very kind to him. He had also found Gladys, their only daugh-ter, a girl of seventeen, very interesting and friendly during the long evenings when he had rested before the open fire-place in the comfortable sitting room. But with all this—it was not his home. Often he had felt lonesome. But with that determination which had characterized his col-lege course and had won for him the latin prize in his Freshman year, he went to work again with renewed vigor. Higher and higher grew his pile of kindling wood—fewer and fewer became the number of pine blocks. Suddenly his attention was at-tracted to a figure coming slowly clown the walk which lead to the woodshed. It was Gladys. "I thought I'd come to watch you work a little," she said. "We have been so busy in the kitchen getting ready for Christmas." He would much rather have stopped his work and talked to her but he kept on plying the axe. She continued to chatter and he endeavored to listen as best he could, but it was hard to work and talk at the same time. All at once without the slightest warning the axe slipped, cut-ting a long gash in Irs hand. He felt a sharp pain but did-not cry out. He looked at the girl who had become deathly white. With a little cry she Ihrew up her hands and fell senseless upon the carpet of chips which covered the ground. He carried her tenderly to the house almost forgetting the ac- H THE MERCURY ciclent, which had caused her insensibility, in his efforts to bring her back to consciousness. Mrs. Northwood, at first, in her excitement did not know what to do. After a little work, however, Gladys opened her eyes, and the flow of biood from his hand had been stopped. That evening as they sat before the fire discussing the events of the day, Mrs. Northwood said: "Gladys, why don't you ever wear-that ring which your uncle sent you from Mexico ? The stone alone must be worth fifty dol-lars. I am afraid yon do not appreciate the gift." A bewildered look came over the girl's fa-^e and she exclaimed : "1 was wearing that ring this afternoon when I fainted." Mrs. ISTorthwood shot a sudden glance at Arthur which he did not fail to notice, but said nothing. They then separated for the night. The next morning as Arthur was about to begin his usual work in the shed, the old farmer came out to him with a stern expression on his face. "You need not woi-k any more for me," ho said slowly. "Gladys could hardly have lost the ring for we have all searched every-where for it, and you were the only one with her at the time she was unconscious. I will keep the affair quiet but you must go today. Go back to your college and try to learn that a college education consists of more than that which we get from the books." "Why"— Clarkson began but was checked by the farmer:— "No explanations are necessary, sir—go." Clarkson climbed the stairs to the little room they had given him and gathered together the few articles of clothing which he had brought with him. If he had ever been sad before he was doubly so now. A shadow fell across the floor. He looked up and saw Gladys standing in the doorway— her eyes red with crying. •'•'Oh, Mr. Clarkson,"' she began, "I am so sorry. I know that you would not take the ring but my mother—" With this she threw her apron over her head, and, in a flood of tears, left the room. As he went back to college where he must now spend a miser-able Christmas alone, h? bemoaned his fate. His good name bad been ruined. His tuition could not be paid. He was a vie- THE MERCURY 15 tim of circumstances. And yet she had said that he was inno-cent— that was one consolation. The next day he sauntered up to the postoffiee to see if he would receive a letter from home. Sure enough, the postmas-ter handed it through the bars, hut as he looked at it he noticed that the address was m a strange hand. He opened it and read: "My dear Mr. Clarkson:— Come out to the farm at once. I was too hasty You are innocent. Yours • very sincerely, Jacob Northwood." The note was very brief, but how it thrilled the heart of the youth. He lost no lime in getting to the farm where Gladys met him at the gate and said: "Oh. Mr. Clarkson, we have found the ring. When we killed the Christmas turkey we found it in its craw. The selfish old gobbler- had picked it up from the place where I must have lost it. Come into the house." It is not necessary to' relate all the pleasant things which fol-lowed. There was no more wood cutting and—such a Christ-inas! The Xorthwoods tried in every way to make amends for the wrong they had done him. AVhen he returned to college a week later he was the happiest boy to arrive, for he had not only had a delightful time, and found new friends, but best of all in his coat pocket was a cheque on Mr. aSTorthwood's account which would more than pay the expenses of the term. 16 THE MERCURY THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS. Plato—Part I. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, '05. LATO was born in Athens about 42' B C. He was the son of Aristo and Perictione, a noble family. His mother traced kinship to Solon, the great legislate-of Athens, and Solon was a desce. dant of Noleus the i?on of Poseidon. Aristo, his father, was a descendant of Codrns the last great Athenian king, and he traced kinship to the god Poseidon Tradition claims that the god Apollo especially foless-id fti.p marriage of Aristo and Perictione and endowed Plato with special divine qualities. At an early age he received instruction • rom alle teacher Dionysius taught him literature; Ariston, the Argiane,.,gym-nastics and Megillus of Arigentamj music. With the other youths he took part in the Pythian and Is hmian games. He also, probably, took part in the military expeditions to Tanagra, Corinth and Del him. ♦ In his youth he was actively engaged in writing poems. He look part in many literary contests and reveaied much power and ability. He was about to enter a contest with a poem upon which he had worked faithfully and careful'y, when he became acquainted with Socrates. He destroyed hi' poem and most of his other poetical writings. However, some fragments have come down to us and they reveal beauty, thought and simplicity in style. From the time he met Socrates, he began to devote ail of his time to philosophy Plato was a student. He was acquainted with the past history of Greece and the sy terns of the earlier philosophers. His poetic nature and temperament revolted against the course and flippant reasonings of many of the phi-losophers of his day. They sounded as it were the minor chord entirely in their reasonings and to this the nature of Plato re-fused to respond. Thu.-:, when he understood the teachings of Socrates and the truths he taught, it seemed as if he had touch-ed the inajoi chord, tha: beautiful melodious bell-like tone, in his heart, for at once his whole nature became attuned to the THK MERCURY 17 1 ruths of Socrates and Plato bee;■1 me his enthusiastic and power-ful disciple. Plato was.about twenty years of age w'jen ne came under 1 he influence of Socrates. He was yet in hie creative process of life. His master's power over him was absolute. Since Socrates' work was noble, inspiring and uplifting, he was able to make Plato a mighty power for good in the world. Plato remained faithful and true to his old teacher and mas-ter, lie was a true disciple. He followed his teacher through his varied caieer and after his death which had been inflicted by '.he Athenian people he became the leader oC the Socratic school •md taught and promulgated anew the immcital Socratic truth. His truth was ideal. Sometime after Socrates' death Plato went to Egypt and made himself acquainted with the religious thought of that land.Trad-i tion says that he also went to Persia, and the^e he was taught the Zorathushtrian doctrines. But this cannot oe definitely deter-mined. He also visited Italy and studied the organization of the Pythagorean schools. Plato very likely visited Euclid at Megara, as Megara was not very far from Athens. How much influence Euclid had over P'ato in the formation and the deeper '.evelopment of his philosophic system can not be definitely 1 nown On his return to Athens he was threatened with punishment and even death. He stood firm in his determination to carry nit his master's work and would not be swerved from his course. Plato look 1-0 active part in governmental affairs. He was not ?n orator. ' He had returned to Athens to open a philosophic school. He opened his academy in the grove of Aeschemus. Over the great philosophic sehoo! he presided until his death. There with his pupils he analyzed and developed the germs of ethics, psychology and logic as found in the Socratij teachings. It is said that Plato made several voyages to Sicily in the in-terests of his academy. ■ At the invitation of Dionysius, the Svracusan ruler, Plato discussed with him on the subjects of happiness, virtue, government and justice. Plutarch (610) rays, "Justice was the next topic; and when Plato asserted the happiness of the just, and the wretched condition of the unjust, 'he tyrant was stung: and being unable to answer his arguments, i8 THE MERCURY he expressed his resentment against those>uo seemed to listen -o him with pleasure. At last he was extremely exasperated, r.nd asked the philosopher what business he hsd rrr Sicily. Plato answered, 'that he came to seek an honest man.' 'And so, then/ replied the tyrant, 'it seems that you have lost your labor/' Dionysius had resolved to slay Plato but through the plead-ing of Piato's friends his life was spared and he was sold into flavery to the Aeginetans. He was finally ransomed and re-turned to his academy. When D-'onysius the younger ascended the throne Plato again visited Sicily, but he was unable to accomplish anything. Of Plato's family less is known then of Socrates' Ye: y likely ne was married although it is not known to whom. Neither ran he be called an ascetic as some writers of recent times have been accustomed to call him. A man of hi, social, intellectual and moral position could not live an ascetic life and do the work he did. Thus it has been mentioned that his power as a writer was revealed in his early youth. It was evidently in the prime of ' ife that he established his academy at Athms. It was there ".hat he was busily engaged in teaching philosophy and writing •:nd rewriting his lectures and "there at the ripe age of eighty-pne he died." Marshall rays, "Prom the scene of his labors bis philosophy las ever since been known as the Academic philosophy. Unlike .'Socrates, he was not content to leave only -i memory of himself and his conversations. Re was unwearied in bis reduction and correction of his written dialogues, altering them here and there both iu c;.; ression and in structure. It is impossible, there-fore, to be absolutely certain as to the historical order of compo-sition 01 publication among his numerous dialogues, but a cer-tain np proximate order may be fixed." A very large number of works have been attributed to Plato. Some ha -c ' een proved spurious Most historians of philosophy accept thi ivy-six compositions as written by Plato'. Most au-thors aeocy the works of P.'ato as follows: Charmides; Lvsis• Laches; Ion; Meno; Euthyphro; Apology; Crito; Phaedo; Pro-tagoras, ihithydemus; Cral.lus; Gorgias; Hippias Alcibiades: TIUC MKKCUKY 19 Meneseus; Symposinus; Phaedrus; The Republic; Timaeus; Philebus; Parinenides; Theoetetus and The Laws. Acccrdirg to TJeberueg (104), "Schleiermacher divides the-works into three groups. Elementary, mediatory or prepara-tory and constructive dialogues. As Plato's first composition he names the Phaderus; as his latest writings, the Republic. Li-malus, and the Laws." In all bis waitings the poetic nature and style predominates. Although he is a waiter of urose, he is a poet at heart. Some-one ha-5 called him, "the Shakespeare of Gre k philosophy on ac-count of hif fertility, variety, humor, imagination and poetic grace. The philosophy of Plato is the philosophy of Socrates. This philosophical reasoning is prevalent throughout Plato's works. His thoughts and principles are built upon a Socratic basis. As Plato analyzes the deep thoughts of Socrates, he, here and there, adds a finishing touch and makes it more complete. It must not bo thought that Plato was a mere imitator, he was to) great a genius for that. Plato had been trained in the true Soc aric school of hard reasoning ana logical thinking. His kn Avlcdge of philosophy in the largest sense was marvelous. His knocedge of the various systems of the wo-ld gave him power to produce a careful and logical system, of reasoning with the Socratic truths as basic philosophical principles. Zeller says, "In Plato's scientific method also, we recognize the deepeinng, the purification and the progress of the Socratic philosophy. Prom the principles of conceptual knowledge arises, as its inunediate consequence, that dialectic of which Socrates must bi considered the author. While Socrates in forming con-cepts, stiV.es from the contingencies of the given case, and never ■ goes b3.T!id the particular, Plato requires by continued analysis from the phenomenon to the idea, from particular ideas to the highest and most universal.' The Socratic form of discussion 111 the character and manner of the dialogue is prominent in Plato's writings. If there is an idea that Plato desires to have understood and- made clear, it is brought out in his writings by the manner if speech. Though in some places his logic may be distributed, yet taken on the whole it is not the case. He sets forth his philosophy with 20 THE MERCURY (.learner and in a scientific way. The dialogue enabled his readers to grasp his ideas more readily. There is another striking characteristic in his dialogues; that is, Sociites is the central figure. He not on;y xeads in the con-versation, , 'le best listener, but he is also the most acute reasoner and thinker. Though Plato in some instanc s may represent an idealized Socrates, nevertheless be remembers how great a debt of gratitude he owes his master. From Socrates he received his spiritual and tbeistic beliefs. In th'i Banquet by Plato (M. Ed. T. 81) we quote the follow-ing pan; of a dialogue in which Socrates is discussing with Agathon Jhe philosophical conception of Love. "Come," said SocratT-., 'let us review your concessions. Is Love anything else th:n die love first of something; and secondly, of those things of which it has need?"—"Nothing."—"Now, remember x-f these things jrou said in your discourse, thai Love was the love —if you wish I will remind \ou. I think you said something of this kin.i, 'hat all the affairs of the gods were admirably disposed through the love of the things which are beautiful for there was no love of ^hings deformed, did you not say so?"—"I confess that I did."—'You said th.pt what was most likely to be true, my frLnd: and if the matter be so, the lovs of beauty must be one thing, and the love of deformity another. '■—"Certainly." So eo'n],rehensive is Plalo's philosophical system that much is emh-ived in it. To divide it into distinct divisions is diffi-cult. KIP philosophical system may be divided into three parts: logic, physics and ethics. Whe., the dialogues are examined carefully it is found though the though! may seem to relaps too much in the following state-ments, nevertheless, every thought looks up to the idea that Plato wishes to unfold. There is no confusion. One idea explains another idea, one thought leads up to another thought and so on in true progressive and logical order. THE MERCURY THE BELLS. JOSEPH ARNOLD, '09. 21 "How soft the music of those village b'-Jie Falling at intervals upon the ear., In cadence tweet, now dying all away. Now pealing loud again and louder Btill Clear and sonorous as the gale comes on." —C'owper. Soft and SAveet, indeed, are the'tones as they set the calm quiet air on a Sunday morning vibrating. What a charm the strains of a familiar hymn have, as they reach the ear from some distant church! ' And yet the chimes and bells with all their pleasant memories of childhood days lingeringly attached to them, with all their melodious sweetness, have an interesting history. Almost at the very beginning of things, a certain Tubal Cain, sixth descendant from Adam, an artificer in all kinds of metals, probably discovered the sonorous qualities of metals. He may have manufactured some crude instrument, which, when struck gave forth a ringing sound These crude beginnings gradually were improved upon; for, in Exodus, we learn that bells of gold were attached to the robe of Aaron in order that his going in and coming out of the place of worship might "be made known to the people. Zechariah introduces us to another improvement; namely, the inscription, "HOLINESS UNTO THE LORD," upon the bells of the horses. Not only did, in those early times, the Children of Israel make use of the bells, hut also the Egyp-tians, Assyrians and Chaldeans. Those used by the Egyptians were as a means of announcing the feast of Osiris. In offering sacrifices the priests of Cyble of Assyria made use of the bells. So on down through the ages we come across the development of bells, some of gold and others of bronze. About bells were associated many superstitions, as records show us. Pliny and Juvenal, it is said, tell us of bells being rung during eclipses, which were, as it was believed, attended by evil spirits. The ringing of the bells would, according to their beliefs, drive these away. The belief can easily be evidenced 21 THE MERCURY by inscriptions upon the bells as follows: "Pesiem fugo" and "Dissipo veutos." During the early Christian era a number of such brief inscriptions were put into poetical form and became the common inscription upon bells. Laudo Deum verum, plebum voco, conjugu clerum Defunclus ploro, pesiem fugo, festa decoro. Funero pilango, fulgura frango, Sabaia pango Excito lentoSj dissipo ventos, paco crucntos." Bells, even at a very early period, were put to a practical pur-, pose, as may be gathered from the following records left by Aes-chylus and Euripedes: Greek warriors were accustomed to wear small bells-upon their shields so that they might when on guard duty inform the passing captain that they were awake. Even Plutarch is said to have mentioned in his record of the seige of Xanthus the fact that bells were attached to nets stretched acre-the river so that natives could not escape by way of the river without coming into contact with the bells thus attached. Thus far small bells only were referred to, since the large ones were not. in use for worship or alarm or to strike the hour, till some 400 A. D. The use of bells for churches doubtless gave rise to that feature of architecture, the bell tower. In the Middle Ages, bells played a prominent part. During that period whenever a bell was cast, before it was used in a church, it went through a form of consecration; for it was wash-ed with water, annoiuted with oil, and marked with the sign of the cross in the name of the Trinity, and, from what we can gather, archbishops officiated and persons of high rank, with great pomp, attended the ceremony of christening. As time went on nearly every form of worship had its bell. There was the Sanctus bell, tho Angelus or Ave Marie bell, the Vesper bell, the Complin bell, and the Passing bell. The Sanctus bell of today is a small bell and it is rung before the elevating of the Host by the priest. During the Middle Ages, this was a large bell and rung just when the "Sancte, sancte, sanete Deum Sab-baoth" was sung or chanted. All who heard bowed their heads in reverence and adoration. The Angelus was rung at fixed hours and called the mind from worldly duties toward a mo-ment's meditation and the blessed Virgin. It further marked THE MEKCURY 23 the time of beginning and cessation of labor. There still lingers with ns a sweet echo, as it were, of that beautiful 'custom in the famous painting, "The Angelus." The artist seems to have caught the charm and in the moment of God-given inspiration placed upon canvas the halo of bygone days. The Yesper bell was the call to evening prayer and the Complin bell closed the clay. Finally the most impressive was the solemn tolling of the Passing bell; it called for the prayers of the faithful in behalf of the passing of a soul from life. A little of the spirit of the Middle Ages still clings to us; for we still adhere to some of the customs of those times. The toll-ing of the bell during the passing of a funeral in a "God's acre" comes directly from the custom of the Passing bell. One rite or ceremony peculiar to the Dark Ages was t. pe tolling of a bell to summon an audience in order that a priest might read in their hearing an anathema; to blow out in their presence the candle and in that manner excommunicate a poor unfortunate from "bell, book and candle." The use of the curfew is familiar to all. It was probably in-troduced into. England from France by William the Conqueror. Alarm bells were a,so used at an early date. Is it not Shakes-peare who makes Macbeth say when Birnam wood was moving on the castle in which he had shut himself, "Eing the alarm bell!" ? Of course, in modern times, since the discovery of electricity, the use of bells for alarm has become more or less systematized. The composition of material which enters into bell making can readily be gathered from various sources. There are in the world some very large bells, marvelous and unique, arousing much wonder and creating great interest. It may be that the longing for display was accountable for sucli huge sizes. May we not likewise infer that their immensity in the eyes of the ignorant and semi-civilized made them more meritorious? Thus Russia, mostly in a state of semi-civiliza-tion, is noted for the largest bells. The large bell which espe-cially attracts universal attention is the "King of Bells," the hell of Moscow. Hs history may be read at a glance from one of the inscr (ions upon it. namelv ip- 24 THE MERCURY . This Bell :, was cast in 1733 by order of the Imperial Empress Anne, Daughter of John It was in the earth 103 years and by the will of the ■ r .: Imperial Emperor ^ Nicholas "' "'-■: :. was raised upon this pedestal in 1835, August 4th. It is not necessary here to enter into details concerning its history; the number of times it was recast, its enormous weight or colossal size or the stir it created among the nobility of Eu-rope. Sufficient to say, that it excells and stands alone. There is another very large bell of which mention should be made namely, the Assumption bell of Moscow, next in weight to the "King of Bells." Although it weighs one hundred and ten tons and its diameter is eighteen feet, it is hung and tolled once a year. A writer says, "When it sounds, a deep hollow murmur vibrates all over Moscow, like the fullest tones of a vast organ or the rolling of distant thunder/' One bell, though not a large one, is nevertheless dear to the heart of every loyal American. That bell announced to the peo-ple that the Declaration of Independence was signed; that free-dom was theirs. It bears the name of "Liberty Bell;" a name •deserved and a name *hat will last as long as time itself. Though iits life as a bell is but a brief one, there arfc gathered about it miemories saored to us. It still, as its inscription reads, "Pro-claims liberty throughout the land." Thus ends the stoiy of the bell imperfectly and briefly told ,ind yet let us not forget to mention the important part it plays in poetry. First upon the bells as we find them may be found couplets which run ns follows:— ■ »k and, also. "Jesus fulfil with thy good grace All that we beckon to this place." "I to the church the living call And to the grave do summon all." THE MERCURY "Be mec and loly To heare the word of God." 25 There are possibly as many quaint inscriptions on bells, as upon tombstones but space does not permit mentioning them. Most of the poets make mention of bells in connection with services. Longfellow says the Angelus called the Arcadian fanner from his work. Shiller in his remarkable "Lay of the Bell," portrays the life of a mortal. How clearly he associates the storms and calms of life in the tale of a belFs making. And who can, in such melodious rythmical splendor compare with Edgar Allen Poe, as he depicts the functions of the bells in that masterpiece of his? How it thrills one to hear that poem re-cited! One can almost hear the merry jingling of the sleigh bells o'er the icy fields, or the mellow wedding bell foretelling a world of happiness, or the banging and clanging of the loud alarm bells, or e'en the solemn tolling from the lips of the sombre iron bells of luckless destiny. What a world of thought is cre-ated in the reading of a poem such as that! How it carries us back, yea back to the days gone by! How we hear faintly the bells, sweetly echoing in our hearts some happy occurrence, or like a voice from heaven bringing us in close touch with a dear one gone before. Thus bells have played an important part in life from times immemorable to the present day. 26 THE MERCURY DO WE NEED POSTAL SAVINGS BANKS IN THIS COUNTRY? BY 1908. AST summer wtu'le spending some time in a rural dis-trict of a neighboring state, an instance of particular interest came to my notice. One day a resident of the small I village came into the postoffice and had a money order for a certain amount made out in his own name. The postmaster, being of an inquisitive nature, asked the man why it should be in his own name. The man said he didn't want to have the money in the house; that lie didn't have time to take it to the bank (for the nearest one was fifteen miles away); that it would cost him just as much to send it to the bank as to get a money order for it, besides the trouble of sending it: and that it would he safer in the hands of the Government than if it were in the bank. An instance of this nature to a person of ordinary intelligence would he very striking. Thoughts of the advantages of some people and the disadvantages of others naturally arise. This man evidently was'not in a position to enjoy the great privilege of. men in other districts of having a hank in which to deposit his money. Xext we would likely wonder how many men were in a similar circumstance hut who did not invest their money in money orders, having it hoarded up somewhere as cold cash. There are, no doubt, so great a number of them, even though their amounts of possession being small, that a vast sum of money is being held, hound up and kept from circulation. The man's last remark as to thfe safety of his money in the form of a money order, brings the fact to our notice that banks do not have the confidence of the people in general that the Government evidently has, for this man was willing to pay the Government to keep his money instead of receiving interest for the use of if from a bank. few people will deny that our present system of banks is a success considered in all its phases. But is it the best system that can be had? Does it efficiently meet all that is demanded of it? We think not. The present financial condition of our country leads us to this conclusion. The fact that banks in their present condition are subject to failure thereby causing the THE MERCURY .27 loss of the wealth of their depositors oftentimes inspires, more especially the small depositor, with fear and shatters all confi-dence in them. As a consequence great amounts are hoarded up in strong chests and other places and are practically a drag to the progress of our country where free circulation of money is such a necessary function in prosperity. The money strin-gency which necessitated the recent issue of Government bonds was largely due to the inadequacy of our banking institutions to supply the need. Ours is a country of gre"at natural wealth, so vast, indeed, in extent, that we can hardly get a definite conception of it. Though we are making rapid strides in developing these re-sources, we have not reached the greatest degree of efficiency. There are vast tracts of land that could be more efficiently cul-tivated; mines to be developed; products to be transported; and many other directions for progress, but no means of bettering this state of affairs. Why have we not reached the highest, de-gree of efficiency? This question is easily• answered by saying that the circulation of money is too small. Thus we see the great need of getting all money possible into circulation. Since there is such a great need for the circulation of all the money in the United States, we need to consider reasons why this circulation is hindered. Probably the most striking of these reasons is the lack of confidence that some people have in our banks. Circulation is not hindered by the lack of confi-dence of our people alone. There are vast numbers of foreigners in our country who. doubting the stability of our banks, and having explicit confidence in their own government banks, send their earnings home and deposit them there. In this way great sums of money are kept from circulating in our land and for this reason some industries must suffer because of being unable to secure sufficient funds for their-further development. The issue of bonds recently made shows the great need of money for circulation and, above all things, shows that the money will most likely he obtained from the-people who are afraid of investing money in other enterprises, but, because of their confidence in the Government, are willing to take her bonds at a lower rate of interest than could be gotten otherwise. We have been considering the fact that there are conditions in our country which are not as they should be for its better de- 28 THE ME.RCURY velopment and prosperity. To set forth these deficiencies with-out suggesting a means of correction would be foolish exertion. Anything that will right these conditions we may regard as the very thing needed by our country. Our suggestion for the cure of these conditions is a system of postal savings banks. Such a system would reach all conditions of people as the banking places would be the postoffices and postoffices are found scattered everywhere in the states. Then the great amount of money that is hoarded up, because there is no bank near enough, would be put.into circulation. Then tun, very many of our citi-zens who now hide their earnings and the foreign element who send their money abroad for deposit in their own government banks, because of their confidence in an institution with govern-ment backing, and not in our banks as they now are, would de-posit in the postal banks and thus by increasing the circulation of currency, help to remedy existing conditions. One with a different idea might wonder what would become oi our present banking institutions which are run by individuals who necessarily reap the benefits not only of their own money, hut also that of the Government which they get at a low rate of interest. He might ask, Shall we harm a fairly well working system for one that we only imagine Avould work? That a sys-tem of postal savings banks would harm our other banks is not likely, for it would obtain greater amounts of money for distri-bution to these banks at a lower rate of interest. With this view of the matter, the private banks would themselves be benefitted as Avell as the country at large. Then as to the working of the proposed banks we have no serious doubts. They are working-well in other countries and could easily be successful here. But someone may object; think of the great expense ami trouble the Government would have to undergo. It is true there would be some expense and labor connected with the en-terprise but the benefits derived would be so much'greater in proportion to the money formerly expended as most clearly to justify such a course. If our manufacturers today would re-fuse to increase their business because of more cost to them, we would have a pitiable state of affairs existing. Industries would be at a standstill. But they do not conduct business on this principle. They make a great sacrifice of monev and labor to THE MERCURY 29 a certain degree and in return make a greater proportional amount of gain. It is therefore an easy matter to see that the system would pay for itself and that is all we demand of it, since it is a gen-eral public undertaking and is not supposed to be run in order to make money. It would be for the welfare of the individual citizens of our nation. The idea of labor is no argument against it. We may rather consider it as a point in its favor. The extra labor would furnish excellent, well salaried positions for a great number of people. That there is need of some way of keeping the currency of our Government in circulation is very evident. The present pros-perity and welfare of our country demand it. If the present demands it, the same will be true of the future, only then the demand will be more intense. To meet this increasing demand necessitates, some system that will reach the portions of the country in which money is hoarded; that will have the confi-dence of the public in its favor. Our present system of banks has been, and is doing a great deal towards a free circulation of money yet they are proving insufficient. A system of postal savings banks, as we have shown, would meet the above named requirements; would furnish greater circulation of money; and would therefore add very materially to our progress as a nation. T H E ERCQRV Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., DECEMBER 1907 No. 7 Editor-in-Chief EDMUND L. MANGES, .'08 Exchange. Editor ROBERT W. MICHAEL, '08 Business Manager HENRY M. BOWER, '08 Ass't Bus. Managers LESLIE L. TAYLOR, '09 CHARLES L. KOPP, '09 Assistant Editor MARKLEY C. ALBRIGHT, '08 Associate Editors PAUL F. BLOOMHARDT, '09 E. E. SNYDER, '09 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D PROP. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROP. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance : single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending THE MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contri-bute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. GEN. DE WALI_'S It is with a great ARTICLE deal of pleasure that we present this number of the MHUCURY to its readers par-ticularly because of its article on the Boers. Some few years ago, when war broke out between these people and the English, we all read of the movements and ac-tions that took place in the Tran-svaal and Orange Free State with great interest. The war from beginning to end is doubt- THE MERCURY 31 less familiar to 11s, but we know very little of the Boer history prim- to this time. This article' gives us a very distinct and clear cut epitome of that earlier period. A thing that lends a peculiar interest'to this article is the fact that it was written by one of the most prominent men of the people with whom it deals, so that we get the facts first hand, it is needless to waste time or space in telling those of our read-ers who met General Dc Wall about his personal experience or service, but it may be of some interest to those who did not have the extreme pleasure of seeing or hearing him. Fifteen years in German schools and universities, a period before the war as pres-ident of the Volksraat or Congress of the Transvaal Eepublic, and during the war as a general in the Boer army, are three major items of his life. We have been rather fortunate this fall in having the privilege of coming in contact with a number of distinguished men, but most striking, most unique among them all stands Gen. l)e Wall. .He is a very extraordinary type of man. a type that is very sel-dom 'found. In this man we see one who has had the great privilege of a liberal education; one who has been successful in life, having at one time been a wealthy man and holding a posi-tion in South Africa second only to that of the distinguished and well known Oom Paul Krueger; one who experienced war in all its phases; one who has suffered as few men have and sur-vived, having lost wealth, position and family, and is now even an exile because he lefused to swear allegiance to the country that deprived him of wealth and family, all that was dear to him. He did not come to us'in state, but as a very common, man, yet the impression that he made upon us is one that will last longer for that very reason. Is it any wonder that a man of such a' varied experience both in quantity and quality is interesting? Although he has been a child of fortune and has known the extremes of joy and sorrow, he has come through them safely, with principles and faith in his God unshaken. We again say that we consider ourselves fortunate in having this interesting and instructive article to give to our readers, not because of the worth of the article alone, but because of its distinguished author. 32 THE MERCURY LITERARY It is with a feeling of pleasure that we write CONTEST. concerning the coming Inter-society Contest. We are pleased to announce that, after a lapse of two years, the two Literary Societies have settled their petty disagreements and have agreed to meet in a general literary contest and de-bate. The contest and debate were formerly leading features of the winter term; but in -recent years, as before stated, have not been held for various reasons. And now, inasmuch as all preliminary arrangements have been made and the contest is practically as-sured, it is our earnest wish that the.members of the societies realize the importance of the coming conflict. The individual members of both societies must know that without their interest the contest can not be a complete success. And, besides, honor, glory and renown, in no small measure, will be meted out to the participants, both th-5 victors and the vanquished. The contest and debate are bound to be interesting, and may the fickle Goddess of Victory smile upon the side best deserving her favors. j* I am a little country boy, I flunk ten times a week. But I guess few students know it, Cause for Muffing I'm a freak. It tickle? me to go to shows, But only when they're cheap. And when the Seniors turn me down, Then, Oh, how I do weep. I love to ride brown ]3onics, And wobble when I walk. I say I take the girls to shows, And I slobber when I talk. -Exchange. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. THE BEST PEN FOR COLLEGE MEN There's no pen that gives such all-round satisfaction as Conklin's Self-Filling Fountain Pen. It's the best pen for College Men. 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Diese Arbeit bietet eine solide theoretische Grundlage zu Philanthropie und religiös motivierten Spendenaktivitäten und deren Einfluss auf Wohltätigkeitstrends, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer auf dem Gedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit beruhenden Philanthropie. Untersucht werden dafür die Strukturen religiös motivierte Spenden, für die in der islamischen Tradition die Begriffe "zakat", "Waqf" oder im Plural auch "awqaf-" oder "Sadaqa" verwendet werden, der christliche Begriff dafür lautet "tithes" oder "ushour". Aufbauend auf diesem theoretischen Rahmenwerk analysiert die qualitative und quantitative Feldstudie auf nationaler Ebene, wie die ägyptische Öffentlichkeit Philanthropie, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechte, Spenden, Freiwilligenarbeit und andere Konzepte des zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements wahrnimmt. Um eine umfassende und repräsentative Datengrundlage zu erhalten, wurden 2000 Haushalte, 200 zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen erfasst, sowie Spender, Empfänger, religiöse Wohltäter und andere Akteure interviewt. Die so gewonnen Erkenntnisse lassen aussagekräftige Aufschlüsse über philanthropische Trends zu. Erstmals wird so auch eine finanzielle Einschätzung und Bewertung der Aktivitäten im lokalen Wohltätigkeitsbereich möglich, die sich auf mehr als eine Billion US-Dollar beziffern lassen. Die Erhebung weist nach, dass gemessen an den Pro-Kopf-Aufwendungen die privaten Spendenaktivitäten weitaus wichtiger sind als auswärtige wirtschaftliche Hilfe für Ägypten. Das wiederum lässt Rückschlüsse zu, welche Bedeutung lokale Wohltätigkeit erlangen kann, wenn sie richtig gesteuert wird und nicht wie bislang oft im Teufelskreis von ad-hoc-Spenden oder Hilfen von Privatperson an Privatperson gefangen ist. Die Studie stellt außerdem eine Verbindung her zwischen lokalen Wohltätigkeits-Mechanismen, die meist auf religiösen und kulturellen Werten beruhen, und modernen Strukturen, wie etwa Gemeinde-Stiftungen oder Gemeinde-"waqf", innerhalb derer die Spenden eine nachhaltige Veränderung bewirken können. Daher bietet diese Arbeit also eine umfassende wissenschaftliche Grundlage, die nicht nur ein besseres Verständnis, sondern auch den nachhaltiger Aus- und Aufbau lokaler Wohltätigkeitsstrukturen in Ägypten ermöglicht. Zentral ist dabei vor allem die Rolle lokaler, individueller Spenden, die beispielsweise für Stiftungen auf der Gemeindeebene eingesetzt, wesentlich zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung beitragen könnten – und das nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in der gesamten arabischen Region. Als konkretes Ergebnis dieser Arbeit, wurde ein innovatives Modell entwickelt, dass neben den wissenschaftlichen Daten das Konzept der "waqf" berücksichtigt. Der Wissenschaftlerin und einem engagierten Vorstand ist es auf dieser Grundlage gelungen, die Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) zu gründen, die nicht nur ein Modell für eine Bürgerstiftung ist, sondern auch das tradierte Konzept der "waqf" als praktikable und verbürgte Wohlstätigkeitsstruktur sinnvoll weiterentwickelt. ; This work provides a solid theoretical base on philanthropy, religious giving (Islamic zakat, 'ushour, Waqf -plural: awqaf-, Sadaqa and Christian tithes or 'ushour), and their implications on giving trends, development work, social justice philanthropy. The field study (quantitative and qualitative) that supports the theoretical framework reflects at a national level the Egyptian public's perceptions on philanthropy, social justice, human rights, giving and volunteering and other concepts that determine the peoples' civic engagement. The statistics cover 2000 households, 200 Civil Society Organizations distributed all over Egypt and interviews donors, recipients, religious people and other stakeholders. The numbers reflect philanthropic trends and for the first time provide a monetary estimate of local philanthropy of over USD 1 Billion annually. The survey proves that the per capita share of philanthropy outweighs the per capita share of foreign economic assistance to Egypt, which implies the significance of local giving if properly channeled, and not as it is actually consumed in the vicious circle of ad-hoc, person to person charity. In addition, the study relates local giving mechanisms derived from religion and culture to modern actual structures, like community foundations or community waqf that could bring about sustainable change in the communities. In sum, the work provides a comprehensive scientific base to help understand- and build on local philanthropy in Egypt. It explores the role that local individual giving could play in achieving sustainable development and building a new wave of community foundations not only in Egypt but in the Arab region at large. As a tangible result of this thesis, an innovative model that revives the concept of waqf and builds on the study's results was created by the researcher and a dedicated board of trustees who succeeded in establishing Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) that not only introduces the community foundation model to Egypt, but revives and modernizes the waqf as a practical authentic philanthropic structure.

The Situation In Guinea-Bissau Report Of The Secretary-General On Developments In Guinea-Bissau And The Activities Of The United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office In ; United Nations S/PV.8186 Security Council Seventy-third year 8186th meeting Thursday, 22 February 2018, noon New York Provisional President: Sheikh Al Sabah . (Kuwait) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Temenov Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Hickey United States of America. . Ms. Eckels-Currie Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-04815 (E) *1804815* S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 2/19 18-04815 The meeting was called to order at 12.10 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Arabic): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator to participate in this meeting: Mr. Lowcock is joining the meeting via video-teleconference from Geneva. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I give the floor to Mr. Lowcock. Mr. Lowcock: My colleagues and I have given the Security Council a lot of updates on the situation in eastern Ghouta over the past three months. I want to start today by bringing members some voices directly from eastern Ghouta. The Office of the Special Envoy in Geneva has, just in the past three days, received thousands of messages on instant messaging applications from civilians there. They are pleading for help. Here is one of them, from a humanitarian worker in the area — a person well versed in international humanitarian law: "During the past two months, military operations turned into a process of systematic targeting of civilians. Most air raids have intentionally targeted civilian residential buildings. Whole families have died under the rubble. Today, and as battles intensify, I call on you, as a father now expecting my first child to be born, and as a humanitarian worker trying to maintain what is left of life, to act to stop the systematic operations against civilians and open the roads for humanitarian assistance." Here are more voices. "There are entire families being targeted. A mother and her three children. Four pregnant women; one died, another is in a critical condition, the third lost her baby, and the fourth is under observation. A young girl lost both eyes, and it is continuing." "We do not want war, we do not want war, we do not want war." "Can you hear our messages, voices and fear?" "Our situation is so tragic. Our basements are not safe and lack basic needs. Help us, be with us." "Instead of saying 'no more', the world is saying 'one more.'" As representatives of Member States, all here aware that their obligations under international humanitarian law are just that — they are binding obligations. They are not favours to be traded in a game of death and destruction. Humanitarian access is not a nice-to-have; it is a legal requirement. Counterterrorism efforts cannot supersede the obligation to respect and protect civilians. They do not justify the killing of civilians and the destruction of entire cities and neighbourhoods. The Council has been briefed in minute detail, month after month, on the scale of the suffering of the Syrian people. Our reports have indeed been endless: dead and injured children, women and men; airstrikes, mortars, rockets, barrel bombs, cluster munitions, chemical weapons, thermite bombs, suicide bombs, snipers, double-tap attacks on civilians and the essential infrastructure they depend on, including hospitals and schools; rape, illegal detention, torture, child recruitment and sieges of entire cities reminiscent of medieval times. Over the past 24 hours, heavy shelling and aerial bombardment of multiple communities in eastern Ghouta have reportedly continued, resulting in the deaths of at least 50 people and wounding at least 200. According to some sources, the total death toll since 19 February is close to 300 people. Twenty-three attacks on vital civilian infrastructure have been reported since 19 February. At least seven health facilities were reportedly hit on 21 February. The only primary health-care centre in Modira town was reportedly rendered out of service by airstrikes. A hospital in Duma city sustained significant damage from nearby barrel bombs. Also in Duma city, an obstetrics centre was damaged A hospital in Jisrein town was reportedly attacked, resulting in the death of a nurse. The two Syrian Arab Red Crescent centres in Duma city and Harasta town were reportedly damaged 22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 3/19 by the bombardment. Meanwhile — and this is also a point I have consistently emphasized — mortar shelling from eastern Ghouta is reportedly killing and injuring scores of civilians in Damascus city, too.Members all know the statistics of this conflict. They know that half the Syrian population has either fled the country or faced repeated internal displacement. These people have lost everything. They have seen their homes destroyed, their neighbours killed, their loved ones disappear. Everyone knows that the repeated confirmed or alleged chemical attacks in Syria have killed and terrorized Syrian civilians.Eastern Ghouta is a living example of an entirely known, predictable and preventable humanitarian disaster unfolding before our eyes. Everyone knows that nearly 400,000 people are besieged and that they have been besieged for more than four years. Everyone knows that in eastern Ghouta thousands upon thousands of children are facing acute malnutrition the likes of which we have not seen elsewhere in Syria since the onset of the conflict. Everyone knows that more than 700 people are in need of urgent medical evacuation to hospitals just miles away in Damascus city.We have all seen in recent days the images of bombs and mortars raining down on bakeries and medical facilities. According to reports documented by United Nations human rights colleagues, at least 346 civilians have been killed since the beginning of this month and close to 900 people have been injured. Members all heard the Secretary-General yesterday, in the Chamber, describing eastern Ghouta as "hell on Earth" and saying that we cannot "allow things to go on happening in this horrendous way". They also heard him pleading for "the immediate suspension of all war activities in eastern Ghouta" (S/PV.8185, p. 2).Earlier this week, UNICEF issued a blank statement, as it could no longer find the words to describe the brutality of this war. Its only message was that "no words will do justice to the children killed, their mothers, their fathers and their loved ones."This appalling violence is happening as we face significantly increased constraints on our ability to reach people trapped behind conflict lines. In recent months we have encountered greater difficulties in accessing people in hard-to-reach and besieged areas, particularly through cross-line convoys, than during any period since 2015. Since 1 December, for nearly three months, we have been able to deploy only three cross-line convoys, reaching just 67,200 people. Only 7,200 of those people were in besieged areas, less than 2 per cent of the overall besieged population. In 2017, through November, approximately 53 cross-line convoys reached people in need, an average of nearly five convoys per month. A cumulative total of nearly 2 million people were reached in the first 11 months of 2017, or around 175,000 people per month. Therefore in 2017 we reached 175,000 a month; in the past three months we have reached 22,000 a month. Those are not reports or allegations. We have complete, factual information on this, because they are our convoys.Moreover, the 2017 access levels were themselves nearly 40 per cent below our access levels in 2016. Access is not only limited on aid deliveries, but we are also seeing growing challenges to our ability to independently assess needs on the ground and to monitor aid delivery.When an entire generation is robbed of its future, when hospital attacks have become the new normal, when sieges of entire cities and neighbourhoods have become a lasting reality for hundreds of thousands of people, the international community must take urgent and concrete action. I have said this before and I will say it again. What we need is a sustained cessation of hostilities, and we need it desperately — a cessation of violence that will enable the immediate, safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services, the evacuation of the critically sick and wounded and an alleviation of the suffering of the Syrian people.The Council can still save lives in eastern Ghouta, and elsewhere in Syria. I urge it to do so. Millions of battered and beleaguered children, women and men depend on meaningful action by the Council.The President (spoke in Arabic): I thank Mr. Lowcock for his briefing.I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We are grateful to you, Mr. President, for the prompt response to our delegation's proposal to convene a special meeting on the situation in eastern Ghouta, in Syria. That certainly does not mean that other problematic areas require any less attention. In particular, not long ago, at our initiative, the Security Council discussed the dire situation in Raqqa in detail. S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 4/19 18-04815 And in general, over the past month we have revisited Syria's humanitarian issues more than once. I would like to ask Council members to listen carefully to what I have to say.It is past time to discuss frankly what is going on in this Damascus suburb. The mass psychosis in global media outlets of the past few days, working in coordination to circulate all the same rumours, is certainly not contributing to an understanding of the situation. When eastern Aleppo was in the news, propagandistic disaster scenarios were put forward for it — a city where, after it was liberated from the terrorists, warehouses full of medicines and medical equipment were discovered. At the time we demanded that the Secretariat conduct an investigation, but the report presented to the Security Council was blatantly superficial.We are constantly seeing images of the activities of the White Helmets, who pass themselves off as rescuers. They were long ago shown to be supported by generous foreign assistance, and they work closely with terrorist groups. As a general rule, they serve as the original sources of well-rewarded disinformation. We are given the impression that the whole of eastern Ghouta consists of nothing but hospitals and that it is the hospitals that the Syrian army is attacking. That is a well-known tactic in information warfare. It is a very well-known fact, however, that the militants everywhere make a habit of locating their military facilities in medical and educational institutions, but for some reason that inconvenient truth is not advertised.It would be a good idea to begin with the fact that there are still several thousand defiant militants in eastern Ghouta, including some affiliated with terrorist organizations, mainly Jabhat Al-Nusra. Some time ago, they breached the agreement on a cessation of hostilities with an attack on an armoured tank unit of the Syrian armed forces in Harasta. They are shelling Damascus, and the intensity of the attacks increases daily. Dozens of missiles are launched every day, and not a single area of the capital has been spared. For some reason, those statistics are not being taken into account by United Nations representatives, although the Permanent Mission of Syria distributes them regularly. We have pointed out that in a 20 February statement, an official representative of the Secretary-General described factual information as "reported" (see S/PV.8183). And today the Under-Secretary-General talked about reported shelling. But those reports could easily have been verified by United Nations staff if they had inspected the areas of destruction and visited the victims.The Russian Embassy facilities have been repeatedly shelled, and each time the same delegations in the Security Council have made up excuses to lay off the blame for these terrorist acts. One is compelled to conclude that someone is purposely helping the criminals avoid accountability. Incidentally, we are disturbed by the fact that not so long ago, representatives of some delegations who view themselves as leaders in the protection of human rights and international humanitarian law quite seriously said that the damage resulting from the shelling in Damascus did not reach a level deserving of the attention given to eastern Ghouta. Our immediate response was to ask how many people have to die to attain, as it were, the gold standard of sympathy? There has been no answer. Is it appropriate to pass over the tragedies in Ramadi, Fallujah, Mosul and Raqqa in silence while drumming up hysteria about Madaya, Daraya, eastern Aleppo and eastern Ghouta, encouraging militants to to further humiliate civilians?Incidentally, the coalition forces' methodical destruction of Raqqa is extremely recent. The memory of it is hardly likely to have faded so quickly. For some reason, when the Coalition bombing flattened Raqqa, no one sounded the alarm, demanded compliance with international humanitarian law or proposed an immediate ceasefire. Yes, the Coalition smoked the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) out of Raqqa. We know that. But with that done, the United States has forgotten about the city. No one is clearing any mines there. Who is aware of the fact that as many as 50 returning civilians are blown up by mines in Raqqa every day? Nor do we see much enthusiasm from these famous activists about the worst humanitarian crisis of our time, which happens to be unfolding against the backdrop of the armed conflict in Yemen.The militants have turned the people who are left in eastern Ghouta into hostages who are not allowed to leave the area under rebel control through the Al-Wafideen checkpoint. The Russian Centre for Reconciliation of Opposing Sides has urged the illegal groups to lay down their arms and resolve their status, but they broke off negotiations yesterday, on 21 February. It is quite obvious that they do not care about the life and safety of the residents of eastern Ghouta, whom they use as human shields to hide behind. Their aim consists of continuing to negotiate 22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 5/19 tactical and logistical advantages for themselves. That does not seem to particularly worry these groups' foreign sponsors, who might be able to exert crucial influence on them. But no, they would rather maintain the status quo and organize loud campaigns blackening Syria and Russia.Energy is also being wasted on fragmenting the international efforts regarding a settlement in Syria. Instead of giving due backing to the Astana de-escalation process and the Syrian National Dialogue Congress in Sochi, which have become an important support to the inter-Syrian negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations in Geneva, we see ongoing backroom efforts designed to openly undermine the work being done through those platforms. On top of that, exclusive clubs are being created, one striking example of which is the so-called International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, which undermines the established frameworks for international cooperation on non-proliferation. We know that preparations are being made for an unofficial presentation of that initiative in Geneva. We would like to reaffirm our position in that regard, which is that in view of the neutral status of respected international organizations such as the United Nations and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, representatives of their secretariats should not be associated with narrow initiatives such as these, which do not enjoy universal support.Many are now asking the logical question of how de-escalation in eastern Ghouta and other problematic areas of Syria can be achieved as soon as possible. The delegations of Sweden and Kuwait have come up with their recipe for this, in their role as informal monitors of the humanitarian dimension of the Syrian conflict in the Security Council. Their draft resolution — which has now been officially prepared for a vote, despite the fact that the authors know perfectly well that there is no agreement on it — proposes an apparently simple idea, which is the establishment of a ceasefire throughout Syria for not less than 30 days. We would very much like to know how such a truce will be guaranteed, but we have had no intelligible answers. The important thing, they say, is adopting the decision, and we can come up with the details later. An issue as complex as the Syrian conflict does not respond to such logic. We have been through this before, including, once again, in the case of eastern Aleppo.In principle, a ceasefire would be extremely significant, and not just for ensuring the delivery of humanitarian aid. The challenge is in how to achieve it. What we need here is not resolutions for the sake of resolutions, but measures that correspond to the realities on the ground. We are constantly talking about ensuring that the Security Council agrees on feasible decisions that are not divorced from reality or that cater to populist demands. This is about the credibility of the principal organ of the United Nations, responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with the Charter, whose purposes and principles we were discussing only yesterday. If we could stop the violence in crisis zones with resolutions, we would already be living in a completely different world.It will take long and hard work with the sides to the conflict to stabilize the situation so that the parties can sit down at the negotiating table and come up with the parameters for a ceasefire. There is no other way. It will also be impossible to ensure on paper that in 48 hours, or any other amount of time, humanitarian convoys can get going and mass medical evacuations begin. By the way, specific parameters for normalizing a number of complex issues are currently being formulated in Geneva, including by using the potential of the specialist International Syria Support Group. They include the Rukban camp for displaced persons — where, we understand, the United States military presence occupying the area has finally given the United Nations written guarantees — the Yarmouk camp, where the ISIL terrorists still have a presence, and the Fua and Kefraya enclaves.In that connection, I would like to know if the authors of today's initiative genuinely do not understand its utopian nature or if there is some other purpose at work here that has nothing to do with a desire to help struggling Syrians. Unfortunately, the story of eastern Aleppo in 2016 suggests that the second is true, and that the aim is to start a fight so as to strengthen international pressure on the Syrian authorities and slander Russia. Besides that, it shifts the focus from the importance of reviving the Geneva process as quickly as possible on the basis of the agreements that the Syrians arrived at in Sochi to indiscriminate accusations against the Syrian Government. Will that improve Geneva's chances of success?I will say it again to make sure that everyone hears it one more time. Russia will continue to do everything S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 6/19 18-04815 possible to achieve peace in Syria and restore stability to the Middle East. We call on our partners to do the same in a spirit of constructive cooperation and in cooperation with the United Nations, rather than continuing to sow confusion, ramp up support for jihadists and tear the region apart. For this draft resolution to be meaningful and realistic, the Russian delegation has prepared some amendments to it that we will now circulated to Council members.Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I would like to thank the Russian Federation for calling for a meeting on the horrendous situation in eastern Ghouta, and Mr. Mark Lowcock for his briefing. I will now make some brief remarks on behalf of Sweden and Kuwait.In seven years of war, the situation in the besieged area of eastern Ghouta has never been worse. I would like to thank the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs for another briefing reminding us of the horrific reality for citizens in eastern Ghouta and of the Council's responsibilities. Yesterday, in this Chamber, the Secretary-General said that the 400,000 inhabitants of eastern Ghouta live in hell on earth. His appeal to all of us in the Council was to act — to immediately suspend all war activities in eastern Ghouta, allowing for humanitarian aid to reach all of those in need, allowing for the evacuation of the hundreds of people that need urgent treatment and that cannot be provided for and allowing the possibility for other civilians to be effectively treated. I want to take this opportunity to remind all parties, as Mark Lowcock just did, of their obligations under international law to protect civilians and hospitals and other medical facilities.The co-penholders, Sweden and Kuwait, have put forward a draft resolution to respond to the constant legitimate calls from the United Nations for a nationwide cessation of hostilities for 30 days in order to allow for humanitarian access and emergency medical evacuations. Our draft resolution also calls for the lifting of the siege directed against eastern Ghouta. We plead to all Council members to come together to support the draft resolution and to urgently adopt it so that we can halt the incessant attacks against eastern Ghouta and beyond, and we can avert a situation that is beyond words in its desperation. We, Sweden and Kuwait, furthermore urge the parties to the de-escalation agreement in eastern Ghouta to comply and implement it. We call upon the Astana guarantors — Russia, Iran and Turkey — to spare no effort and bring all their influence to bear on the parties to that end to avert the human disaster unfolding before our eyes.In response to our Russian colleague on our draft resolution, the United Nations convoys and evacuation teams are ready to go, subject to standard security procedures. The draft resolution that we are putting forward is not a comprehensive peace deal. Its aim is a much-needed humanitarian pause for an initial period of 30 days. There are already ceasefire agreements in force for the areas where fighting has escalated the most recently. They must be complied with. There are existing monitoring mechanisms that can be utilized. The role of the Council, I believe, is to push the parties to the conflict to comply with the proposed cessation of hostilities. Compliance is on the shoulders of the parties. I think that we can make a difference, and I think that we are tested today — not just as Ambassadors representing our countries, but as human beings. That is a massive responsibility.The President (spoke in Arabic): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Kuwait. At the outset, I would like to thank Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, for his briefing today. The remarks in Mr. Lowcock's statements are in line with the Secretary-General's remarks yesterday morning (see S/PV.8185) — that eastern Ghouta can wait no longer. There is tremendous suffering there, with 400,000 people who are living hell on Earth.We support all what the Permanent Representative of Sweden, Mr. Skoog, said in his statement on behalf of Kuwait and Sweden as co-penholders of the humanitarian dossier in Syria. It is unfortunate that the number of people killed since the beginning of this month in eastern Ghouta has reached 1,200 civilians. The international community is silent; it stands still. The question here is: How long we are going to remain silent? How many more civilians, women, children and elderly must die or be displaced until the international community starts taking action and speaking in one voice and saying enough — enough carnage and grave violations of human rights law and international human law? In that regard, I would like to make the following points.22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 7/19 First, Kuwait and Sweden, in response to the clear-cut demands of the United Nations on the humanitarian situation in Syria, have jointly submitted a simple and clear draft resolution that demands a cessation of hostilities across Syria for a 30-day period in order for the United Nations and its partners to be able to deliver humanitarian aid and services and provide critical medical evacuation to the sick and wounded, in accordance with the provisions of international law, and end the blockade on residential areas.Secondly, action on the part of the the State of Kuwait is based on our religious and national duty to our brothers in Syria. We have a legal, human and ethical responsibility to end their suffering. In that connection, we call on all Member States to support the draft resolution and vote in its favour. We should rise above our political differences to protect civilians.Thirdly, a failure to ende the systematic and horrendous carnage and bloodshed that has continued for seven years with various weapons would only serve to encourage the perpetuation of such crimes without accountability, as those who commit them are heartened by impunity.I now resume my functions as President of the Council.Ms. Eckels-Currie (United States of America): I thank Under-Secretary-General Lowcock for his briefing, particularly his noting of the systematic targeting of civilians in eastern Ghouta and the toll that it is taking on the people there.Yesterday, Russia's Permanent Representative requested this meeting in order to "make sure that all parties can present their views". The view that Mr. Lowcock presented today is, as the Secretary-General said and others have repeated, one of hell on Earth for the people of eastern Ghouta. I would also like to share the vision of some of the people of eastern Ghouta.Bilal is 22 years old, with a wife who is five months pregnant. He says, "We are waiting our turn to die; this is the only thing I can say". Abdullah is a construction worker, with a wife and six children. He says,"Bombs were falling everywhere near our house. We have been spending the last week digging into the rubble of nearby areas with our bare hands."Malik is a doctor treating the wounded. He says,"The hospitals have been overflowing with blood. We are doing what we can to help, but the situation is becoming unbearable."Those are just a few of the overwhelming number of horrific stories coming out of eastern Ghouta everyday. The pictures and videos are everywhere — screaming parents digging through rubble to find their children; doctors working frantically with no medicine and no equipment in underground hospitals to save whoever they can. Those are not terrorists showing up in these makeshift emergency rooms — they are civilians. They are ordinary people, under attack by a barbaric Al-Assad regime that is bent on levelling eastern Ghouta to the ground, with no regard for the 400,000 men, women and children who live there.No one needs to use their imagination to know what the Al-Assad regime is planning. It is exactly what we saw in Aleppo in 2016, and in Hama and Homs before that. The Al-Assad regime wants to bomb or starve of all of its opponents into submission. That is why, except for two small deliveries of aid, the regime has not allowed any medical convoys or deliveries of food into eastern Ghouta since November, and the bombing attacks have been relentless. The regime wants to keep bombing and gassing these 400,000 people, and the Al-Assad regime is counting on Russia to make sure the Council is unable to stop their suffering.Yesterday the Russian representative asked for the parties to present their views, and has put forward a deeply cynical one today. Those present have now also heard from the United Nations humanitarian leader and from people, like Bilal, Abdullah and Malik. The assault from the regime is relentless, and the suffering is overwhelming. The Russian Permanent Representative also asked that we "come up with ways of getting out of the situation." Yet it appears to be intent on blocking any meaningful effort to do so.None of us on the Council need to look very far for the way out. Thanks to the tireless efforts of our colleagues from Kuwait and Sweden, the way is sitting in front of us. We have a draft resolution establishing a 30-day ceasefire to help shield the people of eastern Ghouta and allow for deliveries of food and medicine to arrive. All 15 of us have spent the past three weeks negotiating that text, patiently attempting to work with each other, including the Russian delegation. We believed we had an agreed text. There are no surprises here. The United S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 8/19 18-04815 States is ready to vote on the draft resolution — right here and right now. All of us should be ready. Sweden and Kuwait have consulted everyone on that text. They have done their part. There is no reason to delay. Literally, the minute this meeting ends, the Council can take the clearest possible step to help — vote for a ceasefire and vote for humanitarian access.What the people of Eastern Ghouta need is not complicated, and do not just take our word for it. The International Committee of the Red Cross head of delegation in Syria summed it up, "This is madness and it has to stop". The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Prince Zeid, asked,"How much cruelty will it take before the international community can speak with one voice to say enough dead children, enough wrecked families, enough violence, and take resolute concerted action to bring this monstrous campaign of annihilation to an end?"UNICEF can hardly put words on a page. All UNICEF said in a haunting statement was, "No words will do justice to the children killed, their mothers, their fathers and their loved ones". The Secretary-General made his point clearly yesterday. He supports the cessation of hostilities because eastern Ghouta cannot wait.Yesterday Russia's Permanent Representative asked what we should do about eastern Ghouta. The people of eastern Ghouta, United Nations officials, humanitarian and human rights leaders and, indeed, pretty much the entirety of the Council have answered: stop the bombing of eastern Ghouta and allow medical assistance in. The rest of the Council is ready to act. We urge the Council to move forward with the ceasefire and humanitarian draft resolution immediately.Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): I would like to thank Russia for its initiative in convening this meeting. I also thank Under-Secretary-General Lowcock for his briefing.Recently, the security situation in parts of Syria, including its capital, Damascus, and the eastern Ghouta region, has escalated, causing significant civilian casualties, which is drawing broad attention from the international community. China would like to express its profound sympathy to the Syrian people for their suffering. We condemn all acts of violence that target civilians and civilian facilities and harm innocent lives. China has always believed that there is no military solution to the Syrian issue; it would only aggravate the suffering of the Syrian people. A political settlement is the only way out.The present situation is now such that the international community needs to support the Syrian parties in the resumption of dialogue and negotiations under the United Nations mediation as soon as possible and in seeking a solution that is accepted by all parties through a Syrian-owned and Syrian-led political process. That is the only way to fundamentally ease the humanitarian situation in Syria and rid the Syrian people of their suffering at an early date.Terrorist organizations are still launching attacks in Syria, which have caused significant civilian casualties and impeded humanitarian relief efforts by the United Nations. The international community should strengthen its cooperation on counter-terrorism, adopt unified standards and resolutely combat all terrorist organizations designated as such by the Security Council.As part of the Syrian issue, the humanitarian aspect in the country is closely linked to Syria's overall situation, in addition to its political process. Actions taken by the Security Council on Syria's humanitarian issue should not only help ease the overall humanitarian situation in the country, but also help consolidate the momentum for a ceasefire in Syria and be conducive to the bigger picture of a political settlement to the issue. China calls upon the Security Council to remain united on the issue of Syria, speak with one voice and create favourable conditions for substantive progress in Syria's political process at an early date.Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I would like to thank Mr. Mark Lowcock for his enlightening briefing of the situation of the inhabitants of eastern Ghouta. Mr. Lowcock has said it all — the torrent of fire that is indiscriminately falling eastern Ghouta is relentlessly pushing the limits of horror and human suffering. There are no words to describe what is taking place in eastern Ghouta as we speak.The regime is not merely bombing its own people. It is methodically targeting hospitals and vital infrastructure for the population with the macabre aim of ensuring that the injured who have not perished during the shelling do not survive the wounds inflicted upon them. We must insist that the attacks against hospitals and health-care personnel constitute war crimes, and the perpetrators must be held accountable.22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 9/19 The reports we have received from non-governmental organizations and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights are unbearable. Twenty eight attacks struck 20 hospitals in eastern Ghouta since January. More than 700 individuals are in need of urgent medical evacuation. Those evacuations are systematically blocked by the Damascus regime, which has been the case for months. More than 400,000 people, including 130,000 children, have been besieged for months by the regime as part of a siege that is reminiscent of the Middle Ages.We should make no mistake: the Syrian regime and its allies are brandishing the fight against jihadist fighters, the need for which no one is disputing, as justification of an offensive aimed at entirely different goals. Its real intentions are indeed to annihilate any and all opposition and break the morale of civilians by indiscriminately massacring them. The offensive against eastern Ghouta, which has seen an unbridled acceleration in recent years — the worst of which is undoubtedly yet to come — has added to both the methods and consequences of the new Aleppo. Let us recall that in that city the intensification of bombing preceded a reconquest operation and unknown levels of violence that never sought to shield civilians or rule out the use of chemical weapons. We shall be particularly vigilant on the latter.Yesterday, through President Macron, France emphatically condemned the indiscriminate shelling of residential areas and civilian infrastructure. We called for the immediate establishment of a ceasefire to enable medical evacuations and humanitarian access to the people. The Secretary-General also spoke resolutely along the same lines. As was recalled this morning by the French Foreign Minister, Mr. Jean-Yves Le Drian, any lack of action is an indication of guilt. We must act swiftly, for the Council has the means at its disposal, if the willingness is put forth.Sweden and Kuwait, the commitment of which France commends, have proposed a draft resolution demanding an immediate cessation of hostilities to enable humanitarians to evacuate the wounded and gain access to the people. The draft resolution before us does not seem to me to be a political judgement. It conveys the humanitarian imperative that, as such, must bring us together. Accordingly, we have noted Russia's intention to propose changes to the draft resolution. We will consider them, but it is crucial that we quickly adopt the draft resolution so that a cessation of hostilities takes place immediately, as addressing the situation on the ground is of the utmost urgency.A cessation of hostilities is not a concession. It is the minimal form of response to the repeated requests of the United Nations and humanitarian actors, which have been communicated by members of the Council. Subsequently, it is up to the regime's supporters to ensure full respect and to respond to all calls for access to humanitarian assistance and medical evacuations under international humanitarian law. It is inconceivable to us that a Council member could be opposed to that.At the same time, we must — and France stands ready to — redouble our efforts to establish a neutral environment that will allow for a credible political process and the holding of elections in Syria. Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, France has consistently advocated for the priority of achieving a negotiated solution to the military situation and of finding a political solution that satisfies the aspirations of the Syrian people, ensures lasting peace and stops terrorism in its tracks. France will not deviate from the road map adopted by the international community. We have already said, and will say once again, that only a political, inclusive solution, established under the auspices of the United Nations through enabling a political transition within the framework of the Geneva process and resolution 2254 (2015), will end the suffering of the Syrian people in a credible and lasting manner.I should like to conclude with both a warning and an appeal. Not only has the situation in Syria reverted to the tragic darkest hours of the crisis, but, if we fail to react robustly and immediately — let us make no mistake — the worst is yet to come. The worst is the endless escalation of the humanitarian crisis that is crushing the people, any semblance of humanity and the very values underpinning the United Nations. A widespread ground campaign directed against eastern Ghouta might well be the next deadly stage. The worst is also the expansion of the conflict. The combination of circumstances before us today might lead to a potentially major regional or even international confrontation. That risk must be taken very seriously.In the name of our shared values and interests, I call on every member of the Council to join and act together. We owe that to the civilians who are dying by the hundreds in the hell in eastern Ghouta. We owe it to the security of the region and of the world, which S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 10/19 18-04815 we have the collective responsibility to protect. We owe it to upholding the credibility of the United Nations, which is our shared heritage. Let us beware that the Syrian tragedy does not also become the grave of the United Nations.Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We thank Mr. Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, for his briefing today on the tragic situation facing the more than 400,000 people living in eastern Ghouta and in other cities.We heard with dismay that, in that area, the basic principles of international humanitarian law and human rights continue to be disregarded. That has been evidenced by the incessant and merciless bombardments resulting in hundreds of civilian casualties — many of whom are women and children — on a daily basis. Far from decreasing, the bombardments have intensified over the past several days and weeks, as has been the case with regard to the number of people with urgent medical issues who are dying because they cannot be evacuated. We deeply regret that humanitarian convoys are unable to reach besieged and difficult-to-access areas, such as eastern Ghouta, among others, despite repeated appeals from the United Nations and various countries, including Peru, to facilitate immediate, safe and unrestricted access in eastern Ghouta, as well as other areas of Syria.All those facts, which are ultimately allowing for and fuelling a hell on Earth, as the Under-Secretary-General just pointed out to us, warrant our strongest condemnation. We must remind all parties, including the Syrian authorities, of the responsibility to protect the civilian population. The United Nations has determined various actions that can be taken to alleviate the suffering of civilians in eastern Ghouta and other affected areas. We stress the importance of the immediate implementation of a 30-day cessation of hostilities to allow for providing aid and setting out and implementing the humanitarian assistance response plan and the five priorities that Mr. Lowcock mentioned. Those are all indispensable and urgently needed measures that Peru fully supports.Implementing them will require a genuine political will to reverse direction and turn them into a reality. Accordingly, we thank Sweden and Kuwait for their generous efforts to reach a consensus on a draft resolution on a cessation of hostilities, which we hope can be adopted as soon as possible. It is of the utmost importance that Council members, in particular those who are able to exercise their influence on the ground, show the world their unity, sense of duty and willingness to compromise, and that we send a clear signal that prioritizes human beings over other interests.The Council must be able to rise to the occasion and fulfil its sensitive and important responsibilities. All can count on my delegation's commitment to carrying out actions that will alleviate the human suffering in eastern Ghouta and throughout Syria.Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): We thank the presidency for convening this meeting, and I thank Mark Lowcock for his sobering briefing. I will address the following three points: first, the escalation of violence in eastern Ghouta, secondly, international humanitarian law, and, thirdly, action by the Security Council.First, with regard to the escalation of violence in eastern Ghouta, we are meeting at a moment of grave distress for the people in eastern Ghouta and elsewhere in Syria. We have seen the extreme escalation of violence in Idlib and eastern Ghouta, which was initiated a few weeks ago by the Syrian regime and its allies. That has severely intensified over the past several days and continues without pause, as Mark Lowcock clearly described. We condemn all indiscriminate attacks directed against civilians. Communities in eastern Ghouta have experienced the most intense bombardments since the beginning of the siege in 2012. Mortars are also being fired into Damascus. Families do not have a safe place to hide. Women and children are dying. Last Monday, the United Nations reported, over a period of just 13 hours, at least, 92 civilian deaths in eastern Ghouta, and the total death toll since Monday appears to stand now at approximately 300.We continue to receive reports of attacks on hospitals and of the renewed use of chemical weapons, thereby leading to the inhumane suffering of civilians and those who try to help them. We pay tribute to the humanitarian efforts of the White Helmets. We condemn targeted attacks against them. While the indiscriminate bombardment of civilian-populated areas continues, desperately needed humanitarian aid, including medical aid, for the people of eastern Ghouta cannot be delivered. We condemn the incessant violence and the barbaric tactics of besiegement. We have seen those tactics before. If we think back to Aleppo in December 2016, the same scenario took place. The regime turned 22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 11/19 that city into an unlivable hell where civilians were imprisoned, constantly targeted from the air and cut off from any form of aid. The Council should not stand by and watch a repetition of such events in eastern Ghouta.Secondly, concerning the erosion of international humanitarian law, in witnessing the sheer disregard for human life, we must ask ourselves: What has become of the hard-won gains in the area of international humanitarian law? The lack of compliance with the Geneva Conventions by parties to the Syrian conflict erodes the very norms enshrined therein. It also erodes the rules-based international order. We cannot let that happen. The carnage in Syria must stop. The Council must take effective, credible and decisive action today. The world is watching. We call upon all parties to the Syrian conflict, in particular the Syrian regime and its allies, to stop the targeting of civilians, stop the attacks on hospitals and facilitate immediate access for humanitarian organizations to deliver much needed aid.That brings me to my third point, which is action by the Council on the cessation of hostilities. We thank penholders Kuwait and Sweden for negotiating a draft resolution during the past two weeks that addresses the dire situation in Syria. We pay tribute to the prudent, inclusive manner in which Sweden and Kuwait have organized negotiations on the draft resolution. We wholeheartedly support the Swedish-Kuwaiti appeal to support their text.The draft resolution includes clear and implementable measures. We fully support an immediate cessation of hostilities in Syria to enable aid convoys to deliver food and medicines to all those in need, and the safe medical evacuation of the critically ill and wounded. That must happen as soon as possible. Parties to the Syrian conflict and those with influence on them have a heavy responsibility to assure the safety of humanitarian operations and to ensure that no forced evacuations of civilians take place.In conclusion, some Council members say that the draft resolution cannot be implemented because it is not realistic. But with sufficient political will on the part of the parties involved in Syria, the cessation of hostilities can become a most urgently needed reality. The Council showed forceful action when it adopted resolution 2393 (2017) in December 2017 to alleviate the suffering in Syria by allowing for vital cross-border humanitarian aid. Let us again show forceful action. Let us prove to the world that we can agree to put the safety of civilians first, throughout Syria.The human suffering in Syria, in particular in Ghouta, must end. We need a cessation of hostilities now. We call on the Russian Federation in particular to use its influence, do its utmost to achieve that objective and allow the Council to act effectively. Let us adopt the realistic, clear and balanced draft resolution as it stands, end the violence and allow access for humanitarian assistance.Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We thank Under-Secretary-General Mark Lowcock for his briefing. We appreciate his efforts and understand the challenges he faces.We are deeply concerned about the military escalation in eastern Ghouta and its devastating impact on civilians. We are also equally concerned about escalating conflict in other parts of Syria. The continued reports of attacks against medical facilities, resulting in a number of civilian deaths and injuries, is indeed extremely worrying. We stress that it is absolutely imperative to protect civilians in eastern Ghouta and other affected areas.Nonetheless, we should never overlook the fact that the capital, Damascus, is being shelled from eastern Ghouta — one of its suburbs. All the same, it is impossible to deny the fact that life-saving aid must reach all Syrians in need of urgent assistance. In that regard, while we welcome the fact that the United Nations inter-agency convoy delivered life-saving assistance to more than 7,000 persons on 14 February, we acknowledge that, given the severity of the humanitarian situation, it is obviously not enough.To address humanitarian needs, the United Nations and its humanitarian partners should be allowed safe, improved and unhindered humanitarian access. As the Secretary-General recalled in his statement on 20 February and through his strong appeal yesterday in the Chamber (see S/PV.8185), a cessation of hostilities is desirable to enable humanitarian aid deliveries and medical evacuation. We see no problem with reaching a consensus on the matter. In that connection, members of the Council have been engaged in constructive discussions on how to ensure the implementation of a cessation of hostilities.As the situation on the ground becomes increasingly complex, we understand that implementing a humanitarian pause will not be easy. We understand S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 12/19 18-04815 the concerns of some in that regard. We do not ignore the possibility that terrorist elements might exploit that tool to advance their goals. It will require the political will and tangible cooperation, in good faith, of all Syrian actors, as well as of all States with influence over the parties. Let us not forget that the situation in Syria is becoming extremely complicated and that the humanitarian situation has not remained unaffected. We are extremely worried about the current trajectory.As a human tragedy unfolds before our very eyes, it is expected that the Council will take meaningful, collective action that could help save lives on the ground. That is why we have reiterated that the Council should extend its unified support for the humanitarian work of the United Nations and its partners. Only by working together will the Council convey a strong and unified message that could help facilitate the much-needed humanitarian work of the United Nations and alleviate the continued suffering of the Syrians. In that regard, the humanitarian draft resolution will perhaps provide us with a good opportunity to demonstrate our resolve for concrete action. It may not be a perfect text but we believe it paves the way for all parties to coordinate their existing efforts to halt hostilities for the sake of civilians who are in an extremely difficult situation.Let me take this opportunity to thank the two penholders Kuwait and Sweden, which have been working tirelessly to achieve a consensus outcome. We hope they will continue their much-appreciated efforts until the last minute to address the concerns — real, legitimate concerns — of all delegations.Let me conclude by reiterating that the escalating violence in eastern Ghouta and other parts of Syria should reinforce the importance and urgency of finding a comprehensive political solution, without which the suffering of Syrians will continue unabated.Ms. Wronecka (Poland): I would like to thank Mr. Mark Lowcock for his briefing.As our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Jacek Czaputowicz, stated yesterday with regard to eastern Ghouta, there is no justification for the indiscriminate attacks on innocent civilians, including children, or on civilian infrastructure, such as health facilities. They must stop immediately and all parties to the conflict must strictly comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law. We would like to stress that all actors should use their influence to bring about immediate and improved conditions on the ground.Once again, we urgently call for the cessation of hostilities in the whole of Syria. Attacks against civilian targets, including medical facilities, must stop now in order to relieve the enormous and unreasonable suffering of the Syrian people. We therefore call upon all parties to alleviate the suffering of civilians, including children, by granting them urgent, free and safe access to humanitarian assistance.With regard to the de-escalation zones, which include eastern Ghouta, I should recall that they were aimed at ensuring a ceasefire and humanitarian access in accordance with international law, including international humanitarian law. In the light of this fact, I call on all parties engaged to respect their ceasefire-related commitments. I also call on States members of the Security Council to use their leverage on the parties in order to implement relevant previous commitments and to create conditions for a permanent ceasefire.In conclusion, I would like to stress the importance of maintaining the unity of the Council on the question of humanitarian access. We should find a mutually acceptable way to express a clear position of the Security Council in this regard. Accordingly, Poland would like to reiterate its support for the work of Sweden and Kuwait as penholders of the draft humanitarian resolution for Syria. Now more than ever do we need to make every possible effort to adopt the draft resolution as soon as possible. It is the Council's responsibility not to fail to stop the ongoing humanitarian tragedy in the eastern Ghouta.Mr. Hickey (United Kingdom): I thank Under-Secretary-General Lowcock for his very detailed and clear briefing today. It was very powerful to hear through him the voices of the people of eastern Ghouta.Russia called this meeting today to allow us to present our understanding of the situation on the ground and come up with ways of getting out of the situation. We have heard very clearly from Under-Secretary-General Lowcock today and from the Secretary-General yesterday about the situation on the ground (see S/PV.8185). This is hell on Earth; the scale of the human suffering and destruction is unbearable. The suffering of the Syrian people, while primarily the responsibility of the Syrian regime, brings shame on all of us in the Security Council.Let us be very clear about the main cause of this hell on Earth. It is the direct result of an escalation by 22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 13/19 the Syrian regime of its aerial bombardment of civilian areas, using cluster bombs and chemical weapons and systematically killing hundreds of its own civilians. As others in this Chamber have said today, these are breaches of international humanitarian law and are war crimes. The United Kingdom will be unrelenting in its campaign to ensure accountability and justice for these crimes using all mechanisms at our disposal.We owe it to the people of eastern Ghouta to highlight the utter devastation facing them and then to take measures to stop it. According to the Syrian American Medical Society, in the first 48 hours of this week, 250 civilians were killed and 460 injured. Those who survived these attacks have been further targeted by the regime while trying to get help for their injuries. There have been 22 separate attacks on 20 different hospitals in the three days since Monday. We applaud the incredible work of the brave doctors on the ground who risk their own lives to save others. And like the Netherlands, we salute the heroes of the White Helmets who have demonstrated incredible bravery, courage and resilience to save the lives of thousands of Syrians on all sides of this conflict.From the start of the conflict, the Al-Assad regime has peddled the myth that all of those opposing Al-Assad are terrorists. This is manifestly not the case. The people of eastern Ghouta are not terrorists. Jabhat Al-Nusra has only a small presence in eastern Ghouta; its fighters number less than a quarter of 1 per cent of the population of that area. Nothing can justify the barbaric bombardment we have seen in recent days or the blocking of humanitarian aid or the denial of medical evacuations. We also condemn the mortar shelling from eastern Ghouta of civilian areas of Damascus and attacks against the Russian embassy in that city.The Security Council has failed to uphold its responsibilities in Syria. We all know why this is the case, but we have all agreed that there can be no military solution to the conflict — only a political one. The actions of the Al-Assad regime in recent weeks and the military escalation in an area guaranteed by Russia and Iran as a de-escalation zone show cynical disregard by the regime for every member of the Security Council and for our resolutions. It is therefore vital that we all send a clear and unified message in response.The solution to the situation is not difficult. We need to see an immediate cessation of hostilities, including an immediate end to the aerial bombing of eastern Ghouta. If everyone in this Chamber were to commit unequivocally to this today, it could have an impact on the ground. It could save the lives of thousands of innocent men, women and children who are being killed as we speak here in this Chamber today. We therefore welcome the draft resolution put forward into blue by you, Mr. President, and by the delegation of Sweden, and we look forward to a vote later today.In conclusion, yesterday we discussed the principles of the United Nations Charter, which our predecessors drafted in the name of the peoples of the world to help save succeeding generations from the scourge of war (see S/PV.8185). It is clear that we have fallen woefully short of this aim. We have failed the people of eastern Ghouta. But let us reverse this trend today. Let us adopt the draft resolution and take the concrete actions needed to ease the suffering in this zone of death and destruction.Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): Equatorial Guinea thanks the Russian Federation for convening this meeting of the Security Council and hopes to contribute to the adoption of a decision aimed at alleviating the enormous suffering and regrettable loss of human life in eastern Ghouta and other parts of Syria. We thank the representative of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Mr. Mark Lowcock, for his informative briefing.For the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, the changing humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta requires urgent action to alleviate the critical state of affairs of the most vulnerable members of the civilian population. In recent days, the number of victims and amount of material damage to infrastructure have increased considerably, and the international community is obliged to take some urgent action so as to halt the ongoing loss of lives, mostly of children and women.We reiterate the appeal made by the delegation of Equatorial Guinea on 14 February for the parties to the conflict to allow humanitarian aid to reach those most in need (see S/PV. 8181). The cessation of hostilities is imperative in order to ensure safe access for relief teams, the distribution of humanitarian aid and the evacuation of the wounded and sick. Equatorial Guinea calls on all parties to the conflict to take the necessary steps to cease hostilities.S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 14/19 18-04815 Frank, direct and inclusive dialogue is the only viable way out of the Syrian crisis. The Council must redouble its efforts and persuade the opponents to return to the negotiating table. In that sense, resolution 2254 (2015) remains a valid instrument. The recent history of this conflict has taught us the devastating implications that it can have for the entire region. A definitive and sustainable solution to the conflict is in the interests of all the countries of the world.The Republic of Equatorial Guinea urgently calls on all parties to the conflict, be they directly or indirectly involved, to declare a ceasefire with immediate effect that will be respected and guaranteed by all parties so as to allow for the evacuation of civilians and the delivery of medical care, drinking water and food that will save hundreds of human lives. Even as we debate this issue here in the Chamber, the people of eastern Ghouta and elsewhere in Syria are on the verge of perishing. We must consider any proposal to be submitted from the humanitarian perspective, taking into account the suffering of the population of eastern Ghouta and Syria.Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation thanks the delegation of Russia for having asked the presidency to convene this meeting, for I think it very important to exchange views about what is happening in Syria. We also grateful for the briefing by Mr. Mark Locock.Bolivia reiterates its regret that the crisis in Syria has to date led to so many lives being lost and so much destruction. According to Mr. Lowcock's office, more than 500,000 people have died since the beginning of the conflict, 13.1 million people require humanitarian assistance, of whom 2.9 million are trapped in besieged or hard-to-reach, and 6.9 million persons have been displaced internally. We regret that recent events have led to more people dying or needing humanitarian assistance. We call for the earliest possible beginning of demining operations and for the provision of humanitarian assistance — such as to the city of Raqqa — in order to facilitate the safe and dignified return of the families that were displaced as a result of the conflict.We also regret that the latest events in Syria have once again served to underscore the urgent need to revitalize the Geneva political process, while strengthening the tangible results achieved in Astana and Sochi, in consultation, of course, with all the parties concerned. We reiterate what several of our colleagues have said during this meeting: there is no military solution to the situation in Syria, only a political one.We also again reiterate our great gratitude for the work being done by the staff of the humanitarian assistance agencies and groups on the ground. We demand that the parties involved comply with their obligations under international law, in particular international humanitarian law and international human rights law.We reiterate to the parties involved that they must respect the agreements and the de-escalation zones, as well as avoid attacks on civilian facilities — such residential areas, schools and hospitals — in line with international humanitarian law, so as to ensure the protection of civilians and unrestricted access for humanitarian agencies to provide much-needed assistance.I understand that we all agree with those principles, as they are basic, fundamental principles of international humanitarian law. Each and every one of us has spoken repeatedly about the obligations of the Security Council under the Charter of the United Nations, including its highest responsibility in terms of the maintenance of international peace and security. Nevertheless, my delegation cannot agree with double standards being applied on any issue, and much less on humanitarian ones. We must not drag down the Security Council by using it as an instrument for a different agenda. Nor, as we have also said several times, should we allow the Council to become an echo chamber where we repeatedly recite well-known areas of war.In referring to double standards, I will desist from referring to the humanitarian situation in other places around the world. I will limit myself just to Syria. My delegation is surprised, and does not understand, at how the Security Council has not even been able to express itself on the terrorist attacks on the Russian Embassy in Damascus, a member the Council. We have counted six such attacks in the past two weeks, followed by silence on the part of the Council. That should draw our attention as to double standards.I repeat that we totally reject the politicization of any humanitarian issue. We know that the situation in Syria is urgent. We need to think very carefully about how we can address each of these situations, given that each has its particular characteristics.22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 15/19 With regard to the draft resolution that has been circulated for the Council's consideration, first of all, my delegation would like to sincerely express its gratitude for the efforts of the delegations of Sweden and Kuwait. We have seen them work with great dedication, consulting with the various delegations as part of what of course is a complicated process. That is the nature of negotiations. We hope that the various calls for the Council to do something will come to fruition. . However, I think we have to recognize that putting to a vote a draft resolution, as several delegations have called for today, in the knowledge that it will not be adopted by the Council shows that the goal is not of a humanitarian nature, the aim is political. Putting to a vote a draft resolution while knowing that it will not be adopted means that the goal is not to alleviate the humanitarian situation but to garner a few headlines in the media. That is why we say that we should avoid making the Council an instrument for political ends.We very much welcome the fact that the Russian delegation has put forward language to enable us to continue the negotiations, which is essential. I agree with what my colleague the Ambassador of Sweden said, that is, the Council is being tested in alleviating the humanitarian situation in Syria. The Council is indeed being tested, and that test is to achieve unity in the Council. If we do not, then the meeting at which the draft resolution is put to the vote will go down in history as just a few headlines. But it will come to nothing and will in no way alleviate the humanitarian situation in Syria.I therefore issue a fraternal call on my colleagues the members of the Security Council — especially my beloved brothers the Ambassadors of Sweden and Kuwait — that we do everything we can to send out a signal for there to be a change in direction with regard to what the Council has been doing repeatedly over the past months, and show that by being united we will in some way be able to meet the expectations of the rest of the membership and meet the responsibilities assigned to us by the Charter.Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): At the outset, I wish to thank the Russian Federation for having called for this meeting.I also thank Mr. Mark Lowcock, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, for his helpful briefing on the latest developments in the humanitarian situation in Syria, which has reached a critical threshold.Côte d'Ivoire remains deeply concerned by the ongoing deterioration of the humanitarian situation, largely due to the resurgence of fighting on the ground, particularly in eastern Ghouta where since Monday, I regret to say, 40 civilians have been killed and more than 150 wounded, and many hospitals and schools have been destroyed. In the face of this extreme escalation of hostilities, my delegation would like, following the call issued yesterday in this Chamber by Secretary-General António Guterres (see S/PV.8185), to appeal to the sense of responsibility of the parties involved to end the tragedy of eastern Ghouta. It urges them to exercise restraint with a view to an immediate cessation of hostilities in order to enable the resumption of the delivery of humanitarian aid, including medical evacuations, to alleviate the suffering of the Syrian population.Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its conviction and principled position that the response to the crisis in Syria cannot be military. On the contrary, it should be pursued through an inclusive dialogue and political process, as provided for in the road map set out by resolution 2254 (2015).Finally, in the light of the tragic humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta — which Mr. Lowcock so somberly described earlier — Côte d'Ivoire supports the draft resolution proposed by the delegations of Kuwait and Sweden, calling for a cessation of hostilities for a period of 30 days with a view to allowing immediate humanitarian access to the besieged populations of the region. The Council must set aside all political calculations and other distractions and undertake the commendable task of rescuing the inhabitants of eastern Ghouta and other regions of Syria, who also happen to be Syrians, from the hell in which they are living.Mr. Temenov (Kazakhstan): We thank the delegation of the Russian Federation for initiating this open briefing on the very critical humanitarian issue in Syria, and thank Mark Lowcock for his update.Like others, we express our serious concern about the continued severity of the devastating humanitarian situation in Syria, including in eastern Ghouta, Idlib and northern Hama governorates, Rukban and Raqqa. Kazakhstan urges all parties within and outside the country to prevent further violence and enable humanitarian organizations to access and assist people in need. Since early February, with the military offensive against eastern Ghouta, there have been more than 1,200 civilian casualties.S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 16/19 18-04815 We truly need a cessation of hostilities and all military operations throughout Syria to enable the delivery of humanitarian aid and services and the medical evacuation of the critically sick and wounded, in accordance with international law. Kazakhstan considers it critical for the Security Council to adopt a workable and effective resolution on a cessation of hostilities in Syria, a draft of which is now being considered by Council members. Kazakhstan calls on all parties to find consensus and unite in their efforts to undertake an immediate suspension of all war activities in eastern Ghouta and other parts of Syria, allowing humanitarian aid to reach all those in need, as well as the evacuation of all patients requiring urgent treatment that cannot be provided there.My delegation supports the five requests identified by the Emergency Relief Coordinator on 11 January during his mission to Syria, and calls upon all parties to facilitate the implementation of these five requests and others, as specified in relevant Security Council resolutions, so as to ensure principled, sustained and improved humanitarian assistance to Syria in 2018. In this context, we look forward to a meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the guarantor countries of the Astana process — namely, the Russian Federation, Turkey and Iran — who intend to gather in Astana in March to discuss all issues related to recent developments on the ground. The timing and the specific agenda are currently being specified. In this regard, the next round of the Astana process itself is scheduled to be held after the aforementioned meeting of the Foreign Ministers.Lastly, in May 2017 Kazakhstan welcomed the adoption of the memorandum on the creation of de-escalation areas in the Syrian Arab Republic. They have lessened hostilities between the conflicting parties. However, the ceasefire agreements in these zones are currently being violated. We attach the utmost importance to compliance by all conflicting parties with ceasefire agreements and their enforcement by the guarantor States. Likewise, each of the agreements reached in Astana should not remain on paper, but must be strictly complied with.The President (spoke in Arabic): I give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic and urge him to limit his statement to five minutes in accordance with Security Council note S/2017/507.Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): The delegation of my country was not aware of your decision, Sir, to limit my statement to five minutes. I oppose that decision and therefore reserve the right to express the views of my country in this important meeting devoted to the situation in my country.The President (spoke in Arabic): The representative of the Russian Federation has asked to make a further statement.Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We fail to understand, Sir, why you have proposed limiting the statement of the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic on the important issue under discussion. His country is directly involved and where everything being discussed is taking place. We must afford an opportunity for the representative of Syria to speak for the full amount of time required to deliver his statement. I do not believe we need any artificial limits on his statement.The President (spoke in Arabic): I did not make a decision. I simply encouraged the representative of Syria to adhere to the provisions of note S/2017/507.I again give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic.Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): Once again, I reiterate that we were not aware of note S/2017/507. I believe that this act is unjust and raises many issues to which I already intended to refer in my statement. I hope that everyone will be patient enough to listen to the statement I shall make on behalf of the Government of my country. I shall not deliver a personal statement. All speakers have spoken on behalf of their Governments, and I shall do the same. I encourage all members to listen carefully to what I have to say.As I talk here at this moment, hundreds of rockets and mortars are targeting the capital, Damascus. To date, they have injured 37 people, including six children, and led to a number of martyrs, including two children. That comes as no surprise. As the Council is aware, every time a Security Council meeting is held to discuss the Syrian situation, there is a massacre here and a suicide bombing there, as well as the killing of civilians in some Syrian cities. We have seen not dozens, but rather hundreds of massacres over the past seven years. Mr. Lowcock did not get this information the way he gets messages from what he calls humanitarian workers in eastern Ghouta who know about international humanitarian law. Mr. Lowcock 22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 17/19 did not solicit the views of the Syrian Government, which we have expressed in hundreds of letters sent to him and to the Council. All those who in this meeting have used the word "regime" to refer to my country are neither objective nor impartial. They reveal their countries' involvement in the ongoing terrorist crisis in my country.We thank the delegation of the Russian Federation for convening this meeting to give us the opportunity to once again present the reality of the suffering of civilians as a result of the practices of armed terrorist groups or, as some call them, moderate armed opposition groups. Over the past seven years, they have been sowing death and destruction wherever they have operated. They have used civilians as human shields. They have targeted hospitals and schools, turning them into military centres. They have hurled missiles and rockets indiscriminately at residential and populated areas.Of course, as the Permanent Representative of France said before leaving this meeting, all of this is a form of resistance. He referred to the terrorists who bombard Damascus as the "resistance" that the Syrian regime is trying to suppress. This meeting is particularly important, as some actors — especially the United States of America and the so-called international coalition — have moved from the stage of aggression by proxy through their support for terrorism to the stage of direct aggression. Those actors have recruited terrorists from all four corners of the world. They call them jihadists and send them to Syria. Whenever terrorists have failed, those actors have been there — militarily, politically, through the media and the United Nations — to intervene in order to achieve what their terrorist proxies failed to achieve.Let us be clear. Some Council members — and I specifically mean the United States of America, the United Kingdom and France — would like to deprive the Syrian Government of its constitutional and sovereign right to defending its territories and people, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations back when we had wise founding fathers and international law and as guaranteed by all United Nations resolutions on counter-terrorism.Today, I have heard references to the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/146, on humanitarian issues. The penholders, Kuwait and Sweden, have been working on it for several weeks. I thank them for their efforts. However, those efforts are deeply flawed. The penholders did not coordinate with the Syrian delegation at all. They did not even ask to hear my country's view on the draft resolution that concerns it.Let us imagine for a moment that hundreds of terrorists had used the Bois de Boulogne as a centre to target civilians in Paris, launching dozens of missiles every day. Would we have seen a draft resolution calling for a humanitarian truce to give the moderate armed French opposition the opportunity to regain its power and launch missiles targeting Paris?Let us imagine for a moment that hundreds of terrorists had used Central Park here in New York as a centre to target civilians in Manhattan, and had launched dozens of missiles every day. Would we have seen a draft resolution calling for the medical evacuation of the moderate armed American opposition?Let us imagine for a moment that hundreds of terrorists had used Hyde Park as a centre to target civilians in London, launching dozens of missiles daily. Would we have seen a draft resolution calling for the delivery of humanitarian aid to the moderate armed British opposition? Would we have seen statements by high-level Secretariat officials, such as Mr. Lowcock, calling for stopping the fight against armed groups that they describe as non-State armed opposition groups? Unfortunately, that is how United Nations documents refer to terrorists nowadays — non-State armed opposition groups.Of course, those are all hypothetical scenarios that might seem far-fetched. However, that is the reality in Syria. It is the tragedy that we are seeing in Syrian cities every day, including the city of Damascus and its inhabitants. It is a bitter reality that the Syrian Government is facing as a result of the erroneous approaches adopted by the United Nations and the positions of some of its Member States. Damascus is the oldest populated city in history. It is seeing destruction, death and sorrow every day as a result of missiles, mortars and rockets launched by armed terrorist groups operating in eastern Ghouta. These terrorist groups — the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham, the Al-Nusra Front and affiliated groups — are designated as terrorist groups in the Security Council. Today, 8 million people live in Damascus, among them hundreds of thousands who fled armed groups that attacked their villages and their homes in many parts of Syria, including eastern Ghouta.S/PV.8186 The situation in the Middle East 22/02/2018 18/19 18-04815 The United Nations today is going through a professional and moral crisis that is unfathomable. High-level Secretariat officials see no harm in adopting the positions of Governments that sponsor terrorism in my country. They are directly involved in distorting facts, manipulating figures, using insidious phrases and terminology, and depending on unreliable sources in their statements and reports. Of course, I cannot list all of those scandals today. I will only remind the Council of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-Finding Mission report (S/2017/567), issued in June 2017. The report states that among the open sources on which it relied was the testimony of British doctor Shajul Islam. For those who do not know who Mr. Islam is, he is a foreign terrorist fighting for the Al-Nusra Front in Idlib. He was convicted in the United Kingdom and was not allowed to practice medicine there as he was involved in crimes related to terrorism, such as kidnapping British journalist John Cantlie. That is but one example of some misleading reports issued by the Secretariat.We are convinced that those abhorrent practices will not stop and that some United Nations officials will ignore the serious information that we have conveyed to them about armed terrorist groups fabricating the story that the Syrian Government used toxic chemical substances against civilians in eastern Ghouta. Those groups are training some of their members to pretend that they have been exposed to toxic substances. Of course, those scenes are broadcast by well-known networks and correspondents of Mr. Lowcock, and the Syrian Arab Army is blamed for it. Although we have sent hundreds of letters to the Secretary-General, the President of the Security Council and specialized United Nations agencies specialized in counter-terrorism and the prohibition of chemical weapons, we are sure that some at the United Nations will not hesitate to believe that story and blame the Syrian Government. That is simply because certain agendas in the Organization compel some to join in the extortion of the Syrian Arab Republic and its allies that are fighting terrorism on behalf of all those present.For over two months now, the Syrian Government has been sending letters almost daily to the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council documenting the number of missiles used, which have amounted in the past few weeks to almost 1,200. We have been also documenting the human and material losses of civilians in the city of Damascus as a result of being targeted by terrorists groups in eastern Ghouta. However, in its statements and appeals the Secretariat has no problem ignoring the suffering of 8 million people in Damascus. It has not hesitated to participate in the misleading campaign launched by some States to protect a few thousand members of armed terrorists groups in eastern Ghouta. They are sacrificing 8 million civilians in Damascus to protect a few thousand terrorists in eastern Ghouta. This is scene in short.Both international and United Nations sources are spreading news of a stifling siege on eastern Ghouta. That is not consistent with the indisputable reality on the ground. We are talking here about a vital area that is the main source of food for the city of Damascus. Commercial trucks constantly move back and forth to Ghouta. The Syrian Government has facilitated the delivery of humanitarian aid to people in eastern Ghouta, when conditions on the ground have allowed. We have also approved medical evacuations to Government hospitals in Damascus. The truth that we all know, and even high-level Secretariat officials know, is that armed terrorist groups are controlling the humanitarian aid that enters eastern Ghouta. They distribute it among its members and deprive civilians of any of it.There is another truth that the Secretariat is ignoring. Residents of eastern Ghouta have taken to the street in protest against the practices of terrorists who point their guns at innocent people. Of course, those besieged innocents are also sending messages, but Mr. Lowcock's radar is not receiving them. I would like to ask the Secretariat the following. How does it justify ignoring the reports and information that the Syrian Government has presented on thousands of hostages and kidnapped people being detained by armed terrorist groups in eastern Ghouta in the so-called Attawba prison? They require immediate medical evacuation. The United Nations is ignoring video footage posted by armed groups showing women and children, among the hostages, being pushed into metal cages and left on the street. It is a painful scene reminiscent of the times of slavery. It is true insanity that the Secretary-General spoke of yesterday and has been echoed by some colleagues today. Yes, there is terrorist insanity in eastern Ghouta and we must put a stop to it.What is even worse is that some in the Secretariat are trying to use the agreement on de-escalation zones to distort the facts and ignore repeated violations perpetrated by these armed terrorist groups. They are 22/02/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8186 18-04815 19/19 being instructed from the outside by actors that some of them are present in this Chamber. They are instructed to target Syrian military sites and launch attacks using rockets, missiles and car bombs on residential neighbourhoods in Damascus.These groups operating in eastern Ghouta that kill civilians in Damascus daily are armed terrorists groups, regardless of any change to their names, affiliations or alliances. Today they are Jaysh al-Islam, the Al-Rahman Corps, the Dawn of Islam and Ahrar al-Sham. Yesterday they were the Islamic Front, Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and the Al-Nusra Front. I invite all members of the Council to take a look at the websites of those groups and the satellite television channels that Western satellites are helping broadcast. It will become apparent that they all share the same Wahhabi terrorist ideology, and that they all call for takfiri ideas and the annihilation of others. Any attempt to change their names and description by calling them moderate opposition or non-state armed groups will not change their terrorist reality. It will not prevent us, as the Government, from defending our citizens with the support of our allies, and fighting terrorism pursuant to the Council's resolutions on counter-terrorism.Some among us today are exploiting the suffering of the Syrian people and trading in their blood. They are demanding accountability while being direct partners in supporting and defending terrorism. They are involved in direct military aggression against my people, as was the case in Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Africa and Latin America. The dilemma that we are facing today is that the mechanism of work inside the United Nations is being held hostage to political and financial polarization. As a result, this mechanism of work completely disregard the crimes of the so-called international coalition led by the United States of America.As mentioned by my colleague the Ambassador of the Russian Federation, the international coalition completely destroyed Raqqa, killing hundreds of civilians and destroying shelters, infrastructure and bridges over the Euphrates river and everywhere in Syria, under the pretext of fighting the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). It used internationally prohibited weapons against civilians in Syria, including American Napalm, just as it did in Viet Nam. The international coalition targeted Syrian armed forces and allied forces more than once in order to break the siege on ISIL. The coalition and its militias made a deal with ISIL so that ISIL fighters, their families and their heavy weapons could leave Raqqa and other places in order to fight the Syrian forces and their allies elsewhere.The United Nations is completely disregarding the repeated aggressions of Israeli occupation forces on our territories as part of its support to armed terrorist groups. The Department of Peacekeeping Operations is clueless as to what is going on in the Golan. The United Nations itself is completely disregarding Turkish aggressions and violations against Syrian sovereignty, and the direct military aggression initiated now by Turkey on Afrin. Nobody has addressed this issue in their statements.In conclusion, responding to those who fear that eastern Ghouta might become a second Aleppo, I invite them to go to Aleppo today and see with their own eyes how millions, not thousands, have resumed their normal lives after Aleppo was liberated from terrorism. Indeed, eastern Ghouta will become a second Aleppo, as will Idlib and all areas that have suffered under the terrorism of armed groups in Syria.We will not succumb no longer to the extortion of those who have supported terrorism in Syria. We will not be complacent to the plans of the Governments of the five States that met in Washington, D.C., last month to divide Syria and ensure the failure of both the Sochi conference and the political process as a whole. That news was reported today in the United Kingdom. We will not sit idly by while those who use terrorism, take unjust economic measures and wage direct military aggression against the Syrian people seek to achieve their cheap political agendas. Rest assured that history will soon admit that we and our allies have fought a war on behalf of the entire world against terrorism, which is being supported by Governments that soon will be held accountable by their people and world public opinion. Those Governments have invested all they can in terrorism until it reached their cities, their own citizens and all safe places throughout the world.When I look at some of the faces in the Chamber and see the political hypocrisy therein, I recall the famous adage by the Great Russian writer Fyodor Dostoyevsky, who said: "Rest assured, hell is big enough for everyone. There is no need for people to compete so fiercely to be the worst."The meeting rose at 2.10 p.m.

Striking, overtime bans and refusing to carry out certain tasks[1] are collective forms of actions that can arise from workplace disputes. These industrial actions are of fundamental importance: the temporary halt in work production leverages a demand to enforce workers' rights. Despite this, the UK does not recognise the legal right to withdraw labour. Instead, the UK's "right to strike" is said to depend on a complex statutory scheme[2]. This article will analyse a variety of sources, "statutes such as TULRCA 1992, the common law, Convention rights, and relevant case law[3]", to determine whether the UK's "right to strike" "is a classic instance of a 'legislated' right[4]" or if it is merely a "slogan/legal metaphor[5]". [1] Hugh Collins, Aileen McColgan and Keith D Ewing,Labour Law(2nd edn, Cambridge University press 2019) pg.706. [2] Alan Bogg and Ruth Dukes, 'Statutory Interpretation and The Limits of a Human Rights Approach: Royal Mail Group Ltd V Communication Workers Union' (2020) 49(3) Industrial Law Journal pg.478. [3] Ibid, pg.478. [4] Ibid, pg.478. [5] Metrobus v UNITE [2009] EWCA Civ 829 (Maurice Kay LJ). - 'In truth, the "right to strike" in the UK depends for its realisation on a complex statutory scheme. Even in jurisdictions where the right to strike is specified textually in a constitutional document, such a complex right must be operationalised through labour statutes. It is a classic instance of a "legislated" right. Since the enactment of the Human Rights Act, and the evolving jurisprudence of the ECtHR, UK law may now be described as protecting a right to strike albeit one that is pieced together from a variety of sources: statutes such as TULRCA, the common law, Convention rights, and relevant case law.'[1] Does this statement accurately encapsulate the UK law on the 'right to strike'? How do the different sources of law interact and what factors determine the correct balance to be reached between competing interests in regulating industrial action? Use case law, statute, legal commentary and social science material in your answer and provide illustrations to support your analysis. In line with socialism and Professor Beverly Silver's assertions, capitalism is established upon 'two contradictory tendencies': 'crises of profitability and crises of social legitimacy'.[2] This 'inherent labour-capital'[3] struggle is reflected within the UK's hostile regulation of industrial action. The courts' and legislature's ideological approaches towards the collective right to withdraw labour unanimously and substantially favours economic growth above social welfare.[4] Striking, overtime bans, and refusing to carry out certain tasks are collective forms of actions that can arise from workplace disputes.[5] These disputes typically occur because employers are unwilling to negotiate with employees and workers about their working terms or conditions. Undeniably, the duration – and the aftermath – of the collective action results in financial losses to the business and affect innocent third parties (i.e. the general public).[6] Therefore, in order to appease and 'bring the labour under control', the capital would 'have to make concessions [i.e. comply with the strikers' new terms], which provoke crises of profitability'.[7] However, the loss suffered by a business[8] during and after industrial action is justified on two persuasive grounds. The first ground identified by Gwyneth Pitt is the human right aspect.[9] To restrict the right to strike would be akin to the horrific period of slavery,[10] where man had no power to withdraw his labour. This justification is recognising the inequalities in bargaining power between employer and employee.[11] This inequality has been further escalated by the growth of the modern-day unstable gig economy; one in nine UK workers are in precarious work.[12] This form of work has limited protection and much lower salaries.[13] Hence, a subsequent ground for the justification of withdrawal of labour is the equilibrium argument. The power of the employer and their actions can only be matched and questioned by a 'concerted stoppage of work'.[14] Essentially, the right to strike is more than the withdrawal of labour: it is also the encompassing 'right to free expression, association, assembly and power'.[15] Yet there is 'no positive legal right to strike in the UK'.[16] Instead, 'the "right to strike" in the UK depends for its realisation on a complex statutory scheme'.[17] In contrast to its neighbouring European countries' (Spain and Italy) jurisdictions 'where the right to strike is specified textually in a constitutional document', the UK law 'protects a right to strike … from a variety of sources: statutes such as TULRCA, the common law, Convention rights, and relevant case law'.[18] The accuracy of Bogg and Dukes' encapsulation of the UK law on the 'right to strike' and how the different sources of law interact will be subsequently discussed. Common Law Judiciary While Spain[19] and Italy[20] protect the right to strike by suspending the contract of employment during industrial action, this contract is broken under English law.[21] This is because the English common law does not confer a right to strike,[22] hence 'the rigour of the common law applies in the form of a breach of contract on part of the strikers and economic torts … [for] the organisers and their union'.[23] It is tortious and indefensible[24] to induce an individual to breach their contract of employment.[25] This principle was established in Lumley v Gye,[26] and this liability extends to trade unions in the context of industrial action.[27] Additionally, there are two further economic torts trade unions can be held liable for: liability for conspiracy to injure (Quinn v Leathem)[28] and causing loss by unlawful means. UntilOBG Ltd v Allan, Douglas, and others v Hello! Ltd,[29] the 'tort of procuring a breach of contract had been ["blurred"[30] and] extended [to be a wider] tort of unlawful interference with contractual relations'.[31] These torts were later distinguished and separated in the House of Lord's (HoL) judgment of OBG v Allan. While it is not often, the courts are encouraged to distinguish and introduce new torts. The HoL in OBG v Allan subsequently outlined the distinguishing elements between unlawful means and the tort of procuring a breach of contract. The tort of procuring a breach of contract is an accessory liability. Whilst the tort of unlawful means is a 'primary liability that is not dependent on the third party having committed a wrong against the claimant'.[32] Yet, despite the tort differences, the HoL confirmed that the same act could give rise to liability under both unlawful interference and procuring a breach of contract.[33] This clarification and the development of unlawful interferences as a separate liability has notably accommodated employers in holding trade unions liable for more than one tort. The OBG v Allan judgment is significant for discussing industrial action for two notable reasons. The first is that it confirms the judiciary's 'uncontrolled power'[34] in developing and 'defining torts boundaries on a case-to-case basis.[35] This power is 'ensur[ing] that trade unions cannot provide a lawful excuse or justification for their actions'[36]; trade unions are ultimately 'stood naked and unprotected at the altar of the common law'.[37] The insufficiency of protection for trade unions under the common law exhibits the judiciary's biased and hostile ideology towards industrial action.[38] This subsequently aligns with the following observation: the courts favour economic profits. This is discerned by the extent to which the contemporary judiciary extends protection for commercial bodies.[39] The primary function of English tort law was to protect physical integrity and property rights; tort law was never concerned with the protection of economic interests.[40] Nor had the common law ever been historically exercised to 'legitimately control aspects of the economy'[41] and yet OBG v Allan demonstrates the extent to which this has now changed. The judiciary has extensively and needlessly stretched the common law and its torts[42] to protect 'already powerful organisations'.[43] Hence, from the perspective of trade unions and their members, the common law's (inadequate) protection for the 'right to strike' has been, undeniably, very disappointing. Statutes Legislature One of the major problems facing trade unions was the 'exposure of their funds to legal action by employers'[44]; in 1901, Taff Vale Railway Co successfully sued the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants union for £42,000.[45] This sum is equivalent to £5,196,328.39 today. This verdict, in effect, eliminated 'the strike as a weapon of organized labour'.[46] Naturally, workers turned to political parties for redress. The concern and advocacy for trade union reform accounted for 59% of the winning Liberal party's election manifesto.[47] The Liberal government, led by Prime Minister Henry Campbell-Bannerman, provided unions with wide immunity against any tortious liability arising from trade disputes under The Trade Disputes Act (TDA) 1906. Although this Act did not introduce a 'legislated right' for industrial action,[48] this statute effectively recognised the vulnerability of unions under the common law by 'secur[ing] a [statutory] freedom' instead. [49] The TDA is one of the 'mostimportantpieces oflabour legislationever passed by a British Parliament'[50]; it effectively 'kept the courts at a minimum'[51] and neutralised the most obvious adverse effects of the Taff Vale judgment. The 'sympathetic politicians' were 'periodically reconstructing' the role of the 'class-conscious', profit-favouring judiciary.[52] The outcome of the 1906 general election 'served the unions' interests well'[53] and it continued to for 65 years. The 'long enjoyed'[54] immunity of trade unions for liability in tort was reduced to partial immunity under the Thatcher government (1979-90). There is a 'scale of government ideology' which ranges from 'fully participative' to 'fully authoritative',[55] and the Thatcher government was the undoubtable latter. The Conservative ideology and economists, such as FA Hayek, viewed trade unions as an obstacle to economic growth.[56] This perception was heightened by the Winter of Discontent (1978-79): a period characterised by widespread of strikes in response to the Labour government's wage cap (to maintain falling inflation).[57] Subsequently, Thatcher's government further justified the re-introduction of liability for trade unions upon the succeeding Green Papers: the 1981 Trade Union Immunities[58] and the 1989 Trade Unions and their Members.[59] Both papers outlined concerns regarding democracy, rights, and freedom of trade union members; 'too often in recent years it has seemed that employees have been called out on strike by their unions without proper consultation and sometimes against their express wishes'.[60] Accordingly, the Thatcher government introduced legislation that prior Conservative governments were afeard of passing: the Employment Act 1980, Trade Union Act 1984, and Trade Union Reform and Employment Rights Act 1993. These re-introduced vulnerability and high costs for unions. Under the Employment Rights Act 1980, 'trade-dispute' was re-defined, statutory liabilities were introduced and unions were exposed to injunctions and claims for damages. However, upon complying with the stringent balloting requirements (from secret ballot to the requirement for all ballots to be postal) in the 1984 and 1993 Acts, the dispute would be deemed lawful.[61] It is expensive for unions to comply and evidence the fulfilled balloting requirements, but if lawful union members are statutorily protected from unfair dismissals and injunctions.[62] While this is a brief summary of the Acts, these restrictive measures offer an insight into the Thatcher government's success in exercising its agenda of restricting the lawfulness of industrial action by limiting its previously protected scope and purposes. Subsequently, the process of placing further controls on trade unions continued into the 21st century.[63] The 2015 Conservative government introduced the 'draconian'[64] Trade Union Act 2016 (TUA) – the most significant union legislation since the Employment Act 1980. The TUA introduced a minimum threshold of eligible members to vote in the ballot (at least 50% turnout and 50% voting in favour).[65] Moreover, in the instance the members are engaged in 'important public services',[66] 40% of all members entitled to vote must have voted in support of the industrial action. These stringent procedural requirements have to be strictly followed for a strike to be lawful.[67] Oddly, there was no pressing need to introduce these restrictive measures.[68] There were no significant problems in industrial relations at the time (ie, Winter of Discontent) nor any significant 'pressure from business for further laws on strikes',[69] but the Conservative government justified these 2016 measures through the findings of Bruce Carr QC and Ed Holmes.[70] The Government submitted the Carr Review to indicate a consistent pattern of union bullying workers, and yet Carr himself 'did not contend his findings to be a sufficient basis' for influencing the TUA.[71] Instead, the true motivations behind the government's 2016 legislative programme are observed by the 'striking resemblance'[72] to Ed Holmes Modernising Industrial Relations (MIR) paper.[73] The policy paper daringly questioned the necessity of protecting industrial action by reflecting on the development of employment tribunals and discussing the economic consequences of strikes. The same 'free-market economic theory' that underpinned the MIR's recommendations 'drove' the pragmatically restrictive and economically influenced 2016 statute developments.[74] The substance of today's statute in protecting trade unions 'is far removed and much weaker than the position established in 1906'.[75] Since the Henry Campbell-Bannerman leadership, trade union membership has declined by more than half due to the 'three successive Conservative governments [who] have enacted labour legislation opposed by unions'.[76] It appears the deep-rooted ideology of the political party in power influences the legislative steps for protecting trade unions.[77] Therefore, the extent of the Conservative government's 'authoritarian, class-biased and oppressive'[78] industrial action policies will be exemplified and 'more evident than they are today when a Labour government is elected again'.[79] Judiciary While the likes of Maurice Kay LJ and Lord Neuberger MR 'characterised the statutory immunities as limited exceptions to the common law' to justify interpreting the statute provisions 'strictly against the trade union', the court's overall response to industrial action 'has been more mixed'.[80] The court in Merkur Island Shipping v Laughton[81] developed a three-part test to examine the legality of industrial action. This test encapsulates the substantive and procedural requirements for a lawful strike whilst observing the intertwined and 'uneasy' relationship between the common law and statute.[82] If the industrial action is unlawful at common law, the judiciary asks whether there is a 'prime facie statutory immunity' for the commission of torts.[83] This substantive question considers whether the action was 'in contemplation or furtherance of a trade dispute'[84] before questioning whether the immunity had been procedurally lost by one of the three specified statutory reasons in TULRCA 1992.[85] The union's partial immunity could be lost for minor 'inconsequential breaches of the statutory rules'[86]; there is a series of High Court instances of injunctions being granted to 'ever more powerful and well-resourced employers'[87] owing to invalid strike ballots.[88] The readily available labour injunctions continued to be the "key piece[89]" of suppressing collective action until the minor development in 2011. In RMTv Serco Ltd;ASLEFv London and Birmingham Railway Limited (RMT and ASLEF),[90] the Court of Appeal approved and applied Millett LJ's 1996 observation in London Underground Limited v National Union of Railwaymen, Maritime and Transport Staff:[91] 'the democratic requirement of a secret ballot is not to make life more difficult for trade unions … but for the protection of the Union's own members'.[92] Owing to this proposed democratic aim, the court in RMT and ASLEF confirmed it was 'to interpret the statutory provisions somewhat less stringently'.[93] This interpretation is a stark contrast to Maurice Kay LJ's understanding of parliament's intentions. The court furthered Millett LJ's aim by recommending a neutral, 'without presumptions one way or the other',[94] interpretation of TULRCA. Upon the fact TULRCA is premised on the existing common law framework, the court's 'judicial creativity' could have easily 'outflank[ed] the intentions of Parliament'.[95] Instead of a 'neutral' approach, the courts have the power to mitigate unions disproportionate vulnerability against injunctions, damages, and unfair dismissals by encouraging and favouring social legitimacy. Although, the RMT and ASLEF court 'only indicated a change in emphasis rather than substance'[96] (since unions are still burdened with the challenges of exercising a 'lawful' strike),[97] this judgment enhanced union's ability to resist injunction applications (as observed by Balfour BeattyEngineering Services Limitedv Unitethe Union).[98] The unbiased interpretation encouraged in RMT and ASLEF continues to be the leading approach to interpreting domestic statutes regarding industrial action. ECHR Judiciary Admittedly, the scope of Maurice Kay LJ's strict interpretation was narrowly limited by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR).[99] The ECtHR confirmed, in Enerji Yapi-Yol Sen v Turkey,[100] that Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights included protection of the right to strike. This Article, and Article 6 of the European Social Charter[101] bestow the right to strike for their member states members and due to the UK Human Rights Act 1998, 'British workers are understood to enjoy a right to strike'.[102] This, unlike the mere domestic statutory immunities, is the only instance of a 'legislated' right to strike in the UK.[103] Under section 3(1) of the Human Rights Act 1998, 'statutory provisions must be read and given effect in a way which is compatible with the Conventionrights'[104] – 'the opportunity to test this line of argument'[105] in the English courts arose in Metrobus Ltd v Unite the Union (Metrobus).[106] The Court of Appeal rejected the Enerji arguments; the Court denied the authority's relevance for the interpretation of UK statutory provisions. This judgment continues to be the leading precedent on the UK's provisions of Article 11,[107] despite the RMT and ASLEF judgment. In RMT and ASLEF, the UK courts acknowledged the 'clearly protected'[108] right to strike under ECHR Article 11. However, the court emphasised the importance of a 'fair balance to be struck between the competing interests of the individual and the community as a whole'.[109] The emphasised interests of the 'community' motivated the court's justification for the ban on secondary action owing to its 'potential to … cause broad disruption within the economy and to affect the delivery of services to the public'.[110] Subsequently, the court confirmed that this ban aligns with Article 11(2) 'on the basis of a wide margin of appreciation accorded to the State'.[111] While the court is correct to recognise their bestowed margin of appreciation, the court rationalised the granting of the injunction, 'which itself cost the union a substantial sum',[112] upon economic factors. This factor is not only 'wholly irrelevant to the specific facts of the application' but it disregarded and postponed 'the exercise of what was acknowledged to be a convention protected right'.[113] The court effectively and 'successfully prevented industrial action on the basis of legal' human rights provisions 'which are intended to benefit workers'.[114] In short, there 'is no point creating rights' or passing human rights legislation if the 'court is not prepared to defend them'.[115] There will continue to be an erosion of human rights protection until there is greater coordination between the domestic courts and the ECtHR. It is credible to conclude that the UK judiciary is more concerned with profitability, self-preservation of UK powers, and 'in appeasing political forces'[116] above the interests of the individuals it and the Convention Rights was established to serve. Legislature The RMT and ASLEF court's 'blessing of a wide margin of appreciation' in the 'encompassment' of Article 11 offered a 'green light for further restrictive legislation on industrial action' by the 'only too happy Government'.[117] Here, Boggs and Ewing detect 'the crude politics of power'.[118] Upon observing the Court of Appeal's reluctance to exercise EU conventions, and the UK courts' developments that continue to be 'very much in line with the political approach of the Conservative government',[119] it materialises that the court and government are not 'looking to open a third (ECtHR) front'.[120] The Government has recently launched an 'independent review' of the Human Rights Act.[121] The review aims to evaluate 'the duty to take into account' ECtHR case law and assess 'whether dialogue between our domestic courts and the ECtHR works effectively and if there is room for improvement'.[122] It is worth highlighting that this 'independent' review will be led by former Court of Appeal Judge, Sir Peter Gross – the same judge who remarked that 'the more that controversial areas are "outsourced" … the greater the challenge for … judicial leadership'.[123] The former judge is a notable advocate for greater domestic judicial leadership.[124] This advocacy hints the likelihood of the review condemning the relevance and precedence of the ECtHR (and Human Rights Act 1998) in 'controversial' matters such as industrial action. This review has the powerful ability to eliminate the only instance of a legislated right to strike in the UK.[125] Ultimately 'The notion of lawful industrial action is restrictive', the procedural requirements are 'onerous' and the consequences of unions liability for unlawful strikes are 'serious'.[126] Nearly two decades after the European Social Charter's review,[127] the UK still does not guarantee the right to strike. The precedent in Metrobus still stands. There continues to be a 'poorly reasoned and barely consistent' series of judgments 'by what looks like a weak, timid'[128] and politically influenced[129] judiciary. The enactment of the 'Human Rights Act and the evolving jurisprudence of the ECtHR'[130] will not prescribe a right to strike in the UK until the Supreme Court or ECtHR rule UK's current provisions as incompatible with Article 11. In truth, 'the right to strike [in the UK] has never been much more than a slogan or a legal metaphor'.[131] This 'slogan' is a regime of immunities that are purposely designed upon an overly complex and expensive statutory system.[132] These immunities are not adequately or proportionately protecting workers, unions, and one in nine vulnerable, precarious workers against the 'pitfalls'[133] of damages, injunctions, and unfair dismissals.[134] This system was successfully underlined with the political agenda of deterring trade disputes; the UK's worker strike total has fallen to its 'lowest level since 1893'.[135] The 'unanimous and hostile'[136] approach of the legislature and the judiciary towards industrial action exhibits the UK's covert 'culture of routinely disregarding'[137] social legitimacy in favour of profits. [1] Alan Bogg and Ruth Dukes, 'Statutory Interpretation and The Limits of a Human Rights Approach: Royal Mail Group Ltd v Communication Workers Union' (2020) 49 ILJ 477, 478. [2] Nicholas Pohl,'Political and Economic Factors Influencing Strike Activity During the Recent Economic Crisis: A Study of The Spanish Case Between 2002 And 2013' (2018) 9 Global Labour Journal 19, 21. [3] ibid, 21. [4] Harry Smith, 'How Far Does UK Labour Law Provide for The Effective Exercise of a Right to Strike?' (2014) 6 The Student Journal of Law accessed 15 December 2020. [5] Hugh Collins, Aileen McColgan and Keith D Ewing,Labour Law(2nd edn, CUP 2019) 706. [6] Gwyneth Pitt,Cases and Materials on Employment Law(1st edn, Pearson Education Limited 2008) 570. [7] Pohl (n 2), 21. [8] Beverly J Silver,Forces of Labor Workers' Movements and Globalization Since 1870(CUP 2003) 17. [9] Pitt (n 6), 570. [10] Manfred Davidmann, 'The Right to Strike' (Solhaam, 1996) accessed 15 December 2020. [11] Adam Smith,An Inquiry into The Nature and Causes of The Wealth of Nations(Cofide 1776). [12] Bethan Staton, 'The Upstart Unions Taking on The Gig Economy and Outsourcing' (Financial Times, 20 January 2020) accessed 16 December 2020 [13] Employment Rights Act 1996,s212. [14] Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act (TULRCA)1992, s246. [15] Brian Smart, 'The Right to Strike and The Right to Work' (1985) 2 Journal of Applied Philosophy 31. [16] 'Industrial Action' (UNISON National) accessed 7 December 2020 [17] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [18] ibid, 478. [19] Article 18 of the Spanish Constitution and regulated by Royal Decree-Law 17/1977 of 4 March on Labour Relations ('RDLLR') and Article 4.1.e) of the Spanish Workers' Statute. [20] Article 40 of theItalianRepublic Constitution of 1948. [21] Collins, McColgan, and Ewing (n 5), 714. [22] RMT v Serco; ASLEF v London and Birmingham Railway [2011] EWCA Civ 226, [2011] ICR 848 [2]. [23] Metrobus Ltd v Unite the Union [2009] EWCA Civ 829, [2010] ICR 173 [118]. [24] South Wales Miners' Federation v Glamorgan Coal Co [1905] AC 239. [25] Collins, McColgan, and Ewing (n 5), 714. [26] (1853) 118 ER 749. [27] Taff Vale Railway Co vAmalgamated Society ofRailwayServants [1901] AC 426. [28] [1901] AC 495. [29] [2007] UKHL 21, [2008] 1 AC 1. [30] 'House of Lords Overhaul Economic Torts' (Herbert Smith Freehills, 17 May 2007) accessed 9 December 2020 [31] ibid. [32] OBG v Allan (n 29). [33] ibid, [37]. [34] Hazel Carty, 'The Economic Torts and English Law: An Uncertain Future' (2007) 95 Kentucky LJ 849. [35] Lonrho v Fayed [1990] 2 QB 479, 492-93. [36] Collins, McColgan, and Ewing (n 5), 714. [37] ibid, 714. [38] ibid, 849. [39] ibid, 848. [40] ibid, 847. [41] ibid, 847. [42] Cartey (n 34), 847. [43] ibid, 849. [44] Richard Kidner, 'Lessons in Trade Union Law Reform: The Origins and Passage of The Trade Disputes Act 1906' (2018) 2 Legal Studies 37. [45] Taff Vale (n 27). [46] Merriam-Webster,Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Encyclopedia(Merriam-Webster 2000) 1157. [47] Kidner (n 44), 47. [48] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [49] RMT and ASLEF (n 22) [2]. [50] Keith Ewing, 'The Right to Strike: From the Trade Disputes Act 1906 To A Trade Union Freedom Bill 2006' (Institute of Employment Rights, March 2013) accessed 11 December 2020. [51] The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, 'Trade Disputes Act' (Encyclopedia Britannica, 20 July 1998) accessed 11 December 2020. [52] Ewing (n 50). [53] Encyclopedia Britannica (n 51). [54] FA Hayek, 'Trade Union Immunity Under the Law' The Times (London, 21 July 1977) 15 accessed 11 December 2020 [55] Davidmann (n 10). [56] Hayek (n 54). [57] Alex Kitson, '1978-1979: Winter of Discontent' (Libcom.org, 24 January 2007) accessed 11 December 2020. [58] Cmd, 8128, 1981. [59] Cmd 821, 1989. [60] Trade Union Immunities (n 58), para 247. [61] Trade Union Reform and Employment Rights Act 1993, s238A. [62] TULRCA 1992, ss237-38. [63] Michael Ford and Tonia Novitz, 'Legislating for Control: The Trade Union Act 2016' (2020) 45 ILJ 227. [64] Bart Cammaerts, 'The Efforts to Restrict the Freedom to Strike and To Deny A Right to Strike Should Be Resisted Fiercely' (LSE Blogs, 14 September 2015) accessed 11 December 2020. [65] TUA 2016, s226(2)(a) (ii). [66] ibid, s226(2)(e). [67] ibid, s238A. [68] Ford and Novitz (n 63), 291. [69] ibid, 291. [70] ibid, 291. [71] ibid, 291. [72] ibid, 279. [73] Modernising Industrial Relations n.7. [74] Ford and Novitz (n 63), 279. [75] Ewing (n 50). [76] Brian Towers, 'Running the Gauntlet: British Trade Unions Under Thatcher, 1979-1988' (1989) 42 ILR Rev 163. [77] Gareth Thomas and Ian K Smith,Smith & Thomas' Employment Law(9th edn, OUP 2007), 737. [78] Davidmann (n 10). [79] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 492. [80] Ruth Dukes, 'The Right to Strike Under UK Law: Not Much More Than A Slogan? NURMT v SERCO, ASLEF v London & Birmingham Railway Ltd' (2011) 40 ILJ 302, 309. [81] [1983] ICR 490. [82] Collins, McColgan, and Ewing (n 5), 847. [83] TULRCA 1992, s219. [84] ibid. [85] ibid, ss222, 224, and 226. [86] Dukes (n 80), 309. [87] Kalina Arabadjieva, 'Royal Mail Group Ltd v Communication Workers Union (CWU): Injunctions Preventing Industrial Action and The Right to Strike' (UK Labour Law, 6 March 2020) accessed 12 December 2020. [88] TULRCA 1992, s226. [89] Arabadjieva (n 87). [90] n 22. [91] [1996] ICR 170. [92] ibid, [180]-[182]. [93] Dukes (n 82), 309. [94] RMT and ASLEF (n 22), [2]. [95] Smith (n 4). [96] Ford and Novitz (n 63), 281. [97] Arabadjieva (n 87). [98] [2012] EWHC 267 (QB). [99] Keith Ewing and Alan Bogg, 'The Implications of The RMT Case' (2014) 40 ILJ 221, 222. [100] [2009] ECHR 2251. [101] 'The right to bargain collectively.' [102] Keith Ewing and John Hendy, 'The Dramatic Implications of Demir and Baykara' (2010) 39 ILJ 2. [103] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [104] ibid. [105] Dukes (n 82), 303. [106] n 23. [107] Dukes (n 82), 310. [108] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 221. [109] RMT and ASLEF (n 22), [77]. [110] ibid, [82]. [111] ECHR Art 11 (2). [112] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 251. [113] ibid, 221. [114] Arabadjieva (n 87). [115] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 223. [116] ibid, 251. [117] Ford and Novitz (n 63), 282. [118] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 223. [119] Thomas and Smith (n 77), 737. [120] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 223. [121] Ministry of Justice, 'Government Launches Independent Review of the Human Rights Act' (Gov.uk, 7 December 2020) accessed 15 December 2020. [122] ibid. [123] Jamie Susskind, 'Jamie Susskind Comments on Sir Peter Gross' Lecture on Judicial Leadership' (Littleton Chambers) accessed 15 December 2020. [124] ibid. [125] ECHR Art 11. [126] Ruth Dukes, The Right to Strike Under UK Law: Something More Than A Slogan? Metrobus v Unite The Union [2009] EWCA Civ 829' (2010) 39 ILJ 1, 7. [127] ESC, Report of the Committee of Experts 2002. [128] Ewing and Bogg (n 99), 251. [129] Thomas and Smith (n 77), 737. [130] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [131] Metrobus (n 23) (Maurice Kay LJ). [132] Bogg and Dukes (n 1), 478. [133] Dukes (n 125), 9. [134] ibid, 7. [135] Richard Partington, 'UK Worker Strike Total Falls to Lowest Level Since 1893' (The Guardian, 30 May 2018) accessed 15 December 2020 [136] Smith (n 4). [137] ibid.

Abstract: In the 1st and 2nd millenniums B.C. there were numerous fortified centers in Mesopotamia. These were large, occupying several dozen acres in the forms of independent city-states, mid-sized urban centers, and smaller, specialized settlements. They were usually located on important transport routes, such as the two main rivers of the region, the Tigris and the Euphrates, and their numerous tributaries. The defensive walls were constructed to demonstrate the influence of a given center and its military strength, and to protect against floods or enemy invasions. The defensive brick architecture in Mesopotamia dates back from the end of the Early Bronze Age to the end of the Early Iron Age. On the basis of the available information from archaeological research, we don't have enough evidence to make conclusive judgements. Studies arranged by archeologists who worked there, found the remains of fortifications. By chance, scientists found fortifications that date from the Middle Bronze period, which they did not study carefully. That's why we do not have enough information about the details of fortifications systems, especially those from the first millennium B.C, especially Assyrian and Babylonian fortifications. However, based on the available information, I have been able to put forward an outline about fortification. It is worthy of mentioning that no known summary currently exists within publications about Mesopotamian brick defensive architecture, so I have been inspired to follow and analyze the fortified systems in each of the cities in Mesopotamia during the aforementioned time period. The principal aim of my doctoral thesis is to analyze the fortifications systems, their functionality and usefulness during military conflicts in all the fortificated settlements in Mesopotamia from the end of the Early Bronze Age to the end of the Early Iron Age. With a dual focus upon the concept of defensive systems, and the practical matters of implementing these kinds of defensive projects. I intend to Calculate the amount (brick burnt, dried bricks, and stone), labor resources and time necessary to build this kind of construction. As a result, I have endeavoured to create one a thesis that contains both the information and accurate descriptions of all defensive systems in Mesopotamia in one document. There is no similar thesis about defense fortification systems of all Mesopotamians cities from the end of Early Bronze Age to the end of the Early Iron Age. The analysis is based on a working hypothesis which pursues the idea that fortification architecture consists of a wide range of social and cultural elements, which have influenced those in society who created them and drawn from the historical context when they appeared. Straight-lined defenses are simple and useful functionally as an architectural genre. We should note that in architectural projects some elements were created as a psychological deterrent. However military architecture also has functional purposes. Meaning that not only are they the result of military needs, but also of local geographical, environmental factors and available technology. Factors such as the variability of fortifications can be explained by a more complex interaction of factors related to the character of fasteners within a manmade environment. As such, the environment can be fasteners have a wide range of functions and meanings, for example in the organization of space for defense purposes and in accordance with the principles, needs, values and desires of its builders, as well as in the organization of time and building materials. My PhD thesis is based on nine analytical chapters, which present the whole issue of brick architecture and defensive systems - from making brick materials to importing rare materials from other places and meanwhile descriptions of archeological side to make an analysis of the whole building process of defensive walls and elements strengthening the fortifications within the defensive system. In my study, I would like to convey a point raised which was not take from a long time. At the same time, I want to present a general outline of all fortified cities in Mesopotamia, basing on the available information and my own interpretation regarding each of the mentioned walls in this work. Another issue is the dating of discovered fortifications, detailed analysis of the structure, also contains information on how to build systems of this type, what type of material was used, what brick dimensions can be found, whether additional elements were strengthening the construction; what system the foundation was erected. I would also like to present my interpretation based on an analysis of the entire defense system in a way that outlines the defensive architecture of each fortified city during the period under review. The next step will be to analyze the structure and the techniques of construction of the gate or gates located in the defensive walls, and the last point is the calculation of the amount of brick and stone, with the number of workers, to determine how much time is needed to build one spatial meter. One more aspect should be noted which determined the way fortifications were built. They were, next to the military force, a symbol of the economic power of the state or city. The epicenter was not able to secure its territory with a massive wall. So construction was also dependent upon considerable economic resources. We derive our information from the transport records of 370 burnt bricks from the places where they were produced - this took place outside the city due to the use of manure in the production process. The price of 370 piece is about 1 shigel which corresponds to 8.5 grams of silver. I think that it is possible to roughly Calculation of the amount of material, the number of workers and the amount of time in which the size of one cubic meter of wall could be built. This estimation is because there is no complete archaeological information giving the exact dimensions of the fortification walls (height, width and length). At the same time, we know that within the fortification buildings there were also rooms about which we have no information. Considering such significant deficiencies in information, I adopted one cubic meter for conversion. We know that the fortification systems included various elements; along with the walls there were ramparts, moats and escarpments. In addition, there were buttresses, retaining walls, shafts and reinforcing walls. As we know, defensive walls or moats often turned out to be insufficient. At that time, additional solutions were included in the system to raise security standards, effective defense, and to facilitate transport and communication. These took the form of towers and gates. Techniques for building defense systems differed from each other depending on the time of creation and location, or rather the ground of a given geographical region. We note that the walls may have stone foundations, burnt brick, or not have them at all - erected only on level ground. For example, in the city of Assur, several types of bricks were used to construct one wall, or in Niniveh a space filled with clay and stones were preserved between its parallel walls. In the construction at Tell Rijim the technique of pisé was used, consisting of laying thin plates of compacted clay. The appearance of fortifications in the Middle East, especially in Mesopotamia, did not only fulfill the military functions but they had other functions, in order to protect the city from the flood because these towns were located in the lower part of Mari, and also had the function of protecting a given city from wild animals, and also to protect the city from thefts and control the cities and find out who was leaving the city and who was entering the city. From the point of view of my dissertation, the main topic is the strategic nature of these defences. The goal is to clarify the functions of fortified cities, to analyze the strength of resistance and to what extent they were effective in protecting against the enemy. We already know from archeological sources that various types of tools were placed on the defensive walls. They are characterized by their diversity, depending on the location on the walls but also upon the city being researched, and at what period. Based on the information from the descriptions, we can determine the types of tools, as well as the width of the walls - about 1.5 to 2 metres and a height of 3 to 4 m - based on the description of the reference point where the archers shot their arrows from. Common swords and spears were used in direct contact. The subject of military equipment is quite an extensive area, so I have decided to deal strictly with the topic of tools used for defence. I will trace their types and usage throughout the different periods of Mesopotamian culture. In the chronological part I did not deal with the analysis of the dates of creation of given archaeological sites. The organization requires designing a table for each defense system, separately for individual archaeological sites. Looking at the cross-section of the subject, we note the differences in dating north and south of the Mesopotamian areas. They are particularly noticeable between the ancient periods in OldBabylon and Old-Assyrian, Middle-Babylon and Middle-Assyrian, and the Neo-Babylonian period and Neo- Assyrian. In my work, there are descriptions and analsys of all known archeological research, which were conducted on the area of ancient Mesopotamia, in places where fortifications systems were discovered. While creating descriptions of fortifications, I have tried to present the most comprehensive range of usefulness of these types of structures. I traced the process of creating fortifications, the processes of their improvement and the changes that have occurred in their structure, since the appearance of the first buildings with the character of fortifications in the 6th millennium B.C. At this time, we date fortifications in Tell Es Sawwan, located in the middle part of the Tigris river. Fortified sites arose in the time of Samarra, around 5300 B.C. They took the form of a massive shaft surrounded by a rectangular settlement measuring 220x110 m. We estimate the appearance of fortified cities at between fifth millennium - and fourth millennium B.C. They were admittedly still single, but in third millennium B.C., the fortifications became the norm in centers of social life. We note the existence of more than 40 fortified cities in the areas of northern Mesopotamia. Southern Mesopotamia was developing in this direction at the beginning of third millennium B.C., as demonstrated by the example of the Khaburu Valley. The exception here is the wall surrounding the citadel of Tell Chuera, which dates from an earlier period - fourth millennium B.C. If we look at analyse of individual technical solutions, the type material which was used in the Early Jazirah we can see that it is a period of defensive sollutions so called granary settlements (Tell Atij,) and fortification from the Kranzhugel tribute group. In the era of around third millennium B.C. we have already observed numerous cities with fortification systems created using the latest construction techniques and building materials of the era. The use of brick and stone testify to the economic power of individual centers, but also to the growth of defensive architecture. Interpretations of the Mesopotamian inscriptions found on the walls of fortification systems are of key importance to us. Thanks to their understanding, we have obtained information about the dates of construction of those defensive walls, and thus bringing significant knowledge about entire systems and their structures. Attention should be paid to the comarchaeological site of these texts - they often start with the worship of the deity, then the introduction which always contains the royal name. We know that the introduction may have various elements, for example the royal genealogy, praiseworthy epithets, and sometimes the king's important deeds and achievements and his campaigns are mentioned. In the next part - which is crucial to our topic - we can find fragments detailing reports of the construction, usually referring to specific buildings. This type of record was intended primarily for subsequent rulers - so that they could rebuild the given building - while being an invaluable source for modern researchers. Through analysis of the iconography of the Mesopotamian fortifications, images of fortifications are also found on seals. They usually capture the attack and defense scenes of a fortified city. The images are different - some present the walls only as an outline, others show details - which include even individual panels, from which the gates were made. The defensive walls are accompanied by images of people. The people in question are usually defenders or invaders. We can also distinguish between them women and children - often as hostages. We are able to distinguish types of weapons, usually these are bows, missiles, chariots and siege engines. Due to the general availability and thus low cost, mud was the basic building material. We find it in virtually every type of architecture in ancient Mesopotamia. Depending on the function and nature of the buildings, pure clay or clay mixtures with other materials such as straw were used. But it was also used as raw brick or as a material for creating finishing elements. The importance of this type of material cannot be understated due to its durability and the strength of constructions built from it, therefore, I will also address this topic in my work. I will analyze the brick itself and its variations according to appearance, shape and the production process. Treating this topic broadly, I intend to refer to the changes and evolution of this type of building material over various periods in the area of work. In this dissertation, I also wish to address the issue of transport in ancient Mesopotamia. The main means of transportation here is by river due to the presence of large rivers - the Tigris and Euphrates. Their course covers three important countries in this part of the world - Turkey, Syria and the areas of current Iraq to the shores of the Persian Gulf - creating an ideal transport channel for goods and people. It should be noted that river transport was a convenient, cheap and easy way of moving goods. It also became a means of communication. Probably its biggest role was in trade - for example - building materials transported from north to south Mesopotamia, where resources such as stones and wood didn't exist, or for the transportation of ready goods from the place of production to the destination. It is impossible to ignore the fact that various types of ship began to be built depending on their purpose, as discussed later in the dissertation. After my considerations I would like to cover the problem holistically. Because the subject matter of my thesis is very large, it has forced me to produce detailed conclusions for each chapter through interpretation and analysis, and at the end of my work I shall present a general conclusion about the whole thesis. The difficulty of thoroughly analyzing the topic boils down to the problem of information scarcity. The fact that archeological strata is not available, that is why constructors did not undertake full reconstruction of fortification walls. They were found many times by accident and the research was carried out only on a small fragment of the uncovered wall, which currently makes it difficult to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the subject and address the issue from a fully informed perspective. Resumen: En los milenios I y II a.C. existían numerosos centros fortificados en Mesopotamia. Éstos eran grandes, ocupando varias docenas de acres en forma de ciudades-estado independientes, centros urbanos de tamaño medio y asentamientos más pequeños y especializados. Normalmente estaban situados en importantes rutas de transporte, como los dos principales ríos de la región, el Tigris y el Éufrates, y sus numerosos afluentes. Las murallas defensivas se construyeron para demostrar la influencia de un determinado centro y su fuerza militar, y para protegerse contra las inundaciones o las invasiones enemigas. La arquitectura defensiva de ladrillos en Mesopotamia se data desde finales de la Edad de Bronce hasta el final de la Primera Edad de Hierro no ha sido suficientemente estudiada en base a la información disponible de la investigación arqueológica. Los estudios realizados por los arqueólogos que trabajaron allí descubrieron los restos de fortificaciones y ocasionalmente, los científicos encontraron fortificaciones que datan del periodo del Bronce Medio, pero que no estudiaron cuidadosamente. Por eso no tenemos suficiente información sobre los deTelles de los sistemas de fortificaciones, especialmente los del primer milenio a.C., sobre todo las fortificaciones asirias y babilónicas. Sin embargo, en base a la información disponible he podido presentar una propuesta sobre el tema de las fortificaciones. Me gustaría mencionar, que no existe actualmente ninguna síntesis conocida dentro de las publicaciones sobre la arquitectura defensiva mesopotámica en ladrillo, por lo que me he basado en el seguimiento y análisis de los sistemas fortificados en cada una de las ciudades de Mesopotamia durante el período de tiempo mencionado El objetivo principal de mi tesis doctoral es analizar los sistemas de fortificaciones, su funcionalidad y utilidad durante los conflictos militares en todos los asentamientos fortificados de Mesopotamia desde el final de la temprana Edad del Bronce hasta el final de la temprana Edad del Hierro. Con un doble enfoque en el concepto de sistemas defensivos, y en los aspectos prácticos de la implementación de estos proyectos defensivos. Pretendo calcular la suma de materiales (ladrillos cocidos, ladrillos secos y piedra), los recursos de mano de obra y el tiempo necesario para construir este tipo de construcción. Como resultado, me he esforzado en crear una síntesis que contenga tanto la información como las descripciones precisas de todos los sistemas defensivos en Mesopotamia en un solo documento. No existe una publicación similar sobre los sistemas de defensa y fortificación de las ciudades de Mesopotamia desde el final de la temprana Edad del Bronce hasta el final de la temprana Edad del Hierro. El análisis se basa en una hipótesis de trabajo que persigue la idea de que la arquitectura de fortificación está compuesta por un amplio abanico de elementos sociales y culturales, que han influido en aquellos que la han creado en la sociedad y que han sido extraídos del contexto histórico en el que aparecieron. Las defensas de línea recta son sencillas y útiles funcionalmente como género arquitectónico. Debemos notar que en los proyectos arquitectónicos algunos elementos fueron creados como un disuasivo psicológico. Sin embargo, la arquitectura militar también tiene propósitos funcionales. Esto significa que no sólo son el resultado de las necesidades militares, sino también de factores geográficos y ambientales locales y de la tecnología disponible. Factores como la variabilidad de las fortificaciones pueden explicarse por una interacción más compleja de factores relacionados con el carácter de los elementos de fijación dentro de un entorno creado por el hombre. Como tal, el entorno puede ser que los elementos de fijación tengan una amplia gama de funciones y significados, por ejemplo, en la organización del espacio para fines de defensa y de acuerdo con los principios, necesidades, valores y deseos de sus constructores, así como en la organización del tiempo y los materiales de construcción. Mi tesis doctoral se basa en nueve capítulos analíticos, que presentan toda la problemática de la arquitectura del ladrillo y los sistemas defensivos -desde la fabricación de materiales de construcción hasta la importación de materiales raros de otros lugares y al mismo tiempo, descripciones del aspecto arqueológico para hacer un análisis de todo el proceso de construcción de muros y elementos defensivos que refuerzan las fortificaciones dentro del sistema defensivo. En mi tratado quiero transmitir un punto planteado que no se ha tardado mucho tiempo. Al mismo tiempo, quiero presentar un esquema general de todas las ciudades fortificadas de Mesopotamia, basándome en la información disponible y en mi propia interpretación de cada una de las murallas mencionadas en este trabajo. Otro tema es la datación de las fortificaciones descubiertas, el análisis deTellado de la estructura, que también contiene información sobre cómo construir sistemas de este tipo; qué tipo de material se utilizó, qué dimensiones de los ladrillos pueden encontrarse; si los elementos adicionales estaban reforzando la construcción; qué sistema de cimentación fue erigido. También me gustaría presentar mi interpretación basada en un análisis de todo el sistema de defensa, de manera que se esboce la arquitectura defensiva de cada ciudad fortificada durante el período en cuestión. El siguiente paso será analizar la estructura y las técnicas de construcción de la puerta o puertas situadas en las murallas defensivas, y el último punto es el cálculo de la cantidad de ladrillo y piedra, con el número de trabajadores empleados, para determinar cuánto tiempo se necesita para construir un metro de longitud. Hay que señalar un aspecto más que determinó la forma en que se construyeron las fortificaciones. Eran, junto a la fuerza militar, un símbolo del poder económico del estado o la ciudad. El centro no podía asegurar su territorio con una masiva muralla. Por lo tanto, la construcción dependía también de considerables recursos económicos. La información la obtenemos de los registros de transporte de 370 ladrillos cocidos de los lugares donde se producían -esto se produjo fuera de la ciudad debido al uso de estiércol en el proceso de producción. El precio de 370 piezas es de aproximadamente 1 shigel, lo que corresponde a 8,5 gramos de plata. Creo que es posible calcular aproximadamente la cantidad de material, el número de trabajadores y el tiempo en que se podría construir un fragmento del tamaño de un metro cúbico de muralla. Esta estimación se debe a que no existe una información arqueológica completa que proporcione las dimensiones exactas de los muros de fortificación (altura, anchura y longitud). Al mismo tiempo, sabemos que dentro de los edificios de la fortificación también había habitaciones sobre las que no tenemos información. Teniendo en cuenta estas importantes deficiencias en la información, adopté un metro cúbico para la conversión. Sabemos que los sistemas de fortificación incluían varios elementos; junto con las paredes había murallas, fosos y escarpas. Además, había contrafuertes, muros de contención, fustes y muros de refuerzo. Como sabemos, los muros defensivos o fosos a menudo resultaron ser insuficientes. En ese momento, se incluyeron en el sistema soluciones adicionales para elevar los estándares de seguridad, la defensa efectiva y para facilitar el transporte y la comunicación. Éstas tomaron la forma de torres y puertas. Las técnicas de construcción de los sistemas de defensa se diferenciaban entre sí en función del momento de su creación y del lugar en que se encontraban o mejor dicho, del terreno de una región geográfica determinada. Observamos que los muros pueden tener cimientos de piedra, ladrillo cocido, o no tenerlos en absoluto -sólo se erigen en un terreno llano. Por ejemplo, en la ciudad de Assur, se utilizaron varios tipos de ladrillos para construir la muralla o en Nínive, un espacio lleno de arcilla y piedras se conservaron entre sus muros paralelos. En la construcción de Tell Rijim se utilizó la técnica del pisé, o tapial, que consiste en colocar finas placas de arcilla compactada. La aparición de fortificaciones en el Medio Oriente, especialmente en Mesopotamia, no sólo cumplía las funciones militares sino que tenían otras funciones, a fin de proteger la ciudad de las inundaciones porque estos pueblos estaban ubicados en la parte baja de Mari, y también tenían la función de proteger una ciudad determinada de los animales salvajes, y también proteger la ciudad de los robos y controlar las ciudades y averiguar quién salía y quién entraba en la ciudad. Desde el punto de vista de mi tesis, el tema principal es el carácter estratégico de estas defensas. El objetivo es aclarar las funciones de las ciudades fortificadas, analizar la fuerza de la resistencia y en qué medida fueron eficaces para protegerse del enemigo. Ya sabemos por fuentes arqueológicas que se colocaron varios tipos de herramientas en las murallas defensivas. Se caracterizan por su diversidad, dependiendo de la ubicación en las murallas pero también de la ciudad que se investiga y en qué periodo de tiempo. A partir de la información de las descripciones, podemos determinar los tipos de herramientas, así como la anchura de las murallas -alrededor de 1,5 a 2 metros y una altura de 3 a 4 metros- a partir de la descripción del punto de referencia desde el que los arqueros disparaban sus flechas. Se utilizaron espadas y lanzas comunes en contacto directo. El tema del equipamiento militar es bastante extenso, por lo que he decidido tratar estrictamente el tema de los instrumentos utilizados para la defensa. Trazaré sus tipos y usos a lo largo de los diferentes períodos de la cultura mesopotámica. En la parte cronológica no me he ocupado del análisis de las fechas de creación de determinados yacimientos arqueológicos. La organización requiere el diseño de una tabla para cada sistema de defensa, por separado para cada posición. Al observar transversalmente el tema, observamos las diferencias en la datación del norte y el sur de las áreas mesopotámicas. Son particularmente notables entre los períodos antiguos en el Viejo Babilonia y el Viejo Asirio, el Medio Babilonia y el Medio Asirio, y el período Neo Babilónico y Neo Asirio. En mi contribución, hay descripciones y análisis de toda la investigación arqueológica en el área de la antigua Mesopotamia. Al tiempo que hacía descripciones de las fortificaciones he intentado presentar la gama más completa de utilidad de este tipo de estructuras. He rastreado el proceso de creación de fortificaciones, los procesos de su mejora y los cambios que se han producido en su estructura, desde la aparición de los primeros edificios con carácter de fortificaciones en el VI milenio a.C. En esta época, fechamos las fortificaciones en Tell Es Sawwan, situada en la parte media del río Tigris. Los sitios fortificados surgieron en la época de Samarra, alrededor del 5300 a.C. Tomaron la forma de un enorme eje rodeado por un asentamiento rectangular de 220x110 m. Estimamos la aparición de las ciudades fortificadas entre el V y el IV milenios a.C. Es cierto que todavía eran únicas, pero en el III milenio a.C. las fortificaciones se convirtieron en la norma en los centros de la vida social. Observamos la existencia de más de 40 ciudades fortificadas en las zonas del norte de Mesopotamia. El sur de Mesopotamia se estaba desarrollando en esta dirección a principios del tercer milenio a.C., como lo demuestra el ejemplo del Valle de Khaburu. La excepción aquí es la muralla que rodea la ciudadela de Tell Chuera, que data de un período anterior, el IV milenio a. C. Al profundizar en el análisis de las soluciones técnicas individuales, el material utilizado o incluso su producto, vemos que en el período de Jazirah temprano las soluciones defensivas denominados asentamientos granero (Tell Atij) y fortificaciones del grupo de Kranzhugel. En la época de alrededor del tercer milenio a. C. ya se observan numerosas ciudades con sistemas de fortificación creados con las últimas técnicas de construcción y materiales de construcción de la época. El uso del ladrillo y de la piedra atestigua el poder económico de los centros individuales, pero también el crecimiento de la arquitectura defensiva. Las interpretaciones de las inscripciones mesopotámicas que se encuentran en las murallas de los sistemas de fortificación son de gran importancia para nosotros. Gracias a su comprensión, hemos obtenido información sobre las fechas de construcción de esas murallas defensivas, aportando así un conocimiento significativo sobre sistemas completos y sus estructuras. Hay que prestar atención a la composición de estos textos, que a menudo comienzan con el culto a la deidad, luego la introducción que siempre contiene el nombre real. Sabemos que la Introducción puede tener varios elementos, por ejemplo, la genealogía real, epítetos elogiosos, y a veces se mencionan las hazañas y logros importantes del rey y sus campañas. En la siguiente parte -que es crucial para nuestro tema- podemos encontrar fragmentos que deTellan los informes de la construcción, generalmente referidos a edificios específicos. Este tipo de registro estaba destinado principalmente a los gobernantes posteriores -para que pudieran reconstruir el edificio en cuestión-, a la vez que constituía una fuente inestimable para los investigadores modernos. A través del análisis de la iconografía de las fortificaciones mesopotámicas, las imágenes de las fortificaciones también se encuentran en los sellos. Por lo general, captan las escenas de ataque y defensa de una ciudad fortificada. Las imágenes son diferentes algunas presentan las murallas sólo como un bosquejo, otras muestran deTelles- que incluyen incluso paneles individuales, a partir de los cuales se hicieron las puertas. Las murallas defensivas van acompañadas de imágenes de personas. Las personas en cuestión suelen ser defensores o invasores. También podemos distinguir entre ellos a mujeres y niños -a menudo como rehenes-. Podemos distinguir los tipos de armas, normalmente son arcos, proyectiles, carros y máquinas de asedio. Debido a la disponibilidad general y por lo tanto a su bajo costo, el barro era el material de construcción básico. Lo encontramos en prácticamente todos los tipos de arquitectura de la antigua Mesopotamia. Según la función y la naturaleza de los edificios, se utilizaba arcilla pura o mezclas de arcilla con otros materiales como la paja. Pero también se utilizaba como ladrillo crudo o como material para crear elementos de acabado. La importancia de este tipo de material no puede ser subestimada debido a su durabilidad y a la resistencia de las construcciones realizadas con él, por lo tanto, también abordaré este tema en mi trabajo. Analizaré el propio ladrillo y sus variaciones según el aspecto, la forma y el proceso de producción. Tratando este tema de forma amplia, pretendo referirme a los cambios y evolución de este tipo de material de construcción en diversos períodos en el área de trabajo. En esta tesis también deseo abordar el tema del transporte en la antigua Mesopotamia. El principal medio de transporte aquí es el fluvial debido a la presencia de grandes ríos -el Tigris y el Éufrates-. Su curso cubre tres países importantes en esta parte del mundo -Turquía, Siria y las áreas del actual Irak hasta las costas del Golfo Pérsico- creando un canal de transporte ideal para bienes y personas. Hay que señalar que el transporte fluvial era una forma cómoda, barata y fácil de transportar mercancías. También se convirtió en un medio de comunicación. Probablemente su papel más importante fue en el comercio -por ejemplo- de materiales de construcción transportados del norte al sur de Mesopotamia, donde no existían recursos como piedras y madera; o para el transporte de mercancías preparadas desde el lugar de producción hasta el destino. Es imposible ignorar el hecho de que se empezaron a construir varios tipos de barcos dependiendo de su propósito, como se discute más adelante en la tesis. Después de mis consideraciones me gustaría abordar el problema de forma holística. Debido a que el tema de mi tesis es muy amplio, ello me ha obligado a proponer conclusiones deTelladas para cada capítulo a través de la interpretación y el análisis, y al final de mi trabajo presentaré unas conclusiones generales sobre toda la tesis. La dificultad de analizar a fondo el tema se reduce al problema de la escasez de información. El hecho de que los estratos arqueológicos no estén accesibles y que pocos artesanos se dedicaron a la construcción de las murallas defensivas y de que las murallas fueran encontradas muchas veces por accidente hizo que la investigación se realizara sólo en un pequeño fragmento de la muralla descubierta, lo que actualmente dificulta el análisis exhaustivo del tema y la orientación de la cuestión desde una perspectiva plenamente documentada.

Each country is under a great pressure to provide its citizens with a good standard for living and welfare. With lots of obstacles surrounding decision making process, each country must do a performance measuring for its different activities. Transport infrastructure plays an important role in ease people and freight mobility especially road transport. In this research, we concentrated on asphalt as one of the most important components of road transport infrastructure. The purpose of this study is to measure asphalt performance for different countries by using efficiency and cost efficiency analysis. Since, different countries might have different attitudes toward asphalt applications, we preferred to use two methods of clustering to group countries which are; Cluster Analysis and Multidimensional Scaling Analysis (MDS). Then, according to analysis results of countries' grouping and by concentrating on the group that involves Turkey as one of its entities, we used out-put oriented Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) to define efficiency scores for Decision Making Units (DMUs) or countries. In the scope of this analysis, we suggested three scenarios of inputs and outputs. According to three scenarios suggested, we calculated the cost efficiency ratios as well. After that, we performed Grey Relational Analysis (GRA) to rank the efficient and cost efficient DMUs and variables. xix Keywords: Road infrastructure, Asphalt, Asphalt pavement applications, Performance Measurement, Efficiency, Cluster Analysis, Multidimensional Scaling Analysis, Efficiency Analysis, Cost Efficiency Analysis, Data Envelopment Analysis, Efficiency ranking, Grey Relational Analysis ; Ulaşımın ekonomik değeri ve ülke ekonomileri üzerindeki etkisi hemen her kesim tarafından bilinmektedir. Söz konusu etkinin pozitif katma değeri ancak etkin bir altyapı ile mümkündür. Ulaştırma sistemleri içinde her ne kadar deniz, kara, hava, demiryolu gibi farklı modlar bulunsa da ulaştırma sistemi denildiğinde ilk akla gelen çoğunlukla karayolu ulaşımı ve bağlı olarak (kara) Yol'dur. Tarihsel süreç içerisinde şehirler ve komşu ülkeler arasındaki ticaretin geliştirilmesinde araç olarak görülen yollar, günümüzde de ülkelerin gelişmişlik seviyelerinde belirleyici bir unsur olarak önemli rol oynamaktadır. Etkin yol altyapısının oluşturulması ve mevcut yolların iyileştirilmesinde karşılaşılan sorunların giderilmesi, o ülkenin finansal gücüne bağlı olmaktadır. Ülkeler yol altyapılarını iyileştirmek için sınırlı kaynaklarını etkin ve etkili olarak ekonomik büyümelerine pozitif katkı yapacak şekilde yönlendirmek durumundadırlar. Karayolu taşımacılık sektörü özellikle karayolu ağlarıyla doğrudan ekonomik kalkınma ritmine bağlı olarak ulusların refahını etkilemektedir. Literatürdeki çalışmalar, ulaştırma altyapısı ile ekonomik büyüme arasında pozitif bir ilişki olduğunu desteklemektedir (Tripathi ve Gautam, 2010, Peter ve ark., 2015, Mohmand ve ark., 2017 v.b.) Günümüzde birçok ülke sürdürülebilir bir karayolu ii taşımacılığı altyapısı oluşturmak ve geliştirmek için mücadele etmekte ise de gelişmiş bir karayolu ulaşım altyapısının oluşturulması kolay değildir. Etkin bir Karayolu Ulaştırma Sistemine sahip olunduğunda, pozitif çarpan etkiler sonucunda piyasalara, istihdama ve ek yatırıma daha iyi erişilebilirlik gibi ekonomik ve sosyal fırsatlar bakımından çeşitli faydalar sağlanmaktadır. Buna karşılık karayolu ulaşımı etkin olmadığında; bağlı olarak yol altyapısı kapasite, güvenilirlik veya kalite bakımından yetersiz olduğunda; ekonomiyi darboğazlara götürebilecek maliyetler ortaya çıkabilmektedir. Bu nedenle ülkeler yol altyapılarının gelişimi ve iyileştirilmesi için yatırımlar yapmakta ve bu yatırımlar için büyük bütçeler ayırmaktadır. Dolayısıyla yol altyapısı ile ilgili çalışmaların ekonomik açıdan değerlendirilerek ülke ekonomisindeki etkisi, yatırımların maliyet olarak etkinliklerinin belirlenmesi, planlanan büyüme hedeflerine erişmede önemlidir. Karayolu taşımacılığı dendiğinde ilk akla gelen; yol ve asfalttır. Ülkelerin gelişmişlik düzeylerinde asfaltlanmış yollar, etkin altyapıya sahip karayollarına sahip olmak ve bu yolların uzunluğu önemli göstergelerden kabul edilmektedir. Karayolu taşımacılığı açısından yetersiz altyapı ve mevcut altyapıyı iyileştirmede kullanılacak kaynaklardaki kıtlık; bu kaynakların optimum kullanımı konusunda karar alıcıları çeşitli sorunlarla karşı karşıya getirmektedir. Altyapının sözü edilen ekonomik büyümeye etkisi, son zamanlarda altyapı yönetimine olan ilgiyi de arttırmıştır. Günümüzde ülkeler, yol altyapılarını geliştirmeye ve mevcut altyapılarını iyileştirerek sürdürmeye yönelik yatırımlara yönelseler de özellikle etkin olmayan altyapıdan kaynaklanan sorunlarla da karşılaşmaktadırlar. Aktif bir yol altyapısı özellikle karayolu taşımacılığını kullanan işletmelerin ulaşım maliyetlerini azaltmalarına ve bağlı olarak üretim ve toplam maliyetlerini de düşürmeye yardımcı olmaktadır. Bilindiği gibi, bir işletmenin üretim maliyeti ve ulaşım (taşıma) maliyeti arasındaki ilişki dolaylıdır; üretim maliyetlerinin düşmesi, girdilerin maliyet yönlü düşüşü ile doğrudan ilişkilidir. Ulaşım maliyetleri ise üretim süreci sonrasında ortaya çıkmakta ve üretim sonrası süreci kapsamaktadır. Etkin bir alt yapı, işletmelerin küresel pazarlarda rekabet edebilmelerine, bağlı olarak ülke ekonomisinin gelişmesine ve büyümesine de katkı sağlamaktadır. Örneğin, Avrupa Komisyonu 2019 raporuna göre 2016 yılında Avrupa Birliği (AB) ülkelerinin (28 ülke) karayolu ulaşım altyapılarına yaptıkları toplam yatırım yaklaşık 69 milyar €'dur. 2016 yılında AB'de karayolu ulaşım altyapısını geliştirmek için kullanılan bu parasal değer 28 ülkeye bölündüğünde iii ülke başına söz konusu yatırım 2,43 milyar €'dur. İster gelişmiş ister gelişmekte olsun her ülke, alt yapısını geliştirmede farklı finansal kaynakları kullansa da ekonomik büyümesini engelleyen farklı faktörlerle karşılaşabilir. Bu yüzden, etkin bir alt yapı için sadece finansal kaynağın bulunması değil ayrıca bu kaynağın etkin ve etkili planlanarak tahsisi de önemlidir. Kaynak planlaması ve tahsisi, diğer pek çok alanda olduğu gibi karayolu ulaştırma altyapısı ile ilgili kararlarda da özellikle karar verme sürecinde önemlidir. Herhangi bir ülkenin yol altyapısının değerlendirilmesi, ülkenin yol ulaşım ile ilgili gelecekteki planlarını yapmasına yardımcı olacak ve gelecekte yol ulaşım sistemine tahsis edilecek bütçeyle ilgili kararlara katkı sağlayacaktır. Diğer yandan, etkin yol altyapısı, kamu ve özel sektörde faaliyette bulunan işletmeleri, karayolu ulaşımı kullanarak mal ve hizmetlerini bir yerden başka yere taşımadaki yaşanan sorunlara çözüm getirerek mikro düzeyde de işletmelerin yol ulaşım yönlü uygulama ve politikalarını etkileyecektir. Etkin bir yol altyapısının sağlanması, kaza oranının azaltılmasına da katkıda bulunarak ülke içindeki trafik kazalarını ve olumsuz sonuçlarını (ölüm oranı, maddi hasar) azaltacaktır. Ayrıca, insanlara kısa sürede bir yerden diğer yere hareket etmelerinde de kolaylık sağlayarak iç ve dış turizme de katkılar sağlayacaktır. Yol yapımlarının en önemli bileşenlerinden, başka bir ifadeyle yol yapımlarının önemli hammaddelerinden birisi asfalttır. Yol yapım çalışmalarının temelde bir hizmet olduğu düşünüldüğünde; bu hizmetin sağlanması için etkin ve etkili bir alt yapının kurulması zorunludur ki asfalt, bu süreçte sistemin önemli bir bileşeni olarak kullanılmaktadır. Her türlü yol inşaatı ve bakımını yapmak için kullanılan agrega, bağlayıcı ve dolgu maddesinin bir karışımıdır. Asfalt serimi, sıralı ve özel adımlardan oluşan bir süreçtir. Sürecin her aşamasında farklı kaynaklar kullanılmaktadır. Kullanılacak kaynakların sınırlı olduğu dikkate alındığında asfalt uygulamalarının da planlanması gerektiği açıktır. Söz konusu planlamada kıt olan (örneğin petrol türevi bitüm ve çevresel açıdan agregalar) kaynaklar nedeniyle asfalt üretiminde farklı alaşımların geri dönüşüm (cam atık, inşaat atıkları gibi) yoluyla kullanımları da gündeme gelmektedir. Dolayısıyla asfalt malzemelerin kullanılması, üretim ve serimi karar vericiler açısından zor, ancak çözülmesi gereken önemli sorunlardan olup, yapısında çok sayıda nicel ve nitel kriterler barındırması nedeniyle de çok kriterli bir karar problemi niteliğindedir. Örneğin, bir yol inşasında karar iv vericiler açısından; kaplanacak yolun uzunluğu, asfalt kaplamaya nerden başlanacağı, nerede sonlandırılması gerektiği, asfalt kaplamada ne tür bir karışımın kullanılacağı gibi pek çok sorunun yanıtlanması karar vericilerin asfalt kaplama planlarını etkili bir şekilde belirlemelerine yardımcı olacaktır. Dünyadaki hiçbir ürüne benzemeyen Asfaltı ve her türlü karışımını üretmek; çaba, iş gücü, malzeme ve ekipman gerektirse de asfalt üretimi için gerekli kaynakların maliyeti, ülkelerin ekonomik durumuna göre değişmektedir. Bazı ülkeler bu kaynakları yerel olarak elde edebilme şansına sahipken diğer bazı ülkeler ne yerel olarak temin edebilme ne de dış kaynaklardan temin etmede yeterli bütçeleri vardır. Bu nedenle, kaynakların etkin kullanımı her alanda olduğu gibi yol yapım ve asfalt için de önemlidir. Karayolu taşımacılığının sözü edilen etkileri nedeniyle bu alanda etkinliğin sağlanabilmesi için yol altyapısının temel bileşenlerinin ayrıntılı olarak incelenmesi ve bu bileşenlerin ülke ekonomisi üzerindeki etkinlik derecelerinin belirlenmesi gereklidir. Özellikle ülkeler arasındaki makro düzeyde şiddetlenen rekabet açısından ülke grupları içindeki bu bileşenlerin düzeylerinin ve etkilerinin ortaya konulması, bu yönde politikaların oluşturulmasına yardımcı olacaktır. Ayrıca, bir ülkenin maliyet açısından etkin bir yol altyapısı geliştirmesi, karayolu ulaşım sistemine olumlu bir değişiklik olarak yansıyacaktır. Yol altyapısındaki etkinlik, ülkenin ekonomisine de bağlı olarak olumlu katkılar sağlamasının yanı sıra yol altyapısı ile ilgili mevcut durumu anlatan bir model sunmak, kısa ve uzun vadede bu konuda iyileştirme yapmaya imkân verebilecektir. Literatürde farklı alanlarda ülkelerin gruplandırılmasına yönelik daha çok kümeleme analizinin uygulandığı çok sayıda çalışma bulunmaktadır. Söz konusu çalışmalarda ülkelerin gruplandırılmasında Kümeleme Analizi (Kuşkaya ve Gençoğlu, 2017; Gençoğlu ve Kuşkaya, 2016; Michinaka ve ark, 2011; Tsangarides ve Qureshi, 2008; Diaz- Banilla ve ark, 2000), ÇBÖA (Dickes vd, 2011) ya da her iki teknik (KA ve ÇBÖA) (Yenilmez ve Girginer, 2016; Girginer, 2013; Akkucuk, asfalt karışım etkinliğini inceleyen tek bir çalışma bulunmaktadır (Li ve ark, 2013). Bu alanda yapılan diğer çalışmaların çoğunluğunda karayolu bakım etkinliği incelenmiştir (Fallah- Fini ve ark, 2015; Ozdek ve ark, 2010; Rouse ve Chiu, 2009; Kazakov ve ark, 1989). Ayrıca, genel olarak karayolu ulaşımını inceleyen ve aynı zamanda veri v zarflama analizi (VZA) kullanan az sayıda çalışma da bulunmaktadır (Sarmento ve ark, 2017; Fu, 2013). Söz konusu çalışmalar, asfalt ve karayolu etkinliğine yönelik olup asfalt ve asfalt uygulamalarının maliyet etkinlik analizine bir çalışma bulunmamaktadır. Benzer şekilde Gri İlişki Analizi de literatürde daha çok etkin ve uygun maliyetli ülkeler sıralamasında kullanılmışsa da karayolu ulaşım alt yapısıyla ilgili alanda asfaltın farklı özelliklerini incelenmesinde GİA kullanılmıştır (Yu ve ark, 2017; Cheng ve ark, 2016, Sun ve ark, 2014 vb.). Literatür incelemesinden görüldüğü gibi özellikle asfalt uygulamaları açısından farklı ülkelerin gruplandırılması ve performanslarının belirlenerek maliyetlerle ilişkilendirilmesinin yanı sıra bu uygulamalar açısından performans üzerindeki önemli değişkenlerin ve etkin olan ülkelerin sıralanması şeklinde bütünleşik bir çalışma bulunmamaktadır. Literatürdeki bu eksikliği gidererek katkı sağlama kapsamında bu çalışmanın temel problemi; Türkiye ve AB ülkelerinin yol yapım çalışmalarında asfalt etkinliğini ve asfalt maliyet etkinliğini analiz ederek etkin olmayan ülkeler için performanslarını iyileştirmelerine yönelik önerilerin yanı sıra etkin olan ülkeleri kendi içlerinde etkinlik ve maliyetteki etkinlikleri açısından sıralamaktır. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın aynı alanda yapılacak olan diğer araştırmalara özellikle ulaştırma sisteminin diğer modlarının (Havayolu, Raylı sistemler, Deniz yolu vb) altyapıları için de farklı ülkeler açısından örnek olması beklenmektedir. Amaç Yukarıdaki açıklamalardan hareketle bu çalışmanın temel amacı; Türkiye ve seçilmiş bazı ülkelerin asfalt uygulamalarını performans açısından değerlendirmektir. Bu çalışmada Türkiye ve seçilen bazı ülkelerin asfalt uygulamalarının performansları etkinlik ve maliyet etkinlik analizi kullanarak incelenmektedir. Bu temel amaç doğrultusunda çalışmanın alt amaçları şunlardır: 1- Bazı ekonomik göstergeler bakımından Türkiye'nin benzer olduğu ülke grubunu belirlemek 2- Türkiye'nin yer aldığı ülke grubun farklı senaryolarla asfalt uygulamalarındaki etkinliklerini analiz etmek vi 3- Çalışmanın üçüncü alt amacı da etkin ve uygun maliyetli ülkelerin ve değişkenlerin etkinlik bakımından sıralarını belirlemektir. Asfalt performansını ölçmek için etkinlik ve maliyet etkinlik analizlerinin kullanılmasının gerekçeleri şu şekilde açıklanabilir: • Asfalt üretimi, farklı kaynaklardan girdi materyallerinin toplanması gereken bir süreçtir ve bu kaynakların her birinin kendine ait bir üretim süreci bulunmaktadır. Bu nedenle asfalt performansını ölçmenin faydaları bulunmaktadır. • Avrupa ülkelerinin çoğunun ekonomik olarak gelişmiş ülkeler olduğu düşünüldüğünde, bu ülkelerdeki asfalt performansının ölçülmesi ile asfalt kaplama uygulamaları bakımından etkin olup olmadıkları; başka bir ifadeyle daha az malzeme israfı, çaba ve bütçe ile asfalt uygulamalarındaki başarılarına yönelik bulgular ortaya çıkmaktadır. Asfalt uygulamaları bakımından performansı düşük ülkeler, etkin olan ülkeleri referans alarak onları asfalt uygulamalarındaki başarıları nedeniyle rol model olarak alıp performanslarını onlara benzemeye çalışarak iyileştirebileceklerdir. • İşlerin doğru şekilde gerektiği gibi yapılması olarak tanımlanabilen Etkinlik, üretim sürecinde kullanılan girdilerle çıktıların karşılaştırılmasını sağlayarak herhangi bir birimin malzeme, emek ve para israfını önleme yeteneğini geliştirmesine yardımcı olur. Etkinlik bu çalışma kapsamında asfalt uygulamaları açısından düşünüldüğünde; asfalt uygulamalarındaki girdileri doğru şekilde kullanarak olması gerektiği gibi asfalt uygulamalarını gerçekleştirmeyi başaran herhangi bir ülke asfalt uygulamalarında etkin kabul edilmektedir. Yöntem Çalışmanın amaçları doğrultusunda uygulanan analizler bütünsel bir yaklaşımla Çizelge1 de bir akış şeması olarak verilmiştir. vii Farklı Ülkeler için Asfalt Etkinliğinin ve Maliyet Etkinliğinin Ölçülmesi Ekonomik Göstergeler Asfalt Değişkenleri ile Farklı Ülkeleri Gruplama ile Çok Boyutlu Ölçekleme Analizi (ÇBÖ) Kümeleme Analizi (KA) Avusturya, Belçika Hırvatistan, Çek, Danimarka, İngiltere, Mag, Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya Finlandiya, Fransa, Almanya, İtalya, Norveç, İspanya, Türkiye Avusturya, Belçika Hırvatistan, Çek, Danimarka, Finlandiya, Mag, İtalya Fransa, İspanya, Slovenya, Slovekya, Türkiye, Norveç, Hollanda, İngiltere Asfalt Etkinlik➔VZA Modelleri İki yöntem arasında karşılaştırma yapmak Etkin ve Uygun Maliyetli Ülkeler Etkin Olmayan Ülkeler Farklı Ülkeler İçin Asfalt Maliyet Etkinlik Analizi Etkin ve maliyette etkin ülkeler ile etkinlikte önemli değişkenleri sıralamak: "Gri İlişki Analizi" Şeçilen Grup: Fransa, İspanya, Slovenya, Slovekya, Türkiye, Norveç, Hollanda, İngiltere Senaryo 1 Senaryo 2 Senaryo 3 Performans İyileştirme Değerleri Çizge 1: Analiz Akış Şeması viii 1- Kümeleme Analizi ve Çok Boyutlu Ölçekleme Analizi İle Ülkelerin Gruplandırılması: Ülkeler bağlamında asfalt performansının ölçülebilmesi için ülkeleri karayolu alt yapısı ve ekonomi olarak benzer gruplar içinde karşılaştırmak gerekir. Çalışmanın bu amacına ulaşabilmek için farklı değişken kombinasyonları için asfaltla ilgili değişkenlerin yanında bazı ekonomik değişkenler de kullanılmıştır. Kullanılan asfalt değişkenleri şunlardır: Asfalt endüstrisindeki şirket sayısı (üretim ve döşeme) (X1), Toplam bitüm tüketimi (milyon ton) (X2), Toplam asfalt üretimi (milyon ton) (y1), Toplam otoyol uzunluğu ve ana yol (km) (y2). Ekonomik göstergeler bunlardır; nüfus yoğunluğu (km kare başına düşen kişi) (NY), Yüzey alanı (km kare) (YA), Toplam nüfus sayısı (TN), Kişi başına düşen GSYİH (ABD doları), Kişi başına GSMG. Türkiye ve 16 AB ülkesinin gruplamasında iki yöntem kullanılmıştır. Kümeleme Analizi (KA) ve Çok Boyutlu Ölçekleme Analizidir (ÇBÖA). Kümeleme Analizi, nesneleri çok çeşitli farklı özellikleri bakımından birbirlerine benzer olanları homojen olacak şekilde kümelerde sınıflandırmaya izin veren istatistiksel bir yöntemdir. Çok Boyutlu Ölçekleme Analizi de kümeler veya gruplar arasında benzerlik gösteren niceliksel değerlendirmeler sağlayan, veri toplamadaki karmaşıklığı azaltmaya yardımcı olan bir yöntemdir. Çalışmada her iki gruplama yöntemi de kullanılarak, literatür ve uzman görüşlerinden hareketle Türkiye'nin de yer aldığı asfalt uygulamaları açısından en benzer olan ülke grubu seçilmiştir ve sonraki analizler (Veri zarflama analizi, Gri İlişki Analizi) bu ülke grubuna yönelik yapılmıştır. Her iki teknikte de gruplandırmada ortak değişkenler alınmıştır. Çalışmada belirlenen değişkenler itibariyle 17 ülkenin (Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Cumhuriyeti, Danimarka, Finlandiya, Fransa, Almanya, İngiltere, Macaristan, İtalya, Hollanda, Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya, İspanya ve Türkiye) aynı yıl için verilerine ulaşıldığından gruplandırma bu ülkeler için yapılmıştır. Sonuçlara göre her iki analizinden önerilen dokuz kombinasyonla iki küme oluşturulmuştur. İki teknikteki gruplamalar 4, 6, 7 ve 8. değişken kombinasyonlarında aynı kümeler elde edilmiştir. Buna karşılık değişken kombinasyonları (2, 3 ve 9) farklı gruplandırma sonuçları vermiştir. Tablo1'de söz konusu ülke grupları her iki tekniğe göre değişken kombinasyonlarına göre verilmiştir. Gruplandırmada ÇBÖA ile elde edilen grupların ix gerçek hayattaki ve uygulamadaki benzerliğe KA'ndan daha uygun olduğu görülmüştür. Tablo 1: Farklı Değişkenlere Göre KA ve ÇBÖA Değişkenler Kümeleme Analizi ÇBÖ Analizi 1 2 1 2 X1, X2, Y1, Y2 Çek Cumhuriyeti Diğer 16 ülke İspanya, Slovakya, Slovenya, Türkiye, Norveç, Hollanda Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek, Finlandiya, Fransa, İngiltere, Macaristan, İtalya X1, X2, Y1, Y2, YA Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Cumhuriyeti, Danimarka, Büyük Britanya, Macaristan, Hollanda, Slovakya, Slovenya Finlandiya, Fransa, Almanya, İtalya, Norveç, İspanya, Türkiye Fransa, İspanya, Slovakya, Slovenya, Türkiye, Norveç, Hollanda, İngiltere Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Cumhuriyeti, Danimarka, Finlandiya, Macaristan, İtalya X1, X2, Y1, Y2, TN Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Danimarka, Finlandiya, Macaristan, Hollanda, Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya Fransa, Almanya, İngiltere, İtalya, İspanya, Türkiye Hollanda, Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya, İspanya, Türkiye. Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Cumhuriyeti, Danimarka, Finlandiya, Fransa, İngiltere, Macaristan, İtalya X1, X2, Y1, Y2, GSYİH Macaristan hariç tüm ülkeler Macaristan Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Cumhuriyeti, Danimarka, Finlandiya, Fransa, Macaristan, Hollanda, İngiltere, İtalya Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya, İspanya, Türkiye X1, X2, Y1, Y2, GSMG Çek Cumhuriyeti hariç tüm ülkeler Çek Cumhuriyeti Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya, İspanya, Türkiye Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Cumhuriyeti, Macaristan, Danimarka, Finlandiya, İtalya, Fransa, İngiltere X1, X2, Y1, Y2, GSYİH, GSMG Macaristan hariç tüm ülkeler Macaristan Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Danimarka, Finlandiya, Fransa, Macaristan, İngiltere, İtalya Hollanda, Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya, İspanya, Türkiye X1, X2, Y1, Y2, GSYİH, GSMG, NY Macaristan hariç tüm ülkeler Macaristan Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek, Danimarka, Fransa, İngiltere, Macaristan Finlandiya, İtalya, Hollanda, Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya, İspanya, Türkiye X1, X2, Y1, Y2, GSYİH, GSMG, NY, YA Macaristan Macaristan hariç tüm ülkeler Fransa, İngiltere, Hollanda, Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya, İspanya, Türkiye Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Cumhuriyeti, Danimarka, Finlandiya, Almanya, İtalya, Macaristan X1, X2, Y1, Y2, GSYİH, GSMG, NY, YA, TN Fransa, Almanya, İngiltere, İspanya, Türkiye Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Danimarka, Finlandiya, Macaristan, Hollanda, Norveç, Slovakya, Slovenya Fransa, Almanya, İngiltere, İtalya, Norveç, İspanya, Türkiye Avusturya, Belçika, Hırvatistan, Çek Cumhuriyeti, Danimarka, Finlandiya, Hollanda, Slovakya, Slovenya x 2- Veri Zarflama Analizi İle Ülkelerin Asfalt Uygulama Etkinliklerinin Belirlenmesi ve Maliyet Etkinlik Oranlarının Elde Edilmesi: Veri Zarflama Analizi (VZA), genellikle farklı katkıları çeşitli getirilere dönüştüren Karar Verme Birimleri (KVB'leri) olarak adlandırılan bir dizi yapının performansını değerlendirmede yaklaşımdır. Çalışmada bir önceki aşamada elde edilen ülke grubunun asfalt uygulama performansını belirlemek amacına ulaşmak için VZA kullanılmıştır. Benzer yapı sergileyen bu ülkeler, asfalt uygulamalarında da yine benzer girdilerle aynı çıktıyı üreten çalışmanın VZA modellerindeki karar verme birimleridir. Bu aşamada farklı girdi ve çıktı değişkenlerinden oluşan senaryolarla ülkelerin asfalt uygulama performansları etkinlik boyutunda belirlenmiştir. Çalışmanın ikinci alt amacı olan ekinlik analizini gerçekleştirebilmek için üç senaryo üzerinde iki girdi ve iki çıktı asfalt değişkenlerine ait veriler kullanılmıştır. Girdi değişkenleri: Asfalt endüstrisindeki şirket sayısı (X1) (üretim ve döşeme), Toplam bitüm tüketimi (X2) (milyon ton) Çıktı değişkenleri; Toplam asfalt üretimi (Y1) (milyon ton), Toplam otoyol uzunluğu ve ana yol (Y2) (km). Senaryolar: Senaryo1: (X1, X2, Y1 ve Y2), Senaryo 2 (X1, X2 ve Y1), Senaryo 3 (X1, X2 ve Y2) değişken kombinasyonlarından oluşmaktadır. Senaryolardaki girdi, çıktı değişkenleri, sembolleri ve veri kaynakları Tablo 2'de gösterilmiştir. Tablo 2: Asfalt Ekinlik ve Maliyet Etkinlik Analizinde Kullanılan Değişkenler Değişkenler Semboller Veritabanı Maliyet değişkenleri: • Karayolu altyapı yatırım harcamaları (milyon €) • Karayolu altyapı bakım harcamaları (milyon €) Girdi Değişkenleri: • Asfalt endüstrisindeki şirket sayısı (üretim ve döşeme) • Toplam bitüm tüketimi (milyon ton) KAYH KABH X1 X2 OECD.stat database OECD.stat EAPA EAPA Çıktı Değişkenleri: • Toplam asfalt üretimi (milyon ton) • Toplam otoyol uzunluğu ve ana yol (km) Y1 Y2 EAPA Eurostat ve Statista veritabanı xi Etkinlik analizinde çıktı odaklı Veri Zarflama Analizinin (VZA) iki yöntemi (CCR ve BCC) kullanılmış ve etkin olmayan ülkeler için performans iyileştirme değerleri hesaplanmıştır. Etkinlik analizinde (BCC) modeli sonuçlarının, (CCR) modeli sonuçlarından daha geçerli olduğu söylenebilir. Türkiye, İspanya ve Fransa senaryo 1 ve 2'de (CCR) modeli için etkin değildir. Diğer taraftan, Slovakya ve İngiltere üç senaryoda ve (CCR ve BCC) modellerinde etkin olan ülkeler olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Her model için etkin olmayan ülkeler için potansiyel iyileştirme değerleri elde edilmiştir. Örneğin senaryo (1) için (BCC) modelinin sonuçlarına göre; Norveç'in toplam asfalt üretimi çıktılarını ve toplam otoyol ve ana yol uzunluğunu (çıktılarını) aynı oranda 13,40 oranında artırması, Senaryo 2 için aynı modelin sonuçlarına göre Norveç'in toplam asfalt üretimini ,53 arttırması durumunda etkin bir ülke olabilecektir. Bu durumda, Norveç'te asfalt performansının eksikliğinin nedenini bilmek için daha fazla araştırma yapılması gerektiği önerilmiştir. VZA ile ülkelerin asfalt uygulamadaki etkinliklerinin belirlenmesinden sonra Maliyet etkinlik analizi için maliyet etkinlik oranları hesaplanmıştır. Maliyet etkinlik analizinin gerçekleştirmesinde Karayolu altyapı yatırım harcamaları (milyon €) ve Karayolu altyapı bakım harcamaları (milyon €) değişkenlerinin verileri kullanılmıştır. Sonuçlara göre; maliyet etkinlik oranlarının hesaplanmasında kullanılan (CCR ve BCC) modelinin etkinlik sonuçlarına göre, Slovenya üç senaryoda maliyette en az artış sağlayarak en üst sırada yer almıştır. Ayrıca, Senaryo 1 ve 2'de, (CCR) modeli sonuçlarına göre Türkiye ve (BCC) modeli sonuçlarına göre Fransa, maliyetin en yüksek artışlarına sahiptir ki bu da Türkiye'nin (CCR) modeli değerleriyle maliyet etkinlik analizinde en altta yer almasına neden olmuştur. Fransa (BCC) modeline göre maliyet etkinlikte en alt sırada yer alırken Senaryo 3'e göre, her iki model için de (CCR ve BCC) Fransa en yüksek maliyet artışına sahip ülke olarak belirlenmiştir. 3- Gri İlişki Analizi ile Ülkeleri ve Değişkenleri Asfalt performansları bakımından sıralanması: Çalışmanın son alt amacını gerçekleştirebilmek için Gri İlişki Analizi kullanılmıştır. Gri ilişkisel analizin (GİA) temel düşüncesi, veri serisine dayanan ilgili faktörler arasındaki ilişkiyi tanımlamak için kullanılabilecek gri bir oran düzeni bulmaktır. GİA aşamaları, veri seti hazırlama ve matrisini oluşturma ile başlar, gri ilişkisel oranları hesaplama ile bitir. Bu çalışmada GİA kullanma sebebi şu ki; VZA xii etkin ve uygun maliyetli ülkeler sıralamaları veremediği için bu durumda GİA kullanmayı tercih etmiştik. Bu analizin yardımıyla, etkin ve uygun maliyetli ülkeler ve değişkenler için etkinlikte önem dereceleri belirlenmiştir. Ülkeler için etkinlik sıralamasının sonuçları; senaryo 1'e göre, İngiltere ve Slovakya birinci ve ikinci olarak; senaryo 2 ve 3'e göre, Slovakya ve Slovenya birinci ve ikinci sıradadır. Ayrıca, ülkeler için etkinlik sıralamasının sonuçları; Senaryo 1 ve 2'ye göre Türkiye, en düşük sıralamaya sahip olan yedinci sırada yer almıştır. Diğer yandan, değişkenler için etkinlik sıralamasının sonuçları şunu göstermiştir: üç senaryoya göre, asfalt endüstrisindeki şirket sayısı - üretim ve döşeme (x1), en önemli değişken olduğunu gösteren ilk sırada olduğu belirlenmiştir. Ülkeler için maliyet etkinlik sıralamasının sonuçları; üç senaryoya göre, Slovenya ve Slovakya birinci ve ikinci sırada yer almıştır. Senaryo 1 ve 2'ye göre, asfalt uygulamalarının etkinliğindeki en önemli değişken toplam bitüm tüketim. Senaryo 3'te asfalt endüstrisinde- üretim ve döşeme (x1) şirket sayısı ilk sıralarda yer almıştır. Sonuçlar Türkiye ve seçilmiş bazı ülkelerin asfalt uygulamalarını değerlendirmek amacıyla yürütülen bu çalışmada yapılan analizlerden elde edilen bulgular şu şekilde değerlendirilebilir: • Ülkelerin Gruplandırılmasına göre ÇBÖ analizinden elde edilen gruplandırmanın sonuçlarının kümeleme analizinden daha uygun olduğu söylenebilir. • Etkinlik analizinde, senaryo 1 ve 2'ye göre, Norveç hariç bütün ülkeler etkindir. • Etkin olmayan ülkeler için potansiyel iyileştirme önerileri genellikle girdi değişkenlerinden x1 (Asfalt endüstrisindeki üretim şirket sayısı) için azaltma çıktı değişkenlerinden de y2 (Toplam otoyol ve ana yol uzunluğu) artış şeklindedir. • Etkin olan ülkeler içinde en çok Hollanda referans ülke olmuştur. xiii • Senaryo 3'e göre (CCR) ve (BCC) sonuçları yaklaşık olarak birbirine benzemektedir. Her senaryoda (BCC) model sonuçları gerçeği daha yansıtabilir. • Maliyet etkinlik analizinde: üç senaryo'ya göre Slovenya en az maliyet artışına sahiptir. Slovenyayı Slovakya izlemektedir. En son sırada ise İspanya gelmektedir • Etkin ülkelerin GİA ile sıralamasında senaryo 1'e göre en etkin ve birinci sıradaki ülke İngiltere, senaryo 2 ve 3'e göre en etkin ülke Slovakya'dır. • Etkinlikteki önemli olan değişkenlerin sıralamasında üç senaryo 'ya göre en önemli değişken x1 (Asfalt endüstrisindeki şirket sayısı)'dır. • X1'in en önemli değişken ve etkin olmayan ülkeler için en çok azaltma önerilen bir girdi olduğu için ülkelerin asfalt endüstrisindeki üretim şirket sayısının azaltabilmek için müdahale etmeleri gerekir. • Ülkelerin maliyet etkinlik sıralamasına göre; üç senaryoda en etkin ve birinci sırada gelen ülke Slovenya'dır. • GİA ile değişkenlerin maliyet etkinlik sıralamasındaki en önemli değişken Senaryo 1 ve 2'ye göre Toplam asfalt üretimidir (X2). • Y2'nin en önemli değişken ve etkin olmayan ülkeler için en çok azaltma önerilen bir girdi olduğu için ülkelerin asfalt endüstrisindeki üretim şirket sayısının azaltabilmek için müdahale etmeleri gerekir. • Türkiye etkinlik analizinde, (BCC) modeli kullandığımızda senaryo 1 ve 2 sonuçlarına göre etkin çıkmıştır. (CCR) model sonuçlarına göre üç senaryoda etkin değil olurken en çok Hollanda referans olarak alır ve toplam asfalt üretimin artışı öneri alınır. • Türkiye maliyet etkinlik analizinde, (BCC) model sonuçlarına göre senaryo 1 ve2'de maliyette etkin çıkmıştır. En yüksek maliyet artışı da senaryo 3'te bulabiliriz. Türkiye'nin yol altyapısı maliyetleri azaltmasını önerebiliriz. xiv • Etkinlik sıralama sonuçlarına göre, Türkiye senaryo 1 ve 2'de en son sırada gelmektedir Çalışmada literatüre katkı sağlamak amacıyla, ülke gruplandırmada farklı değişken kombinasyonları bağlamında analizler yapılmıştır. Böylelikle, farklı ülkelere yönelik asfalt uygulamalarına göre yeni bir model sunulmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu modelin, asfalt alanında yapılacak yeni çalışmalara yardımcı olacak nitelikte bir referans olması beklenmektedir. Asfalt uygulamalarının VZA ile etkinliğine yönelik tek bir çalışma (Li ve ark, 2013) var olduğu için ve aynı zamanda literatürde asfalt maliyet etkinliğini değerlendiren herhangi bir çalışma bulunmadığı için bu çalışmada asfalt uygulamaları ile ilgili yeni bir görüş açısı sunulmak istenmiştir. Bu alanda yapılan çalışmaların çoğunluğu VZA kullanarak yerel asfalt bakım politikalarının incelenmesine yöneliktir. Ayrıca bu alandaki yapılan çalışmalar, daha çok mühendislik kriterlerine göre yapılmıştır. Bu çalışmada ülkelerin asfalt uygulamalarına ilişkin veriler; etkinlik ve maliyet etkinlikleri bakımından analiz edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda tezin asfalt etkinlik ve maliyet etkinlik ile ilgili bulgularının literatüre ve araştırmacılara katkı yapması beklenmektedir. Etkin ülkelerin ve değişkenlerin sıralaması açısından tez değerlendirilirse; yine literatürdeki çalışmaların çoğunluğunda GİA ile daha çok asfalt ve asfalt karışım kriterlerinin değerlendirildiği görülmektedir. GİA bu çalışmada şu iki neden ile kullanılmıştır: İlki; VZA etkin ülkeler için değil etkin olmayan ülkeler için bir açıdan sıralama sunarken, etkin ülkeler için etkinlik açısından herhangi bir sıralama vermemektedir. Dolayısıyla etkin olan ülkelerin de kendi içlerinde etkinlikleri bağlamında sıralamasının yapılması, özellikle referans alınan (etkin olan) bu ülkeler ile ilgili farklı değerlendirmeler yapılabilmesi açısından önemli olacağı düşüncesine sahip olunmasıdır. Söz konusu etkin ülkelerin sıralaması, GİA ile sağlanmıştır. GİA kullanılmasının ikinci nedeni, etkin ülkelerle ilgili sıralama amacı kapsamında etkin olan bu ülkelerin asfalt uygulama bakımından hangi değişkenlerin daha fazla etkisi söz konusudur? Sorusuna cevap arayışıdır. Yine bu amaca da GİA ile değişkenler asfalt uygulamasındaki önemleri bakımından sıralanmıştır. Bu çalışma asfalt uygulama bakımından Türkiye ve benzeri ülkeleri etkinlik, maliyet etkinlikleri bakımından farklı senaryolarla inceleyen ve bu analizlerden elde xv edilen bulgular doğrultusunda gerek ülkeler gerekse değişkenler bakımından önem sıralamaları veren birbirleriyle ilişkili analizlerden oluşan hibrid bir çalışma olarak literatürdeki ilk çalışmadır. Bu tez çalışmasının yöntem, bulgu, değerlendirmelerinin literatüre ve araştırmacılara yararlı olacağına inanılmaktadır. Öneriler Bu araştırmada, Türkiye ve Avrupa Birliği ülkeleri için asfalt kaplama uygulamalarının etkinliğini, asfalt kaplamalarla ilgili bazı girdi ve çıktıları dikkate alarak değerlendirmek amaçlanmıştır. Öncelikle Türkiye ve 16 Avrupa ülkesini k ortalama küme analizi ve Çok Boyutlu ölçekleme analizi kullanarak gruplanmıştık. Ardından, Veri Zarflama Analizi (DEA) etkinlik modellerini kullanarak asfalt kaplama performanslarını ölçmek için bir grup (Türkiye'nin dahil olduğu grup) seçilmiştir. Sonrasında bu ülke grubu için etkinlik ve maliyet etkinlik analizleri yapılmıştır. Son bölümde ise Veri Zarflama Analizi modelleri bağlamında etkin ülkeler ve etkinlikte önemli değişkenler GİA ile sıralanmıştır. Bilindiği gibi 2020 yılının ilk günlerinde etkisini hissettirmeye başlayan korona pandemisi nedeniyle bütün ülkeler bu krizi yönetmeye çabalamaktadır. Bugün, farklı ülkelerdeki birçok araştırma ekibi, korona virüsünün tedavisine yönelik aşı bulmak için yarışmaktadırlar. İş dünyasında gerçek anlamda biyolojik virüslerle karşılaşılmıyorsa da etkisi gerçek bir virüs boyutunda olabilecek sorunlarla karşılaşılması her zaman mümkündür. 2008 küresel mali krizinden sonra dünya, covid19 pandemisine benzer küresel bir panik geçirmiştir. Bu krizle birlikte dünya küresel boyutta bir finansal krizi yaşayarak tanımış ve öğrenmiştir. Elde edilen deneyim, bu tür bir krizin tekrarlanmasını önleme çalışmalarında önemli olmuştur. Farklı sorunlara çözüm aramak için çok fazla çaba harcanmasına rağmen, çoğu zaman çözümün uygulanmasında verilerin doğru ya da güvenilir olmaması, uygun analiz tekniğinin kullanılmaması gibi nedenlerle sorun yaşanabilir. Dolayısıyla böyle durumlarda en güvenilir ve uygulanabilir çözüme ulaşıncaya kadar farklı yolların, farklı yöntemlerin deneyimlenmesi gerekebilir. Ancak her durumda koşulların değişebileceğinin unutulmaması, her denemede planlamanın, denetim ve kontrolün sürekliliğinin sağlanması; başka bir ifadeyle etkin şekilde yönetimin fonksiyonlarının karar sürecine yansıtılması önemlidir. xvi Araştırmalarda da aslında farklı olayların incelenmesi ve analiz edilmesinde teori ve gerçek yaşam arasında bir köprü kurmaya çalışılır. Bu araştırmada, 2016 Avrupa Asfalt Kaplama Derneği (European Union Asphalt Association (EAPA)) raporu verileri kullanılarak, Türkiye ve bazı AB ülkelerindeki asfalt uygulamalarına ilişkin mevcut durum genel unsurlarıyla ortaya konulmaya, bu ülkelerin birbirlerine bu açıdan benzerliklerine göre gruplanmasına çalışılmış ve ülkeler asfalt performansları bakımından incelenmiştir. Araştırmanın sonuçlarıyla teori ve uygulama arasında bağlı olarak da araştırma bulgularının gerçek yaşam için bir köprü kurmuş olması öngörülmektedir. Mikro ve makro düzeyde araştırma bulgularının süreci anlamak ve kendi sistemlerinde uygulamak isteyenlere faydalı olması beklenmektedir. Bu çalışmada yaptığımız bu tür değerlendirmeler genellikle mühendislik kriterlerine göre yapılır. Ancak tez için araştırmalar yapılırken ülkeler bağlamında onların literatürde yer alan verilerine göre değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. - Bu değerlendirmelere göre; o Genellikle yüzölçümü küçük ve bu yüz ölçüme göre daha az oranda iş hacmi olan ve daha az firmaya sahip olan ülkelerin daha etkin ekonomik ve maliyet göstermeleri ideal olarak tanımlanmıştır. o Bu tür ülkelerde hem yol yapımları hem de bakım faaliyetleri genel yol hacmine göre az oranda görüldüğünden maliyet anlamında da etkin olarak değerlendirilmektedir. o Ancak Türkiye gibi dinamik ve aynı zamanda çok fazla çeşit ve hacimde işin yapıldığı ülkelerde, yukarıda sözü edilen değerlendirmeler açısından durumda sorunlar yaşanmaktadır. Türkiye ve benzer yapıdaki ülkelerde yol ve asfalt yapımları birkaç ayrı kurum tarafından yapılmakta, ihtiyaçlar da kurumların iştigal alanlarına göre değişmektedir. Belediyeler şehir içlerindeki yolları yaparken, Karayolları Genel Müdürlüğü şehirler arası yolları, Orman Genel Müdürlüğü orman içi yolları, Turizm Bakanlığı ise turistik yolları yapmaktadır. Bu nedenle de yolların ihtiyacı da o anki şartlara göre xvii değişmektedir. Bu nedenle Türkiye gibi gelişmesi hızlı olan ülkelerin yol ağlarında sürekli olarak artış görülmektedir. o Aynı şekilde bir ülkede çok fazla yol firmasının olması da istenen bir durum değildir. Genellikle de firmaların azaltılması için devletlerin çalışmaları vardır. Yol ihalelerinde daha az firmanın iş alabilmesi için ihale şartları ağırlaştırılır. Bu da beklenen bir sonuçtur, çalışmanın sonucunda da bu yönde bir eğilim çıkmıştır. o Yol inşaatlarının tamamında yaşanan sıkıntılardan biri de altyapı yatırımlarıdır. Altyapıları düzgün yapılmadığı takdirde sürekli olarak bakım maliyetleri artar. Bu durumun yolun ilk yapımı esnasında dikkatlice yapılması gerekir. Bundan dolayı da bu yatırımlar hiç azalmamaktadır. Tez çalışmasında da bu durum ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu konuda Türkiye' de ciddi anlamda çalışmalar yapılmaktadır. o Avrupa ülkelerinde altyapı yatırımları daha az olmaktadır, çünkü nüfus artışı ve şehirlerin gelişmesi bizim ülkemizdeki gibi olmamaktadır. Şehirler yıllar önce kurulmuş, nüfus artışı da belli oranlarda sabit kalmıştır. O nedenle de altyapı yatırımların sürekli artmasını gerektirecek fiziksel bir durum yoktur. Türkiye gibi ülkelerde bu durumda sürekli hareket olmasından dolayı çalışmada çıkan etkinlik altyapı yatırımları için kabul edilebilir nitelikte değildir.

The Situation In The Middle East ; United Nations S/PV.8228 Security Council Seventy-third year 8228th meeting Tuesday, 10 April 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Meza-Cuadra . (Peru) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Tumysh/Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Poland. . Mr. Radomski Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-10187 (E) *1810187* S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 2/21 18-10187 The meeting was called to order at 3.20 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Spanish): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Canada, the Syrian Arab Republic and Turkey to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. Members of the Council have before them document S/2018/175, S/2018/321 and S/2018/322, which contain the texts of three draft resolutions, respectively. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/321, submitted by Canada, France, the Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, Turkey, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): For years, as part of its responsibilities for maintaining international peace and security, the Security Council has been mobilized on the issue of chemical weapons. After the chemical attacks in Ghouta in 2013, the Security Council adopted resolution 2118 (2013), which provided for the complete dismantling of the chemical arsenal of the Syrian regime. Russia, as co-sponsor of that resolution, had guaranteed its implementation. Despite that guarantee, the Damascus regime has never complied with its obligations under resolution 2118 (2013) and has never renounced — as we saw again on 7 April — the use of chemical weapons against its civilian population. Five years after the Council's adoption of resolution 2118 (2013), we note that the general subject of chemical weapons remains tragically topical. The upcoming voting marks our fourth meeting in less than a week on this issue. Yesterday we met in an emergency meeting (see S/PV.8225) following a new chemical-weapons massacre in Douma, Syria, whose appalling images left us shocked. Last month we met to discuss the unacceptable attack in Salisbury (see S/PV.8203). Last year we met day after day after the terrible attack of Khan Shaykhun. That shows the deterioration of the situation and how serious the stakes are today for our security. The use of chemical weapons is so abominable that it has been banned for almost 100 years, and the international community began years ago to eliminate them. As such, the chemical non-proliferation regime, which we have patiently developed and strengthened, is one of the pillars of our collective security architecture, at the heart of our security system. Yet today it is under serious threat. We face the cynical, barbaric and all-out use of chemical weapons against civilian populations. The Douma attacks once again illustrated the abject brutality of the Syrian regime's resolute military strategy. Such acts constitute war crimes or even crimes against humanity. They increase the risk of dangerous normalization — tolerating the return of these agents of fear and death is nothing more than a blank cheque to all those who would like to use them. To allow the normalization of the use of chemical weapons without responding is to let the genie of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction — which pose an existential threat to us all — out of the bottle. It would mark a serious and reprehensible setback to the international order that we have all patiently helped to develop. The consequences would be terrible, and we would all pay the price. That is why we cannot accept it. France will do all it can to prevent impunity for the use of chemical weapons. It is in that spirit that we launched an international partnership last January. The demise of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism in November, due to the Russian veto to protect Al-Assad's regime, sent a dangerous signal of impunity. It deprived us of an essential deterrent tool. It left a vacuum that the Syrian regime has rushed to exploit, and which yesterday's atrocities have tragically reminded us of. The American initiative to re-establish an independent mechanism, based on a balanced approach and taking into account the concerns expressed by every member of the Council, enables us to fill that glaring void. Such a mechanism would support the inquiry that has already been launched by the OPCW. It would also respect the essential criteria of independence, 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 3/21 without any interference, and impartiality to which each member of the Council has committed. Such a mechanism would have a mandate to attribute responsibility for the attacks. Only the combination of those two criteria — independence and a mandate to attribute responsibility — will make that mechanism effective, and therefore dissuasive. Let me be clear: in view of the gravity of the 7 April attack, France will not accept any third-rate or sham mechanism whose independence and impartiality would not be genuinely ensured. That is what the Security Council owes today to the Syrian victims of chemical attacks and to the entire international community, whose security is threatened by the chemicals in the hands of the regime of Bashar Al-Assad. Since the threat is of an existential nature for us all, combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction must, more than ever, be among the top priorities of the Security Council. If there is one area in which the Council has a moral and political responsibility to convene and act, it is this one. If there is one domain for which the credibility of the Council is at stake, where tactical games have no place, it is this one. This is one of those moments when we have no choice but to act because what is at stake is essential. We cannot allow the chemical non-proliferation regime, and with it our entire security architecture — along with the principles and values that underpin our action — to crack and disintegrate before our very eyes. Today's vote is one of those key moments, one of those moments of truth. On behalf of France, I therefore call on each member of the Council to properly gauge and assume its responsibilities now and to vote in favour of the American draft resolution (S/2018/321). Mrs. Haley (United States of America): We have reached a decisive moment as the Security Council. On Saturday the first haunting images appeared from Douma, in Syria. We gathered around this table yesterday (see S/PV.8225) to express our collective outrage. We then collectively agreed that the Council needed to take steps to determine exactly what happened in Douma and to put an end to these barbaric attacks. The United States has put forward a draft resolution (S/2018/321) that accomplishes those shared goals. For weeks we have been working with every single delegation on the Council to develop a new attribution mechanism for chemical-weapons attacks in Syria. We held open and transparent negotiations so that every delegation could provide its input. And we went the extra mile for one Council member. We adopted paragraph after paragraph of Russia's proposed draft resolution (S/2018/175). We tried to take every Russian proposal that did not compromise the impartiality, independence or professionalism of a new attribution mechanism. After the Douma attack, we updated our draft resolution with common sense changes. Our proposal condemns the attack. It demands unhindered humanitarian access for the people in Douma. It calls on the parties to give maximum cooperation to the investigation. And it creates the attribution mechanism that we worked so hard with each member to develop. The draft resolution is the bare minimum that the Council can do to respond to the attack. The United States did everything possible to work towards Council unity on this text. Again, we accepted every recommendation that did not compromise the impartiality and independence of the proposed attribution mechanism. I want to say a brief word about Russia's draft resolution, which is also before us for a vote. Our draft resolutions are similar, but there are important differences. The key point is that our draft resolution guarantees that any investigations will truly be independent. Russia's draft resolution gives Russia itself the chance to choose the investigators and then to assess the outcome. There is nothing independent about that. The United States is not asking to choose the investigators, and neither should Russia. The United States is not asking to review the findings of any investigation before they are final, and neither should Russia. All of us say that we want an independent investigation. Our draft resolution achieves that goal. Russia's does not. This is not an issue that more time or more consultations could have resolved. At a certain point, you are either for an independent and impartial investigation or you are not. And now that the Douma attack has happened, this is not a decision that we can delay any longer. The United States calls on all Security Council members to vote in favour of our draft resolution and to abstain or vote against the Russian draft resolution. The Syrian people are counting on us. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Today the delegation of the United States is once again trying to mislead the international S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 4/21 18-10187 community and is taking yet another step towards confrontation by putting to a vote a draft resolution (S/2018/321) that does not enjoy the unanimous support of the members of the Security Council. It is not true that it meets almost all our requirements. The text is nothing more than an attempt to resurrect, unchanged, the former Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), established to investigate cases of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Russia has always emphasized that it will not support that approach. The JIM became a puppet in the hands of anti-Damascus forces, and it covered itself with shame when it issued a guilty verdict for a sovereign State without credible evidence. The American draft resolution represents an identical reproduction of all of the former Mechanism's flawed working methods. The new mechanism would conduct investigations as it sees fit, with no reference to the standards of the Chemical Weapons Convention. That has nothing to do with independence, which the draft resolution's sponsors and its closest allies only pretend to care about. We know the worth of such independence. It is true anarchy and manipulation. At every stage of our work on the American initiative we have insisted that the Secretary-General should select the staff for the investigative mechanism on the basis of the broadest possible geographic representation, with subsequent approval by the Security Council. Visits to the sites of the incidents and strict adherence to the principle of sequential actions while ensuring the preservation of the material evidence should be not optional but mandatory working principles. In a collective decision, the Security Council would determine who was responsible in any given case of the use of chemical weapons, based on reliable evidence that would leave no room for doubt about the correctness of the conclusions. There is nothing about this in the American draft resolution. The authors know that it goes against the Russian position and will not be adopted. But they are obstinately sticking to their line. It is clear that today's provocative step has nothing to do with a desire to investigate what happened in Douma, Syria, on 7 April. An attributive mechanism is not necessary in order to initially establish the facts. Even if we could conceive of the improbable scenario in which the draft resolution creating the mechanism was adopted today, it would take several months to put the mechanism together and fine-tune its operations. Establishing who is to blame is the final link in a very long chain of actions. Here, in front of everyone, I would once again like to ask the sponsors why they need the mechanism when they have already identified the guilty parties before the investigation. They do not need it. They do not want to hear anything. They do not want to hear that no traces of a chemical attack were found in Douma. They have simply been looking for an excuse the whole time, and the provocateurs among the White Helmets have very kindly provided it. This is all reminiscent of a kind of spring fever. Exactly a year ago, in April 2017, a similar scenario unrolled with the chemical provocation in Khan Shaykhun, followed by a missile strike. The fact is that the authors of the draft resolution are motivated by completely different priorities. They have pinned their hopes on the assumption that the draft resolution will not be adopted. That is what they want, and it is something that they can bank along with the rest of their reasons justifying the use of force against Syria. For several days now, the Administration in Washington, D.C., has been keeping the international community in suspense while discussing the so-called important decisions being prepared. Only yesterday we heard how anxiously Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura spoke about the current escalation extending beyond Syria's borders (see S/PV.8225), and we know that the Secretary-General is also very concerned about that. It is clear that Russia will once again be the target of the propaganda cannons. My American colleague will painstakingly enumerate the Russian vetoes on Syria. It is not impossible that she has taken upon herself a capitalist commitment to using the reckless policies of the United States to achieve some sort of personal record in that regard. We are using the veto to protect international law, peace and security and to ensure that the United States does not to drag the Security Council into its misadventures. The United States representative says that we are covering up for someone. Russia is in Syria at the invitation of its lawful Government in order to combat international terrorism, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, while the United States is covering up for militias and terrorists. If the United States has decided to carry out an illegal military venture — and we still hope that it will think better of it — it must answer for that itself. It wants to dump this draft resolution, which has been sitting on the shelf for a long time, onto the Security Council in order to find a pretext. The United States representative 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 5/21 herself has said repeatedly that if the Council does not make a decision, the United States will make a decision on its own. Why is the suta purposely undermining the Council's authority by promoting a draft resolution that we know will not go through? And a lot of people said that yesterday during consultations. We urge the Americans to give sober consideration to the potential this presents for confrontation, to think better of it and to withdraw its draft resolution from a vote. Russia cannot support it. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall first put to the vote the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/321, submitted by Canada, France, the Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, Turkey, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, France, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America Against: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Russian Federation Abstaining: China The President (spoke in Spanish): The draft resolution received 12 votes in favour, 2 against and 1 abstention. The draft resolution has not been adopted, owing to the negative vote of a permanent member of the Council. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements following the voting. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): This is a sad day for the Security Council; it is a sad day for the cause of universal norms and standards; and it is a sad day for the non-proliferation regime. But, above all, it is a very sad day for the people of Douma, who now are without the protection that the international system was set up to provide for them. This is the fourth time in six days that the Council has discussed chemical weapons. Yesterday 14 members of the Security Council called for an investigation. Several members called on the permanent five (P-5) to assume their responsibilities to uphold the universal prohibition on weapons of mass destruction (WMD). As a P-5 member, the United Kingdom was ready to do that and was joined by France and the United States. Conversely, by vetoing, Russia has crossed a line in the international order, and worse, if possible, history is repeating itself one year on from Khan Shaykun. Russia helped to create the original independent investigation that attributed Khan Shaykun to the Syrian regime and concluded that sarin, which can be developed only by a State actor, had been used. But last autumn, Russia vetoed renewal of that mechanism on not one but three occasions. The reason is clear: it is because Russia would rather cross the WMD line than risk sanction of its ally Syria. Instead, we are asked to believe that the Russian version of this latest attack should be the one that the Security Council believes. Russia is not authorized by the Security Council to carry out an investigation in Syria. Russia says that there were no traces of a chemical attack. No traces were found by whom? I repeat: Russia is not authorized to carry out an investigation on behalf of the Security Council. We need an independent investigative mechanism for that purpose, and only that sort of mechanism can have the confidence of the Security Council, the confidence of the membership of the United Nations and the confidence of the people of Syria. Sadly, reports of chemical-weapon attacks in Syria have continued since the original Russian veto, in November. It has become very clear that Russia will do what it takes to protect Syria, whatever the compelling evidence of the crimes committed, and to shut down further investigation and discussion of those crimes. This has come at the cost of Russia's own obligations and credibility as a permanent member of the Council, as a State party to the Chemical Weapons Convention and as a declared and supposed supporter of peace in Syria. The Security Council has been unable to act solely because Russia has abused the power of veto to protect Syria from international scrutiny for the use of chemical weapons against the Syrian people. Even today open-source investigations have located a chlorine cylinder, the same kind that the Joint Investigative Mechanism has found that the Syrian regime used, atop a house in Douma full of people who had clearly died from respiratory problems. S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 6/21 18-10187 I frankly doubt that in 48 hours Russia has verified all similar reports and can conclude that they are all fake. They are not fake; they need to be looked at and investigated by a proper independent mechanism such as the Council was prepared today to pass. Russia's credibility as a member of the Council is now in question. We will not stand idly by and watch Russia continue to undermine the global norms that have ensured the security of all of us, including Russia, for decades. As a P-5 member, the United Kingdom will stand up for international peace and security; it is our moral duty. It is a matter of shame that Russia has once again blocked a draft resolution. The Russian Ambassador mentioned that it was not a question of counting the number of Russian vetoes. I beg to differ. To quote Lenin, quantity has a quality all of its own. Russia's actions today are a step against the rules and authority of the Security Council and the wider United Nations. They are a step against international peace and security and non-proliferation, and they are a step against humanity. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): China is deeply concerned at reports that the use of chemical weapons has caused civilian deaths and casualties in Syria. We are firmly opposed to the use of chemical weapons by any country, organization or individual, under any circumstances. This has been China's clear and consistent position. China supports the carrying out of a comprehensive, objective and impartial investigation into the use of chemical weapons in Syria so as to achieve results that are based on substantial evidence and can pass the litmus test of history and truth, bringing the perpetrators and the parties responsible for the use of chemical weapons to justice. There should be no prejudgment of the outcome or arbitrary conclusions. The Security Council has a consensus on condemning the chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, establishing a new investigative mechanism and identifying the perpetrators of the chemical-weapon attack in Syria. All members of the Security Council should remain united and insist that the Council and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons be the main channel for dealing with the Syrian chemical-weapon issue, in an effort to seek an appropriate solution through consultations. The draft resolution that was just put to the vote in the Security Council (S/2018/321) had elements of consensus, including condemning the chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, establishing a new investigative mechanism and urging all parties to cooperate with the investigation. However, on some specific measures, it does not take full consideration of some of the major concerns of certain Security Council members on improving the mechanism's working methods and ensuring an objective and impartial investigation. Against that backdrop and in the light of our long-standing position on the question of chemical weapons in Syria, China abstained in the voting on the draft resolution. The issue of Syria is currently at a critical juncture. China remains firmly seized of the situation and is deeply concerned at the developments on the ground. China has always called for respecting the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria and insists on seeking a peaceful solution to the dispute. We oppose the use or threat of force in international relations and believe that any action taken should be in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. The international community and all parties concerned should stand firm on the imperative need to seek a political solution to the question of Syria, step up their support for the United Nations main channel of mediation, and push for all Syrian parties to seek a Syrian-led and Syrian-owned political solution to the question of Syria, in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015). China is ready to work with all parties in an effort to push for a political solution to the issue of Syria. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): My delegation voted in favour of the draft resolution initiated by the United States (S/2018/321) for two main reasons. With regard to the first reason, Côte d'Ivoire believes that the draft resolution conforms to our firm belief that any and all use of chemical weapons in wartime as in peacetime must be condemned and requires investigation to determine those responsible for such acts to hold them accountable. In that regard, the draft resolution submitted by the United States clearly conveys the resolve of the international community to see perpetrators of chemical attacks identified and prosecuted so that they are accountable for their acts. Concerning the second reason, Côte d'Ivoire believes that the text of the draft resolution provides 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 7/21 guarantees with regard to the credibility of the outcome of investigations. The text insulates such investigations from any political influence and clears a path for the experts' professionalism and independence and the impartiality of the mechanism itself. By voting in favour of the draft resolution, the Ivorian delegation wanted to show its solidarity with Syrian victims who are suffering from the consequences of an endless war and to help meaningfully safeguard international peace and security. Sadly, my delegation notes that divisiveness within the Security Council prevented the adoption of the American draft resolution, which Côte d'Ivoire painfully regrets. It is time that efforts be made to unify the Council if we want truly to work to achieve international peace and security. Mr. Radomski (Poland): The use of chemical weapons is a serious atrocity, which may amount to a crime against humanity and a war crime. Accountability for such acts is a requirement under international law — and central to achieving sustainable peace in Syria. Draft resolution S/2018/321, presented by the United States, addressed the most pressing needs related to the use of chemical weapons in Syria, including the role of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission, securing humanitarian access and, last but not least, creating a new, truly independent and impartial accountability mechanism. We thank the American delegation for its ongoing leadership in the negotiations. We appreciate its flexibility and fully understand and share the rationale behind putting this text to the vote today. Because of the use of the veto by the Russian Federation, the Security Council failed once again today to establish an accountability mechanism. By that act, Russia undermined the ability of the Council to fulfil its primary responsibility under the Charter of the United Nations: to maintain international peace and security. We are disappointed that, for some States, political alliances and calculations proved to be more important than the need to end the horrors confronting the civilian population and the unacceptable loss of human life in Syria. Poland supports the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, the Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011, the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, and other instruments that might facilitate bringing the perpetrators of chemical attacks to justice. We will join all genuine efforts to achieve that goal. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): Bolivia reiterates in the strongest terms its categorical condemnation of the use of chemical weapons and the weaponization of chemical agents as an unjustifiable and criminal act, wherever, whenever and by whomever they are committed, as such use constitutes a serious crime under international law and a threat to international peace and security. There is no justification for their use regardless of the circumstances and of who uses them. We therefore reaffirm the need to maintain the unity of the Security Council so as to ensure that those who have used chemical weapons are held accountable and brought to justice so that their actions do not go unpunished. In that regard, we reiterate our support for the work being carried out by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission so that, in line with their mandates, they can carry out the work entrusted to them in the most methodical, technical and trustworthy manner possible with the support of an independent, impartial, complete and conclusive investigation. We firmly reiterate that the work of an investigative mechanism is essential to ensuring accountability for such terrible acts. To that end, it must be independent, impartial and representative so that a transparent, impartial, complete, reliable and conclusive investigation can be carried out, and, for that to happen, we face the great challenge and the responsibility of not politicizing or instrumentalizing the Security Council. My delegation voted against the draft resolution (S/2018/321) presented by the United States of America, first of all, because we regret that once again a draft resolution was put to the vote with the knowledge that it would not be adopted by the Security Council, and, moreover, because there has already been a series of threats of the use of force accompanied by threats of unilateral action, which, of course, runs directly counter to the Charter of the United Nations. Bolivia once again makes clear its firm rejection of taking unilateral actions, because any unilateral military action that does not enjoy the approval of the Security Council is entirely illegal and contravenes the principles explicitly set forth in the Charter. In addition, any unilateral S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 8/21 18-10187 military action would violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Arab Republic of Syria, and would affect the stability of the political process and the agreements on which progress has been made under the auspices of the United Nations. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): In my statement yesterday (see S/PV.8225) I urged the Security Council not to stand idly by and watch as a spectator while chemical weapons were being used in Syria. In our opinion, the Council should act, condemn, protect, and hold to account those responsible. Those elements are all reflected in draft resolution (S/2018/321) put forward by the United States, and that is why the Kingdom of the Netherlands voted in favour of that draft resolution. We thank the United States delegation for drafting the text. We appreciate the earlier rounds of negotiations and the flexibility displayed at yesterday's late-night round. Together with others, we are extremely disappointed that an attempt to set up an effective mechanism of attribution on the use of chemical weapons has failed once again. Today we witnessed the twelfth overall Russian use of the veto concerning Syria, including six pertaining to chemical weapons. As I said yesterday, if the Russian representative claims that the chemical-weapons attack in Syria is a fabrication, he should not veto the draft resolution. By vetoing this draft resolution, the Russian Federation assumes a heavy responsibility for continued impunity and the horrible use of chemical weapons in Syria. Because of this permanent member, the Council is not even able to condemn the use of chemical-weapons attacks this past weekend in Douma, during which the White Helmets once again demonstrated their unwavering commitment to their life-saving work in the most difficult circumstances. With regard to the draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation (S/2018/175), the Netherlands will vote against it. That draft resolution falls short in every possible way. It seems that the Russian Federation is unable to support an independent and impartial investigative mechanism. It seems that it can accept a mechanism only in which itself can decide when, where, how and by whom the investigation would be conducted, while leaving the mandate attributed to the Council subject to its veto. This cannot be the end of the issue. The Security Council cannot remain passive in the face of the atrocities being committed in Syria. We must continue to work for an effective attribution mechanism, inside and outside the Security Council. Impunity must not prevail. The President (spoke in Spanish): The Security Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/175, submitted by the Russian Federation. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Before I speak about the draft resolution before us (S/2018/175), I would like to say that I am very happy that my British colleague is familiar with the classic works of Marxism-Leninism, although that is hardly surprising, because Marx, Engels and Lenin were frequent visitors to London — indeed, Marx is buried there. But I would like to cite another quotation from Lenin, who wrote an article entitled "Better Fewer, but Better". After the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) on the use of chemical weapons in Syria ended, in November of last year, it was Russia that found itself in the forefront of the efforts to fill the resulting gap. We drafted a resolution on the issue that we submitted to our colleagues for their consideration on 23 January. The Western camp immediately gave the draft text a hostile reception, since it eliminated the loopholes that enabled investigations to be manipulated and handed over to the control of the opponents of Damascus, as occurred with the JIM and which was the reason for its premature demise. I want to emphasize that we have not invented anything new in our text, but have merely brought the principles for the work of the new mechanism in line with the standards of the Chemical Weapons Convention. We now have a real opportunity to create a genuinely independent and impartial working mechanism that would help the Security Council to identify those responsible for the use of chemical weapons in the context of the conflict in Syria. All that it needs is for Council members to vote in favour of our draft resolution, and we call on them to do that. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now put to the vote the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/175, submitted by the Russian Federation. A vote was taken by show of hands. 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 9/21 In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Russian Federation Against: France, Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America Abstaining: Côte d'Ivoire, Kuwait The President (spoke in Spanish): The draft resolution received 6 votes in favour, 7 votes against and 2 abstentions. The draft resolution was not adopted, having failed to obtain the required number of votes. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements following the voting. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): As I have taken the floor once today already, I will be brief. With regard to Karl Marx, I think he must be turning in his grave to see what the country that was founded on many of his precepts is doing in the name of supporting Syria by condoning the use of chemical weapons on Syrian territory. We voted against the Russian draft resolution (S/2018/175) for a number of reasons. The Russian text is a distraction. It has lain dormant around the Security Council for weeks. There was no attempt to meet other Council members' concerns in its drafting, unlike the United States text (S/2018/321), which had adapted its original preferences precisely to try to meet those of the Russian Federation and others. The Russian text does nothing to bring a political process any closer. Specifically, it moves the parameters on access and imparts a quasi-judicial standard — "beyond a reasonable doubt" — that is inappropriate for the type of investigation that the Council wishes to establish. If the Russians want a criminal investigation, they could always suggest that we refer the matter to the International Criminal Court. Furthermore, there is selective quoting of the Chemical Weapons Convention to undermine the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, and it takes a selective approach to the parameters of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. But, above all, the text is unacceptable because it seeks to assert that sovereign States are above international law and international norms. That is breathtaking both in its arrogance and its ignorance, and for that reason alone, if not the others, we could not support it. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): Yesterday I said that history will record this moment (see S/PV.8225) as one when we as the Security Council either lived up to our responsibilities or showed our complete failure to protect the Syrian people. Today we have our answer. The votes have been cast. The record will show that today some countries decided to stand up for truth, accountability and justice for the Syrian people. Most countries saw the horror that took place in Douma last weekend at the hands of the Al-Assad regime and realize that today was a time for action. Month after month, the Al-Assad regime, with the full support of Russia and Iran, has strung the Security Council along. They ignored our calls for a ceasefire, for political dialogue and for deliveries of humanitarian aid. They ignored our calls to stop using chemical weapons — weapons that are universally banned from war. And then, last weekend, the Al-Assad regime forced a moment of reckoning on all of us by gassing people in Douma. The United States and the countries that joined us today could not allow that attack to go unanswered. The record will not be kind to one permanent member of the Council. Unfortunately, Russia has again chosen the Al-Assad regime over the unity of the Security Council. We have said before that Russia will stop at nothing to shield the Al-Assad regime, and now we have our answer. Russia has trashed the credibility of the Council. It is not interested in unity or compromise. Whenever we propose anything meaningful to Russia, Russia vetoes it. It is a travesty. It has now officially vetoed draft resolutions that would hold Al-Assad accountable for these barbaric chemical attacks six times. Things did not have to turn out this way. For weeks, the United States has led transparent, good-faith negotiations with all Security Council members to establish an attribution mechanism for chemical weapons in Syria. We started from the simple premise that every Council member would want to know who was responsible for using those barbaric and illegal weapons. We did everything to accommodate Russia's views. Russia surprised us with a proposed draft resolution (S/2018/175), calling all of us into the S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 10/21 18-10187 Security Council Chamber and handing out the draft text on the spot. After hearing widespread concerns about its draft resolution, Russia moved ahead anyway, accommodating no one's views. We could have done the same, but instead we tried to take as much as we could from Russia's draft text, while maintaining an impartial and independent process. We negotiated in good faith. Many aspects of our draft resolutions were similar. Russia said that the investigators should have safe access to the places where chemical weapons were used. We agreed. Russia said that it wanted an impartial, independent and professional investigation. We agreed. Russia said that the investigators should be recruited on as wide a geographical basis as possible. We agreed. Russia said that it wanted reports on the activities of non-State actors involving chemical weapons. Although that sounded to us like an attempt to distract from the Al-Assad regime, we included Russia's request. We even gave our mechanism the name that Russia wanted — the United Nations independent mechanism of investigation. There were really only two key differences between our draft resolution and that of Russia, but those differences speak volumes. First, Russia wanted to give itself the opportunity to approve the investigators who were chosen for the task. Secondly, Russia wanted the Security Council to assess the findings of any investigation before any report was released. Does any of that sound independent or impartial? Russia's proposal was not about an independent and impartial investigation at all. It was all about protecting the Al-Assad regime. This is a sad day. The United States takes no pleasure in seeing Russia exercise its sixth veto on the issue of chemical weapons in Syria. Only last week, we had hoped that the one-year anniversary of the Khan Shaykun attack might be the start of a renewed partnership to combat chemical weapons. However, those deadly weapons have been used on Syrian families again. When the people of Douma, along with the rest of the international community, looked to the Council to act, one country stood in the way. History will record that. History will record that, on this day, Russia chose to protect a monster over the lives of the Syrian people. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): China has stated its principled position on the chemical weapons attack in Syria. The draft resolution on the establishment of a new investigative mechanism submitted by the Russian Federation (S/2018/175) condemns the chemicals weapons attack in Syria and calls for the creation of a new investigative mechanism to establish the facts and the truth. We can all agree on those positive elements. In addition, it proposes improved working methods compared to previous investigative mechanism and set out concrete steps to carry out a robust on-site investigation on the ground and to ensure impartiality in the process of collecting evidence. As a result, the new investigative mechanism would be able to function with greater professionalism and to reach a truly credible conclusion. Those elements are in line with China's principled position. We support Russia's draft resolution. China regrets that the draft resolution was not adopted. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I am taking the floor following the voting on the two draft resolutions (S/2018/175 and S/2018/321) above all to express our frustration over the fact that the Security Council was not able to adopt either the first or the second draft, which sought to give the Council an independent and professional mechanism with a mandate to attribute responsibility for the use of chemical weapons, despite the fact that all Security Council members expressed their desire in that regard. That is precisely why we voted in favour of both draft resolutions in the hope of having a new monitoring mechanism to attribute responsibility so as to protect people from the terrible and harmful effects of such chemical weapons. Despite the negative outcome of the voting on both draft resolutions, the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, whose position on the use of chemical weapons we have clearly set out during the debates on the issue, wants the members of the Security Council to seek and to explore other alternative draft texts that could merit the joint agreement or the consensus of the Security Council so that we can establish that new mechanism as soon as possible. That is what the people who are suffering, or in the future may suffer, the terrible effects of chemical weapons hope and expect of the Security Council. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): It is indeed regrettable that the Council could not adopt a resolution to establish a new mechanism that would identify those responsible 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 11/21 for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Establishing such a tool would have sent a quick and unified message regarding the resolve of the Council not to tolerate impunity. That is how we view the defeat of both draft resolutions (S/2018/175 and S/2018/321). However, we were not at all surprised. We voted in favour of both draft resolutions, consistent with our position in reaffirming the importance of setting up an independent, impartial and professional investigative mechanism with a view to ensuring accountability. No doubt, such a mechanism would clearly have addressed the existing institutional gap in that regard, which continues to be a source of major weakness in the fight against impunity. Both draft resolutions sought the establishment of such a mechanism. Clearly, there are differences, among others, concerning some aspects of the accountability mechanism. We believe that we have come some distance in bridging those differences. It would have been a major achievement, both functionally and from the point of view of enhancing trust, which is so greatly needed in order to address the challenge not only of ensuring non-proliferation but also of advancing the cause of international peace and security. That was why we were hoping that we could achieve consensus on the matter and unity within the Council. Frankly speaking, we do not like what we see. At the risk of sounding self-righteous — and the challenge that we face makes taking the risk appropriate — we must say that we are deeply disappointed about the situation that we are in. Since we have no alternative, it remains important that we all persevere in continuing our dialogue and supporting the efforts to ensure unity, without which the Council will not be in a position to discharge its principal responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, in particular repairing the damage to the chemical weapons disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Yesterday, we expressed our concern about the difficult situation we are currently facing (see S/PV.8225). We do not wish to repeat what we said, but allow me to state in closing that we look forward to handling the issue of the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma, eastern Damascus, with a greater sense of responsibility. That is how we intend to look at the draft resolution from Russia before us, a draft which, in our view, is relatively similar to the draft resolution informally made available by Sweden yesterday, whenever the Council is ready to handle it. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): I support the statement in explanation of vote on the American draft resolution (S/2018/321) made earlier in the meeting by the representative of the United Kingdom, who said that today is actually a sad day. It is a sad day for the non-proliferation regime, and a sad day for civilians — particularly women, children and the elderly — throughout Syria, and specifically Douma in eastern Ghouta. We ask their forgiveness because we have disappointed them once again. The Council has been unable to establish a mechanism that would hold accountable those who commit crimes by using chemical weapons in Syria. We ask their forgiveness because the Council has been unable to put an end to the serious and gross violations of international humanitarian law, human rights law and many Security Council resolutions condemning the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We ask their forgiveness because the Council has been unable to hold to account the perpetrators of crimes related to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Our position has always been clear. We have called for consensus in the Council on this sensitive issue, which touches on accountability and impunity. We voted in favour of the United States draft resolution because it contains the basic elements that we think are necessary to establish any new accountability mechanism in Syria in order to guarantee its independence, neutrality and professionalism. The mechanism would identify the perpetrators responsible for any chemical attack, and then the Security Council would shoulder its responsibility in terms of sanctions. We abstained in the voting on the draft resolution presented by the Russian Federation (S/2016/175) because it did not include the elements to which I have referred. It would undermine the credibility of the new mechanism by depriving it of its fundamental terms of reference, namely, to determine whoever is responsible in the event of attacks using chemical weapons. We are very concerned about the result of voting today because it will encourage parties to the conflict to continue using chemical weapons in the absence of accountability. Kuwait supported the code of conduct whereby the States members of the Security Council would commit to not opposing draft resolutions dealing with crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. We also S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 12/21 18-10187 supported the French-Mexican initiative on abstention in the use of the veto in cases of human rights violations. As a result of the voting today, and based on our commitment to abiding by the four Geneva Conventions and their two Additional Protocols, international humanitarian law and the final outcome of 2016 World Humanitarian Summit, we call again for crimes against humanity and war crimes, as well as humanitarian issues, to receive due attention. That would include allowing the safe and sustainable delivery of humanitarian assistance and medical evacuations, and preventing the siege of residential areas. These should be treated as procedural issues; they should not be subject to a veto so that such human tragedies and sufferings are never repeated. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): Like everyone else, we deeply regret that today the Council was prevented once again from establishing a responsibility-attribution mechanism for the purpose of impartially identifying the perpetrators and organizers of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. I am sure we all share a sense of very tragic déjà vu as we repeat the scenario the Council faced in November when the renewal of the mandate of the Joint Investigative Mechanism was blocked. However — and I apologize to all of those who are tired of hearing me say this — we will not give up. Efforts to reach an agreement on a responsibility-attribution mechanism must continue, and we support all serious and genuine initiatives that aim to achieve this objective. We stand ready to help facilitatory efforts to find a way forward. Accountability for the use of chemical weapons is crucial. As we have stated before, the Syrian people suffering from more than seven years of conflict deserve no less from us. They want peace and justice, not further military escalation or impunity. A collective response to the most recent alleged chemical weapons attack in Douma therefore remains urgent and critical. The credibility of the Council is at stake. We must now come together to swiftly condemn the use of chemical weapons in Syria and express alarm at the alleged attack in Douma. We must support an immediate and further investigation through the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, and we must demand full, free and safe access without any restrictions or impediments to the fact-finding mission in its immediate deployment to Syria. Establishing the facts of what has taken place in Douma remains an essential first step towards confirming the alleged use of chemical weapons and finding the truth, and we need independent, impartial attribution of guilt followed by full accountability. The Council must remain seized and live up to its responsibility. That is why we circulated yesterday a draft text aimed at finding common ground. We stand ready to work tirelessly to find agreement on a robust, swift and immediate response. We need to come back together again after the failure that we have just witnessed. Mr. Tumysh (Kazakhstan): Our position remains unchanged and consistent. Due to well-known historical reasons, Kazakhstan has always taken a firm and resolute stance of uncompromising condemnation of any use of weapons of mass destruction, including chemical weapons. We do so as that is an extremely heinous action and an unacceptable war crime. We have also been in support of attaching paramount importance to the creation of a new investigative mechanism. That has been strongly reiterated, and we have pressed for its urgency. Impunity for chemical crimes is not acceptable. It sends the wrong signal to those who continue to use or intend to use such an extremely heinous weapon. However, in order to punish anyone, we must be able to prove guilt completely and irrefutably. In that regard, the creation of a full-fledged, impartial and independent investigative tool is of the utmost necessity for all. We have worked in earnest with the delegations of the United States and the Russian Federation. We must recognize that the use of chemical weapons in Syria continues, along with the persistent threat of chemical terrorism, to present a grave reality. In addition, many allegations of the use of chemical agents in Syria are still undisclosed. Based on the aforementioned circumstances and understanding the need to preserve this mechanism, we supported both draft resolutions intended to create new investigative mechanisms. We urge that we all work together for the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): This meeting is an interesting one from a variety of perspectives. One is that Lenin and Marx, two anti-imperialists, have been invoked more than once. What we have seen today is related to that topic. It is a fact that all empires are under the illusion that they are morally superior to the rest of us, that they believe themselves to be exceptional and indispensable and that they are above the law. In this, as in other cases, they do not seek to advance democracy or 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 13/21 freedom, but rather ultimately to expand their power and domination worldwide. What we have seen today is a sad reflection of what is happening on the battlefield in Syria and of those interests. I would like to echo the words of the Swedish Ambassador in urging the Security Council not to rest until we are united and can reach consensus, if indeed we believe in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It is the Charter, and whether the members of the Council can fulfil it, that is ultimately at stake. One of our responsibilities under it is to refrain from taking unilateral action. We hope that principle will be honoured. The President (spoke in Spanish): The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/322, submitted by the Russian Federation. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We too are sorry that our draft resolution (S/2018/175) was not adopted today, but at the moment neither it nor the United States draft resolution (S/2018/321) would have had any influence on the investigation of the alleged incident in Douma. Right now, that is not what they are about. There is no need to mislead anybody by saying that, or that there were intensive consultations on the American draft resolution but not on ours, or that most of our amendments were supposedly taken into account. Our colleagues will now tell the press that we vetoed their resolution, while modestly remaining silent about the fact that just as with the draft resolutions on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, they also vetoed ours. Yesterday, during the meeting on threats to international peace and security (see S/PV.8225), there was an emotional discussion of the event, or the alleged event, in Douma on 7 April. Based on the results of the inspection conducted by our specialists, we said that a chemical attack could not be confirmed. Nonetheless, we advocated for the speediest possible investigation of all of the circumstances by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and affirmed our willingness to facilitate its work on the ground. The Government of Syria has sent the OPCW an official request that such a mission be dispatched to Douma as soon as possible. Yesterday, the Swedish delegation put forward a fairly constructive text for a corresponding draft resolution. Unfortunately, their initiative was undeveloped and was trampled down thanks to the confrontational efforts of the United States and its closest allies, which had decided to shift the focus away from the issue of an investigation of what happened on 7 April. That is understandable, because they have already identified the guilty parties. As far as they are concerned, the so-called regime, along with Russia and Iran, is always to blame for everything. The investigation does not interest them. Well, sometimes it does, but only if it is based on so-called exclusive data from the opposition's social networks. For the hundredth time, I would like to ask the same question yet again. Can someone here explain clearly and plainly why Damascus needed this alleged chemical attack in Douma in principle, especially since practically all of the militias had evacuated Douma by then? And the militias who were still being evacuated on 8 April knew nothing about the alleged occurrence of this chemical attack. I will answer my own question. The provocation was desperately needed by the militias who received that very timely support from the United States and other Western countries. We decided to develop the Swedish initiative, and our draft resolution notes the Syrian Government's invitation to the OPCW Fact-finding Mission to visit the site of the alleged event without delay. It welcomes the decision of the Director-General of the OPCW Technical Secretariat to send the Mission to Syria in order to conduct investigative work in line with Chemical Weapons Convention standards. It takes into account the guarantees of safe access provided by the Syrian authorities and Russian military forces. Fifteen days later, the Secretary-General would submit the first report to the Security Council. This is a strictly practical, non-confrontational and depoliticized initiative in support of the OPCW, which would help the specialists in this area determine what did, or rather did not, take place in Douma. And that is the priority now, not the draft resolution on a United Nations independent investigative mechanism, which was hastily submitted for a vote with the obvious aim of seeing both draft resolutions vetoed. We hope that Council members will give this initiative their unanimous support so that the process can begin as soon as possible. According to our information, two S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 14/21 18-10187 expert groups from the OPCW Fact-finding Mission should leave for Syria by the end of this week. Whatever the excuse that may be given, if the experts do not reach Douma because they have been prevented by those who continue to speculate about the chemical issue in order to smear Syria and Russia, that will be yet another piece of evidence showing that behind this thoroughly false story are dirty geopolitical games and, what is worse, aggressive military plans capable of reversing the positive trend in the resolution of Syria's conflict and inflicting a painful blow on a region already tormented by adventurist assaults. We are witnessing all of that literally in real time. We request that you put this draft resolution to a vote, Mr. President. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): We want swift and resolute action today, and we want the Security Council to shoulder its collective responsibility. But I am not sure that we have exhausted all the avenues that could get us there, nor am I sure that voting on this new Russian draft resolution (S/2018/322) will get us there either. We feel that we are at a very fragile stage of Council deliberations right now, and we need to reflect carefully on the way forward to ensure that we do not jump into further paralysis, with consequences that will be difficult to defend or repair. That is why I would like to ask you, Mr. President, to suspend the meeting right here and now so that we can all move into consultations and carefully and collectively reflect on the next step. The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the Russian Federation has asked to make a further statement. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We listened carefully to what the Permanent Representative of Sweden has just said. To be candid, we are somewhat puzzled by his statement, because the draft resolution that we submitted (S/2018/322) is, in essence, based on the same idea as the draft submitted yesterday by the Swedish delegation. I do not know what we are going to consult on in consultations. I believe we already consulted on this subject yesterday. However, out of respect for the Swedish delegation and those delegations who would like to hold consultations, we are not against that. But let me say right away that we intend to put this draft resolution to a vote today, after our consultations. We hope that the consultations will be constructive and will not drag on for long, because that is certainly not necessary at this point. We need to adopt this draft resolution in support of the mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons in order to establish the facts on the ground as quickly as possible. The President (spoke in Spanish): If there is no objection, I will suspend the meeting. We will continue after our consultations. The meeting was suspended at 4.40 p.m. and resumed at 5.45 p.m. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now put to the vote the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/322, submitted by the Russian Federation. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Russian Federation Against: France, Poland, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America Abstaining: Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Kuwait, Netherlands, Peru, Sweden The President (spoke in Spanish): The result of the voting is as follows: 5 votes in favour, 4 against and 6 abstentions. The draft resolution was not adopted, having failed to obtain the required number of votes. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements following the voting. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I will be brief. In the Consultations Room just now, Mr. President, you and the representative of Sweden made valiant attempts at a compromise. We all appreciate what is at stake and thank you for your and Sweden's efforts. But, fundamentally, the United Kingdom could not vote for the Russian text (S/2018/322) because it does not establish an investigation into who was responsible for the attack. It only welcomes the Fact-finding Mission, which is already on its way. I repeat what I said in consultations: the Fact-finding Mission determines whether chemical weapons were used and, if they were, which chemical weapons were used. It does not, and cannot, establish who was responsible for 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 15/21 their use — and thus start on the first step on the path to attribution and accountability. For that reason, we are not able to support the text. It would be like watching a fire, identifying that there was a fire, and doing nothing to put it out. The Russians invited us to return to the issue of an investigative mechanism on a separate occasion. I am afraid that the answer to that is 17 November 2017, when Russia vetoed a joint investigative mechanism that it had itself decided to set up. For all those reasons, all it would have taken is a written decision for an investigation set up by the Security Council. Russia could not take that small step, and therefore we were not able to support the draft resolution. I very much regret that, but the answer was in Russia's hands. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): Recent reports concerning the use of chemical weapons in Douma and the consequent civilian casualties have given rise to serious concern on the part of the international community. China has noted that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has already asked its Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic to investigate the relevant reports. We support the OPCW in sending investigators to Syria so as to establish the truth. We call on all parties concerned to cooperate with the investigation. The draft resolution submitted by the Russian Federation (S/2018/322) expresses deep concern about the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma on 7 April, strongly condemns the chemical-weapons attacks that took place in Syria and elsewhere, urges the OPCW Fact-finding Mission to carry out an on-site investigation, and provides that the Syrian Government and other parties will ensure the security of and safe access to investigators. The draft resolution is in keeping with China's principled position. China supports and voted in favour of the Russian draft resolution. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): We deeply regret that we have ended up here following a long day of serious efforts to move forward by some of us — I believe. We abstained in the voting on the Russian draft resolution (S/2018/322) a few moments ago because the attribution and accountability track, which we believe is important, lacked clarity. We called for consultations earlier because we felt that, provided there was political will, an opportunity remained for us to come together and shoulder our responsibility today. We put forward a draft resolution (S/2018/321) to all members that we felt was credible and assertive, and was intended to support the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. It was also very clear in its determination to establish an impartial, independent and professional investigative mechanism, and we had suggested that the Secretary-General help us recommend the best way forward in that area and give him 10 days to come back to the Council. I believe that would have been a much better way forward than where we are right now. I am therefore very disappointed that we have not been able to move forward on this. I thank all those members of the Security Council that were ready to engage, and I just hope that we do not consider this the end with regard to ensuring that the facts will be established and that there will be true accountability and no more impunity for the horrendous use of chemical weapons in Syria and elsewhere. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I once again express the frustration of our delegation over this afternoon's negative outcome. We abstained in the voting on the third draft resolution (S/2018/322), first of all because it was submitted only very late today and, secondly, because it is lacking compared to the two previous draft resolutions on which we voted in favour (S/2018/175 and S/2018/321). We believe that we should ask the representative of Sweden, Mr. Olof Skoog, not to withdraw his proposal so that following this meeting — perhaps tomorrow afternoon — as was suggested during consultations, we can continue considering and analysing it to see whether we can agree to vote on the draft resolution once we have introduced amendments and reached a consensus on the text that he has presented. Mr. Radomski (Poland): Poland voted against the draft resolution (S/2018/322) presented by Russia. We believe that the draft resolution submitted originally by Sweden was an honest attempt to enable the Security Council to respond promptly to the horrific act of violence that occurred in eastern Ghouta on Saturday. To that end, the Security Council needs to re-establish a professional, truly independent and impartial accountability mechanism. The draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation is missing that important provision. That is why we had to vote against it. S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 16/21 18-10187 Mrs. Haley (United States): I thank you, Sir, and members of the Security Council for what has been another frustrating day. My parents always said that you should always see the good in everyone and in everything. I have therefore been trying to figure out what the good is in Russia. I believe that it is very good at being consistent, and I believe that it is very good at playing games. We saw that when we took up the issue of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. Russia loved the Joint Investigative Mechanism until we found one side guilty, and then it decided that it did not want it. We then adopted the ceasefire, and Russia loved the idea of the ceasefire until Al-Assad had a problem with it and subsequently violated it. Today Russia vetoed for the sixth time a draft resolution (S/2018/321) condemning Al-Assad for chemical-weapons attacks on his own people. No matter what we do, Russia will be consistent. Russia will continue to play games, and once again it is putting forward yet another surprise draft resolution (S/2018/322). The first time that any of us saw it was today at 11 a.m. The Russians held no negotiations. It took no input, and, when Sweden asked that the Council be allowed to discuss the draft resolution, Russia allowed that but did not want any changes to it. There is a reason for which Russia did not want to discuss its resolution, and that is because it does not accomplish anything. The draft resolution mainly asks for the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to send its Fact-finding Mission to Douma, but the Fact-finding Mission is already travelling to Douma. It already has a mandate to investigate and collect samples. What makes it worse is that Russia includes several provisions in its draft resolution that are deeply problematic and once again seeks to compromise the credibility of the international investigation. The draft resolution puts Russia and the Al-Assad regime itself in the driver seat for making arrangements for the Fact-finding Mission investigators. We are just supposed to trust that the same Government that says that everything concerning the Douma attack was fake will work in good faith with the OPCW. This draft resolution also tries to micromanage how the Fact-finding Mission should carry out its investigation, while dictating where the investigators should go. As we have always said, for an investigation to be credible and independent, the investigators must choose where they believe they should go. Members of the Council — least of all Russia — should not be calling the shots. For those reasons, the United States voted against the draft resolution. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We voted in favour of the draft resolution (S/2018/322) because we saw value in its adoption as it offered, we thought, the possibility for the protection of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic. Frankly, we tried to find weaknesses in the text. We could not. It is a matter-of-fact and uncomplicated draft resolution. We could not find any reason not to support it. Undoubtedly, it would not have made achieving attribution possible, but finding out whether chemical weapon were in fact used would have been a great achievement. Of course, so far the Russian position has been that there was no use of chemical weapons in Douma. Establishing the facts surrounding that assertion or position would have been a great achievement. We are not in a position to take advantage of the guarantee offered or the Council's strong support in that regard. We felt that the Fact-finding Mission needed the support. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Frankly speaking, I think all of us have seen everything for ourselves. Unfortunately, the failure to adopt draft resolution S/2018/322 really is a litmus test says a great deal and leaves us extremely apprehensive. We proposed a very innocuous draft resolution, which is moreover virtually a complete repeat of Sweden's draft text from yesterday. I find it difficult to understand which might be the parts where Mrs. Haley read between the lines to discover our scheming and our trickery. Perhaps the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom answered that when she said that they could not adopt the Russian draft resolution — let us say it out loud — because it was a Russian draft resolution. Then everything was clear. The United States representative said that we are very good at playing games. I am not sure about that. What I am sure of is that she is very good at making threats, and the threats that the United States is making with regard to Syria should make us all extremely alarmed, because we may be standing on the threshold of some very sad and terrible events. I would once again like to ask the United States to refrain from executing the plans that it may be incubating for Syria. Unfortunately, the refusal of the United States to adopt the draft resolution speaks to the fact that our 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 17/21 American partners and colleagues do not need any real investigation, which is something that we discussed earlier. We regret the fact that the draft resolution was not adopted, although it is true that the Fact-finding Mission will, I hope, reach Syria soon and be able to get to work on its principal mandate, which is establishing the facts about what really happened in Douma. To repeat what I have said once again, in all innocence, the Russian military and the Syrian Government will provide support to the mission in terms of ensuring its security. I hope that does not raise questions for anyone, because it is simply what must be done. We hope that the Mission will be able to make the trip effectively and without delay. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): I would like to start by thanking Sweden for its efforts and attempts to achieve rapprochement and to smooth over the differences among the members of the Security Council. We are disappointed by the Council's inability to reach consensus on this important matter and by the fact that the divisions among Council members unfortunately continue. We abstained in the voting, despite the fact that the gist of draft resolution S/2018/322 calls for an investigation into what took place in Douma, which is what we called for. The investigation should be undertaken by an international, independent and impartial body, which in this case is the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). However, the OPCW Fact-finding Mission will go to Syria anyway, and the Council welcomed that fact yesterday. There is therefore no need for a draft resolution. What we are looking for is an international, independent, neutral and professional body or mechanism that would investigate the incident and identify the party that has used chemical weapons, if it indeed determines that chemical weapons have been used. That approach will enable the Council to hold the perpetrators accountable, in accordance with resolution 2118 (2013). Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): I thank everybody for today's very difficult and unfortunately unproductive day. We voted for the Russian Federation's draft resolution (S/2018/322) on sending a fact-finding mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) as soon as possible because, as we said yesterday in raising this very simple question, we need to know what happened on the ground. Yesterday we were also very clear when we said that there were different and conflicting reports about the number of casualties and even about the very fact that the chemical attack had taken place. We requested and supported the important proposal that a fact-finding mission should go to Douma to establish the facts on the ground. We are not talking right now about who did it, but we are talking about the fact of the event itself. We needed to understand what was there and what had happened there. Sending a fact-finding mission was very important to us and to all the delegations that do not have a presence there to understand the objective reality of the place. Even if the only information obtained is about the kind of substance that was used, that would be very useful for us to understand who the perpetrators might be and at the very least establish the fact that a chemical attack took place. In this kind of understanding, we very much support sending OPCW experts to investigate on the ground in order to give us information on which we can base an objective opinion about the situation. We are not taking sides here, and we were very clear about that yesterday. We would like to receive full, objective, transparent and unbiased information about the facts that we are addressing here. We are therefore glad that the OPCW is sending a group to Douma, regardless of the results of today's voting on draft resolutions. We are hopeful that we can at least get this preliminary information about the situation in Douma. I would like to say once again that we in the Security Council should be objective and base our decisions on the simple facts that may be presented to us by the independent organizations that will determine whether there was a chemical attack or not. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): After having vetoed a draft resolution that sought to shed full light on acts of violence involving chemical weapons (S/2018/175), including those that took place last weekend, Russia persists in a dual strategy of obstruction and diversion on the matter. The only aim of the draft text on which we have just voted (S/2018/322) was clearly to confuse the issue. It is not a question of disputing the importance of an independent investigation by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) into what happened in Douma on 7 April. That is essential, and the investigation has already been launched. However, the Russian draft resolution, which we had to vote against, did not meet the challenges. S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 18/21 18-10187 Let us be clear: what we lack today, and what Russia continues to reject, is a truly independent and impartial mechanism that can attribute responsibility in order to prevent impunity. That was the raison d'être for the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. With the establishment of the Joint Investigative Mechanism, set up with the involvement of Russia, we put in place a tool for the essential deterrence of perpetrators of chemical attacks. That is clearly what we lack today. Let us be clear in saying that statements are not enough and that the Russian draft resolution is only a smokescreen that falls well short of the urgent response that the Council should provide. That is why France voted against the draft resolution and why the draft resolution was not adopted. Today I reiterate that France will spare no effort to ensure that the perpetrators of those chemical horrors are identified and held to account in an independent and impartial way. The stakes are extremely high, and we will not give up. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): We abstained in the voting on the draft resolution (S/2018/322) because we had serious hesitations about the text, as it differed in some crucial aspects from the Swedish text put forward yesterday. First of all, the text makes it insufficiently clear that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic already has the mandate for on-site visits, as States have to comply with it. They do not need the Council's authorization. Secondly, the text is unduly restrictive. Paragraph 3 is not a correct reflection of the decision of the Director-General or of his existing mandate. The necessity of on-site investigations is up to the team to decide. My third point is that the fact-finding mission should be able to perform its mandate in complete independence. Fourthly, we do not want the precedent that Security Council authorization is needed for a fact-finding mission to do its work. We are convinced that those were issues that we could have solved if the draft resolution had been put forward for proper consultations. We received it this morning. We regret that those concerns could not be taken into account. My last point is that one colleague said that the litmus test of this evening, and of today, was the voting on this draft resolution. I disagree. The litmus test of today's meeting was the veto by one permanent member on the establishment of an effective attribution mechanism. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): I shall be very brief. Bolivia voted in favour of the draft resolution (S/2018/322) for several reasons. One of those is that, although the nature of the events that have been condemned is unknown, the highest authorities of the Organization have pointed out that the United Nations is not is a position to verify the reports of such events. It is therefore essential to establish the truth by means of an independent and impartial investigation. Many of those reports come from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and we know who finances those NGOs. Therefore, we must allow doubts with regard to such sources. Analysing the draft resolution submitted by the Russian Federation word by word, from the point of view of intellectual integrity, commitment to the Syrian people or international law, we found no reason to vote against the draft resolution. Nevertheless, what concerns us is what is being planned outside the structure of this edifice. While it was said today that Lenin and Marx would probably be turning in their graves, I do not know about that. But what is certain is that Churchill and Roosevelt, for example, are turning in their graves because, as founding fathers of the structure of this world order, they endowed the Security Council with the authority to use force to deal with threats to international peace and security. I am not sure that they would be very happy that the outcome of such events, without a full and conclusive investigation, is that some of its members undertake the unilateral use of force. In any case, we remain hopeful that the Security Council will shoulder its responsibility and that, through unity, it can help to identify the perpetrators of any attack against international peace and security, if that is the case. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Peru. We regret that we were not able to achieve consensus this afternoon on a draft resolution with regard to the delicate situation in Syria. We underscore that the investigation being carried out on the use of chemical weapons must be complemented by an independent, impartial and professional mechanism that attributes 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 19/21 responsibility. That is why we abstained in the voting on this occasion. We reiterate the need for the Security Council to regain its sense of unity on this very delicate subject so that it can fulfil its high responsibilities and thereby alleviate the suffering of the Syrian people. That is why we will continue to explore options on this important matter. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I remind speakers of the content of presidential note S/2017/507 with regard to the length of statements. I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I will give colleagues who are about to leave the Chamber some of my valuable time. They are afraid that I will beat them in the battle of arguments. They become terrified when they hear any opposing views. Those who just left the Chamber said in their statements that today was a sad day for the non-proliferation regime. I would like to refresh their memories and say that violation of the non-proliferation regime is the speciality of the following Western States. The United States of America used nuclear weapons in Japan. It used chemical and biological weapons in Viet Nam and enriched uranium in Iraq. France used Algerian human beings when it tested its first atomic bomb in the Algerian desert in 1960. In fact, it placed living Algerians in the desert tied to poles, and dropped on them the first French atomic bomb. Britain, of course, conducted all its nuclear tests in its colonies on islands in the oceans. The British Ambassador then says that day was a sad day for the people of Douma. English is not my mother tongue, but I know that there are no people of Douma. There are inhabitants in Douma. There are Syrian people. There are no people of Douma. However, beyond Marx, Engels and Lenin, I would like to quote from Shakespeare as saying: "Lies shame you. Speak the truth or remain silent". My British colleague said that Russia does not have the authority to go to Douma and establish whether or not chemicals were used there, stating that it is not within the jurisdiction of our Russian friends, who are on the ground, to go to Douma and investigate the scene. That is quite strange. Britain should have advised itself in the same manner when it sent intelligence officers to Khan Shaykhoun and conferred upon itself the authority to collect samples with the French. They took the samples to British and French laboratories, as they claimed, without coordinating with the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) or the Fact-finding Mission. That is quite the paradox: giving themselves the very right that they deprive others. Approximately two weeks ago, Britain signed an agreement with the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia for an arms deal worth $100 billion — much bigger than the Al-Yamamah deal — to continue killing people in Yemen, start new wars in the region with Iran and Syria and entrench never-ending wars throughout the entire region. That is what Britain is capable of doing. Mahatma Gandhi knew the British well, and he was right when he said, "If two fish broke out into a fight in the sea, everyone knows it was Britain that started it". The American colleague said that there is only one monster facing the entire world in defiance today. That monster has financed terrorists in Syria for seven years and provided them with arms. I would say that the monster is the United States, Britain and France. They sponsored terrorism in my country for seven years, and before that they did the same in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya. They sponsored terrorist organizations starting with Taliban and Da'esh, down to the Al-Nusra Front, Al-Qaida, Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and the White Helmets, which British intelligence newly invented. The monster she spoke of unleashed lies in order to destroy, occupy and send troops thousands of miles throughout the world to destabilize international peace and security. The monster is the American who, thus far, refuses to destroy his chemical arsenal, as we know, yet lectures others on destroying chemical weapons. My French colleague said that he was horrified by the pictures he saw. But he was not horrified by the pictures of the hundreds of civilians who were killed in the 2016 French air strikes in Toukhar village in the rural area of Manbij. Two hundred civilians were killed, including entire families, by France's war planes. The French Ambassador must not have seen those pictures, and consequently they were not a source of horror for him. The concept of double standards is an understatement for those people. In response to the web of lies spread by some Western States against my country regarding the S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 20/21 18-10187 alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma on 7 April, the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and Expatriates of the Syrian Arab Republic sent today, 10 April, an official invitation to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to dispatch a fact-finding mission to Douma in order to investigate the allegations of the use of chemical weapons there and to determine the facts about those allegations. I informed members of the Council of that invitation yesterday in this very Chamber (see S/PV.8225). The Syrian Arab Republic welcomes the visit of the fact-finding mission and stands ready to fully cooperate, provide all forms of assistance to the mission in the discharge of its duties and guarantee the safety of its personnel. It will also facilitate interviewing and sampling in accordance with the terms of reference. Syria looks forward to the fact-finding mission carrying out its work in a full, transparent and professional manner and while relying on credible and tangible evidence. If it does deploy, it will find Douma liberated and it will be granted full access to any location it wishes to visit. The situation is quite clear. The co-sponsors of the American draft resolution (S/2018/321) do not seek the truth, because it will simply expose them and their terrorist proxies on the ground. Instead of waiting for the OPCW fact-finding mission to determine whether or not toxic chemicals were used in Douma, they present draft resolutions that do not enjoy consensus, nor do they seek truth, but rather establish non-objective mechanisms that pre-empt results in support of their political accusations and agendas. They are aware that a clone of the JIM would not be accepted by the States in the Council that are dedicated to the quest for truth regarding who is using toxic chemicals against Syrian civilians. In that regard, I underscore that the United States, Britain and France made the JIM fail by thwarting it through politicizing its work, putting pressure on members of its leadership and blackmailing them. Consequently, the JIM lacked credibility and professionalism, as it fabricated reports that accused the Syrian Government based on the so-called open sources, of course including the White Helmets, and false testimonies and fabricated evidence emanating mostly from terrorist groups, most important of which is the terrorist Al-Nusra Front and the White Helmets, which is the British misleading media arm of the Al-Nusra Front. The scenario that we witness today is exactly similar to what we witnessed a year ago when the United States of America launched a wanton aggression on the Al-Shayrat air base, which was founded on flimsy arguments and fabricated pretexts stating that the Syrian Arab Army used chemical weapons in Khan Shaykhoun. Those allegations were proven false when the United States and its allies prevented the experts of the JIM from visiting Khan Shaykhoun and collecting samples from the Al-Shayrat air base. Things are crystal clear. The aggression of the United States and its accomplices, throughout history, thrives on lies, deceit and hegemony, as well as on the rule of the powerful. It is a brutal approach that will never respect the rule of law and international legitimacy. For seven years, my country, Syria, has been a stark example of what the United States and Britain did when they unleashed lies, misleading information and fabricated stories in this very Chamber in order to destroy and occupy Iraq. Their actions were grounded on the pretext of a significant lie, that is, the existence of the so-called weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. I am compelled each and every time to remind the Council of the position of former Secretary of State Colin Powell when, in this very Chamber (see S/PV.4701) — and I was sitting where the Deputy Permanent Representative of China is seated today — he presented tapes, documents, maps and pictures that were later discovered to have been produced, faked and fabricated by the American intelligence services for the purpose of invading Iraq. The operation was prepared in advance. The same scenario occurred with Libya. The truth must be revealed. For centuries the world has witnessed various instances of occupation and hegemony, whose sole purpose was to loot the wealth of nations, occupy land or impose a geopolitical agenda. However, political immorality has reached a depth today to the extent that Libya has been destroyed and many of its people killed to cover up cases of bribery and financial corruption involving the President of a permanent member of the Council that talks about democracy and freedom. It is so low today to the extent that a permanent State regrettably forces Arab oil-exporting countries to foot the bill for its ongoing aggression and military intervention in my country, Syria. It is a business deal forged between the corrupt with the financial means and a mercenary who has weapons and power. Some permanent members of the Council commit acts of aggression against sovereign 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 21/21 countries simply to detract attention from domestic crises and ongoing controversy surrounding their political elite. Following seven years of a dirty terrorist war that was imposed upon us, we in Syria believe that clear options exist — but they pose a major challenge to the majority of Council members. The Council must refute the lies and reverse the political deterioration that the United States, Britain and France are trying to push the Council towards engaging in. It is up to the Council today, and in the future, to make its decision. World public opinion and the people of the free world will judge whether or not the Council has assumed its responsibility to uphold international legitimacy, maintain international peace and security and protect the world against the horrible terrorism that is used and exploited by those three permanent member countries to undermine the stability and self-determination of States. I call upon the members of the Council to uphold a global, ethical and multilateral political system that believes in international law and in the right of peoples to self-determination, and rejects military, political and economic hegemony. In conclusion, my country reiterates its condemnation in the strongest terms of any use of chemical weapons by any party, anywhere and under any circumstances. My country stands ready to cooperate with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to reveal the allegations and lies being promoted by some Western parties so as to justify their aggression and serve their own political agenda. Their fleets are now in the eastern Mediterranean, waiting for the veto in order to start their aggression. I would like to inform those Western parties — and they must pay close attention to what I say — that their threats of aggression, manoeuvres, lies and terrorism will never prevent us — as one of the founding States of the Organization — from exercising our duties and rights under the Charter of the United Nations and our national Constitution to protect our sovereignty and territorial integrity and to fend off aggression from any source. We will not allow anyone — big or small, permanent member or non-permanent member — to treat us the way Iraq and Libya were treated. The meeting rose at 6.35 p.m.

Edward and Floris Anderson ; The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, Weber State University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ; The following is an oral history interview with Edward Kemp Anderson. Mr. Anderson was born on December 20, 1925 and raised in Lewiston, Utah. This interview discusses his early life before, during and shortly after World War II. On December 21, 1943 Edward received his draft notice the day after his 18th birthday. Edward married his wife Floris on December 30, 1943 just before departing for military service. He continued to serve in the war until 1946, one year after the war ended. The interview was conducted on May 27, 2012 by his son, Michael Edward Anderson in the Anderson home in Washington, Utah. Also present during the interview is Edward�s wife, Floris Thomas Anderson. ; 78p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound discs: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; i Oral History Program Edward Kemp Anderson Interviewed by Michael Edward Anderson 27 May 2012 ii Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Edward Kemp Anderson Interviewed by Michael Edward Anderson 27 May 2012 Copyright © 2012 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection includes interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, Weber State University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories date back to the early settlement of North Ogden, and cover various topics including the History of Fort Buenaventura, city government affairs, controversial issues, Latinos in Ogden, personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Edward Kemp Anderson, an oral history by Michael Edward Anderson, 27 May 2012, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. Edward and Floris Anderson Edward and Floris Anderson 1 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Edward Kemp Anderson. Mr. Anderson was born on December 20, 1925 and raised in Lewiston, Utah. This interview discusses his early life before, during and shortly after World War II. On December 21, 1943 Edward received his draft notice the day after his 18th birthday. Edward married his wife Floris on December 30, 1943 just before departing for military service. He continued to serve in the war until 1946, one year after the war ended. The interview was conducted on May 27, 2012 by his son, Michael Edward Anderson in the Anderson home in Washington, Utah. Also present during the interview is Edward's wife, Floris Thomas Anderson. MEA: I was just thinking that the World War II experience is part of our family history and I think that it needs to be written down and shared with all of us. Not necessarily blood and guts kind of stuff, I'm not going to ask you those kinds of things just simple history. I always think it's neat to hear about when you were gone that mom paid for a house, you know while you were gone. EKA: Bought a house while I was gone for eight-hundred dollars. FTA: Two years and—I don't remember how much the payments were. MEA: So when I go into Lewiston then I tell the kids, "You know, they lived right there, that little house near Theurer's Market. Mom bought and paid for that." It's neat for them to think, "We have roots in Lewiston." FTA: Great grandpa was in the front of that in the shoe shop, he mended shoes there. 2 MEA: I always tell them about Uncle Alma. We used to go over to the flower shop and that there was a greenhouse there and we used to run around and play in that. Now, they don't see that of course, it's just a house there in Lewiston so there's a lot of history. None of us has that. These are just simple questions to help us get going and see what you think. The first thing I was wondering was, what were you doing before you joined the military? You weren't very old. EKA: I was just working on the farm. Worked on the farm and hauled coal for Elburn Kent. That's about it. I worked at the sugar factory too, didn't I? FTA: Oh yeah, you worked at the sugar factory. EKA: Campaigned the last month or two, but was paid good money. MEA: What was good money back then? EKA: Oh gosh, a buck and a quarter a day. FTA: He would have been going to high school if he hadn't quit school to go to work. The teacher wouldn't let him make up for it, so he just threw his books out the window and took off. EKA: Beet season is when you could make a lot of money topping beets. They'd give us a two week beet vacation, is what they called it, which you have your Spring break now, but it was to go to work to help the farmers get their crop in. Back in our days, two weeks wasn't enough. I worked about a month and went back to school and asked all my teachers for makeup work. They'd all give me the makeup work but one. He said, "You'll just have to flunk." I asked, "What do you 3 mean?" He said, "You don't make up work in mine. You missed that two weeks of school, you can't do anything about it— it's gone." There was another guy in there that was trying to get me to quit school all year. He was sitting clear in the back and I was up at the desk and I said, "Hey Don, you still want to quit school?" He said, "I sure do." I said, "Let's get out of here." We went over to the window that was open and threw our books out the window and went, and that was the last day of school for me. MEA: Wow. How old were you? EKA: I was seventeen. I only had a year to go to graduate. MEA: Did you ever go back and finish it? EKA: No. MEA: No? Didn't have to? EKA: Back in our days, college was something that only the rich and famous went to, there were very few college degrees and you didn't need the education back then. Now, if you haven't got that education, you're out of luck, but back in those days, why, if I could drive a dump truck I could get a job any place I wanted. When I got out of the service I figured I'd be able to go right to work, and out of the service, they didn't even have dump trucks like I used to drive. Big Utes and all that kind of stuff, didn't know nothing about that. MEA: How old were you when the war started? EKA: Let's see, I'd be sixteen—fifteen I guess. 4 FTA: Sixteen. MEA: So it was going while you were still in school? EKA: Oh yeah. MEA: Did you get drafted? EKA: Yep, got drafted. FTA: All that stuff is in that book you wanted. MEA: We should get that out. FTA: We could get it out when we get through with this. MEA: Did you join when you were seventeen? EKA: No. I turned eighteen on the 20th of December, and I got my notice on the 21st of December. MEA: Wow. So you knew it was coming up? EKA: It was kind of a bad deal there. The people that were on the draft board were farmers up there in Lewiston. What they did is they deferred all the boys on the farm. Anytime they had somebody like me, they would grab them to try and fill the quota so they could keep their boys at home. So we didn't get much of a chance as they did on the farm. MEA: So you got drafted pretty quick? EKA: Oh yeah. 5 MEA: Where were you living? I know you were living in Lewiston, but you weren't attending school. Were you guys dating? What were you doing? EKA: Oh we were running around since we were sixteen, but we— FTA: Not really dating. EKA: There were four girls and there were four of us. We weren't really dating but we would always go every place together. FTA: We would ride bikes and play the "Kick-the-Can" games. Things kids do at that age. EKA: It's different than when we were kids though. There wasn't any television. FTA: There wasn't anything. EKA: The only thing we had was the radio. FTA: You made your own fun. EKA: A multi-line telephone. It's changed so much that back in those days, all we had was each other and those kids we are talking about. That's the only fun we had, we didn't have any toys or anything else to play with. Had each other to play with and that's it. MEA: Pretty much married kids within the town. You dated and married in town. EKA: I got back out of the service and tried to make a living up in Lewiston. It wasn't there, so I moved to Ogden. I got a job and did like you, I drove a whole week. I 6 came back after one week and I wouldn't drive that distance for nobody. Of course, she was very good. She agreed with everything. So, I moved to Ogden. There weren't any places to rent so I was living in a chicken coup. Finally, I got a place to rent and we drove down. I just wouldn't drive that distance. FTA: That's when I was pregnant with Cathy. EKA: I'd come over Sardine Canyon, the old canyon. It was quite treacherous. The roads were slick and everything and I'd been driving for a week. I left Logan and I remember leaving Logan, but the next thing I remember was the lights in Brigham. We used to have to drive through Brigham, you didn't cut it off. I don't ever remember going over that canyon and right then I said, "That's my last trip." Not going to drive all those miles. Too many hours and not enough sleep. Too dangerous. Me and two other guys moved down to Ogden until we could find a place and bring our wives. MEA: Do you remember how you felt about the war in Europe, prior to Pearl Harbor? Actually, I guess Pearl Harbor was probably a big thing. EKA: You know when you're just a kid you don't really think about that stuff much. FTA: You don't know politics like they do now. You just do what you're told. EKA: We didn't have information. You can get worldwide information now instantly, and we didn't have all that. We didn't hear about all those things. Sure, you heard about Pearl Harbor, but that's about it. I mean, Japs attacked Pearl Harbor. Now 7 they'll tell you blow by blow, but we didn't have that back then. News was not any more than what they had to tell you. MEA: Just got newspaper once in a while? EKA: I had newspaper and radio. FTA: My folks never took a newspaper. We had a radio. MEA: What was the feeling back then? Sometimes you hear about Vietnam and how everybody was trying to avoid the draft. It seems like back then they were a little more patriotic about things. EKA: I believe it was more patriotic back then than it has been. But then, World War II, we had to fight it. They attacked at us, we had to fight it. Vietnam—and I can't even think of some of the others—Iraq and all this stuff, we didn't have to do that. We momentarily did it, and World War II is the only war we've won. All these others we've lost. Every one of them we lost. There's never been surrender since World War II. In World War II, Japan and Germany both surrendered. We won those wars, but these others they didn't. MEA: Just kind of declared we've had enough and that was the end of it. EKA: Yeah. MEA: Did you have a choice of what military service to join? EKA: Yes, I could've gone to any of them, Army, Navy or Marines. There wasn't any Air Force then; it was Army Air Force. I don't know why I went in the Army. I 8 always liked the water, and when I went down there they said, "You're physically conditioned and you can take your choice. Anything you want." I walked right up to the Navy desk, turned, and went over and signed up for the Army. MEA: Really? EKA: I'm alive so I guess I made the right choice. MEA: You made the right choice. Did you plan on the Navy all along then? EKA: We didn't know anything until they said, "You're eligible," so I didn't have a big plan. I liked the water and I thought I'd make a lot better Navy man than I would anything else, then I went and signed up for the Army. MEA: Where'd you go to join? Not there in Cache Valley, did you? EKA: Logan. MEA: Right in Logan? They just had a recruiter's office or something? EKA: There's a recruiters office in Logan. In fact, we left from Logan. I got on the train in Logan and went in the service. Of course, we just went to Ft. Douglas for a start, then from there to Texas. MEA: Was Texas a big camp? EKA: Camp Fannin, Texas. MEA: What did you think it would be like there? FTA: It was nothing but sand. 9 EKA: Only place I've ever been in my life where I could walk in the water up to my knees and have the sand blowing in my face at the same time. It wasn't a real good place. They didn't use up good ground for Army bases, they were just out on the sand. MEA: How long was boot camp? EKA: Six months, then overseas. I thought I was safe for a while because at that time they had a deal that said they can't send you overseas until your nineteen. They couldn't send you overseas as a replacement until your 19, but they can send you over if you're already assigned. So, I was overseas for three or four months before I turned nineteen. MEA: I can't imagine being that young and right in the middle of that stuff at eighteen years old. EKA: Just snot-nosed kids, that's all we were. MEA: Where did they send you first? EKA: We landed in Marsai, France. We hit the front line in the Vosges Mountains of France. They're mountains like High Creek— cold. We spent the winter in the Vosges Mountains. It was pretty chilly. EKA: Yeah, her and mom sent me a nice Christmas. A nice bathrobe and slippers and I was in a foxhole. FTA: The one thing you got that you really liked was that Bells candy. She made sure you had that. 10 EKA: Yeah she made homemade candy and it was sure good. She made it for the Bluebird in Logan. Then she'd send it over to me. MEA: Did you get any special training in camp to be prepared? EKA: Well, yes, I took a lot of demolitions training and went to an A&P (Ammunitions Pioneer) platoon after I finished basic training. It was a little different in the fact that you did patrol work all the time and diffused mines and stuff like that. We knew how to use explosives. One time, we ran into a dynamite cellar and the lieutenant wanted me to go in there and take that dynamite out. He said, "You have the dynamite, take the dynamite out." I said, "No problem." I kicked the door down and it should have blown up. I looked in there and the nitro was dripping out of those dynamite sticks. I just backed out of there right quick. He said, "Well that's a direct order." I said, "Then fire me. I won't go in there and touch that dynamite. I'll blow it up, but I won't touch it." Another officer came by that knew what was going on and chewed that officer out and let me off the hook. Once that nitroglycerin comes out of your stick and a drop of it gets on the floor, it explodes. MEA: Wow. EKA: I handled explosives and stuff, but also every time you'd lose people on the line they'd replace them with us until they could get replacements. We spent a lot of time on the front lines. If they'd get hit real heavy, they might lose fifty or sixty people. They'd send us up and we would take their place until they'd get replacements up there. You've got to have so many people up there or they'll walk over you. 11 MEA: Who were you serving under then? EKA: General Patch in the 7th Army. Patton had the 7th, then they took that away from him and gave him the 3rd Army and gave Patch the 7th. MEA: Were you in France all the time? EKA: France and Germany. Mostly Germany because we fought out of France that winter. We busted out of France and got into Germany. When we were in France, it was actually easier because you fought around the towns in France. You tried to preserve France. But when we got to Germany, we fought right in the towns up there and were blowing the towns up. We didn't care if we blew the German towns up or not, but, we tried to conserve as much as we could in France. We lost a lot of people because you didn't want to blow this building down, or this church house, or that cathedral up on the hill. They'd want you to preserve them. All the time that's where the snipers were. So, we tried to take them without blowing them up and it'd get a lot of people killed. MEA: Can you tell me about your most memorable experience? EKA: It's a funny thing. Most of the stuff I don't even remember. I didn't remember right after it. If you read my bronze star, for example, I can remember everything about that. I can remember getting these people who were wounded. I have no idea how I got them out of the town. I have no idea how we got back to the line. It's all a blank. I don't know I guess there are certain things we just blank out on and we don't remember them. A lot of the things I can think of some of the stuff. After this 12 longer period when I think about something I think, "How did that ever happen?" or "Am I dreaming?" There's a lot of stuff that I don't know. MEA: Maybe it's kind of a blessing. EKA: Oh, I think it is. I think it is. It happened several times to me, but that was the biggest thing. We had twenty-eight people that we rescued out of that town. I can remember the Germans were moving out and there was a big convoy. We were just hiding from Germans and trying to find these wounded people and we found them, and I can't remember anything else. MEA: Was that in France or in Germany? EKA: That was in Germany. Well, I'm not sure. It was still winter. It could have been France. We could have still been up in the Vosges Mountains. MEA: Did you just get word that there were some people down and you had to get them out? EKA: We lost Charter Company. We lost C-company, the whole company. They wanted a volunteer group to go see if they could find them and I volunteered. Not to be a hero, but because I was freezing to death. I was in that foxhole and they said they were looking for volunteers, "Take me." We got out of the foxhole and we walked all night long. I don't know how many miles. Twenty miles or so I'd imagine. We pulled into that town and we had lost the whole company. There were 28 people left in the whole company. MEA: How many are in a company? 13 EKA: Oh gosh, I don't know. I don't remember. That's just a small amount, anyway. MEA: Was that part of that article I read? It was a newspaper article I read that mom showed me in the book of remembrance. It talked about a Lewiston boy. Is that the time you volunteered? EKA: That was the first time she found out I was in combat. MEA: Really? FTA: We weren't smart enough I guess. EKA: Salt Lake Tribune. FTA: We wrote letters back and forth all the time, but— EKA: The war was just about over when they came out, so there wasn't much left. There is so much that I don't remember. I remember just before the war ended I got the shakes real bad and hid it from the Lieutenant for a long time. We'd go out on patrol and I was fine, but I'd come back and sit down and just start shaking. He caught me one day and he said he was sending me back to rest camp. I said, "No you're not, the war is going to end any day and I want to be with the guys. I'm not going to get killed after what I've been through." He said, "I'm not worried about you getting killed. I'm worried about killing the guys who could kill me. Get on the truck and get out of here." I went back to rest camp and the war did end while I was back in rest camp. I wanted to be with the company when the war ended, but I wasn't. I was in rest camp. I had only been back there 14 a couple of days when the war ended. I wanted to be up there on the front lines when the war ended, but I was back in Marsai, France. MEA: Was it a hospital kind of place? EKA: Well, it was just a rest area. Just vacation to go back there and have nice hotels and stuff. Good places for you to stay with three meals a day and just rest, that's all. MEA: What was it like to hear the war ended? Must have been quite a celebration. EKA: Those French people. They got the news before we did. We were eating supper and all of a sudden those French gals working in there got screaming and running around and we found out it was over. It was an experience you could say. There hadn't been any street lights on in Marsai, France for years, and they turned the lights on. People were out there in droves just looking at the lights. French people. I'm too soft-hearted, Mike. Not much I can talk about. Cathy wanted me to do something or talk about temple and I can't talk about the temple. There are so many miracles. When you're working in the temple, you see them happen every day, but you just can't talk about it. MEA: Some things are just too sacred. FTA: They are. You try to tell somebody and you can't do it. MEA: Sometimes I think the Lord blesses us with experiences that he expects us to keep to ourselves too. EKA: Well, that's probably true too. 15 MEA: Whenever there's a time you have an opportunity to share it and you feel impressed that it's what the Lord wants you to do, that's when you do it. I can't imagine being in an area where the lights were always out because they'd been fearful of the enemy and then to see them. FTA: They had blackouts. You couldn't even have lights on in the house when you guys were blacked out. EKA: I got to see a lot of Germany. After the war was over, the division came home and I didn't have enough points to come home. So, they transferred me to the third division, 15th infantry. I drove a truck all over Germany for almost a year before I got enough points to come home. I had enough points to get discharged, but I didn't have enough points to get on the ship. You figure how many people they'd send overseas. Millions of soldiers over there taking seniority rides to bring them back. They didn't fly anybody. We rode boats back. Ships are all you had back in those days. They had a few aircraft, but nothing they could move a whole bunch of people with. The officers would get to fly back, but we just had to wait until there was room on the boats and the ships so we could come back. I had to spend almost a year— nine to ten months—driving a truck over there. They did that for me, they changed my MOS number to a truck driver. I said, "If I've got to stay over here I don't want to walk around with a rifle on my shoulder, I want to do something else. Give me a military driver's license, I'll drive." I never drove a five speed transmission and 10-wheeler. I figured out of all the other vehicles in the service, I want to get one of them I can drive. Of course, I got a 10-wheeler. 16 Spent all night long in the motor pool that night and drove that truck around the motor pool finding where all the gears were. MEA: You ever remember any of the men in your units? Ever keep in contact with them? EKA: No, I hear about more recently in the Marines, they have get-togethers and all that kind of stuff. We never did get close to each other. You get too close then it's too hard to lose them. So, I just never made too many friends. I had a couple of friends though. Ira Sally, he was a professional wrestler. He was my buddy I went with him all the time. Just never did get close to them. Reece, gosh, their whole company knew each other and knew them by name and everything. I never did do that. We just stayed by ourselves. Didn't want to make good friends because you make a good friend and then you'd lose them. It was just easier not to make them in the first place. What you want me to talk about in comparison to what there is today it just— MEA: It's so much different when you look at what happens when a soldier is out on the battlefields now compared to what it was like when you were there. I mean, now they have all these modern things and can fight a war with enemies that they don't even see from a distance. That wasn't the case for you guys. EKA: That's true. MEA: You think about back in Book of Mormon times it was even worse than that because it was hand to hand with swords and spears. I think the loss of life because of what wasn't available to you then is certainly different than now. 17 EKA: Even what you see on television. Thousands of men on each side back in biblical days. They'd come together and kill thousands and there would be thousands of people laying all over. It wasn't that bad. MEA: I was just wondering if you ever received any medals and citations. You talk about the bronze star, what was that? EKA: That was for going beyond and above the line of duty, but it just depends on where you are and what time it is. Everybody does spectacular things when they have to. Some of us got cited for it and some of us didn't. I could have got a Purple Heart, but I was always against that Purple Heart. If you get killed you get a Purple Heart. If you cut your finger, you get a Purple Heart. I never did think much of the Purple Heart for that reason because there were some recipients that really earned it, but then there were some of them that just got it as a gift. We were out in our three quarter ton truck carrying some ammo and a bunch specialized stuff and we hit a land mine. It blew one front wheel right off the vehicle and blew us all out of the vehicle. We were all bruised up and we could hardly move. The guy that was driving, it's cold there of course and he had put a regular winter glass, house glass and a piece of plywood across there for a door on the truck. That glass broke and cut his face. One thing about a Purple Heart, you have to draw blood to have a Purple Heart. That guy that was driving the truck inside that got a little scratch on his face got a Purple Heart. The rest of us just almost got killed back there but we didn't draw blood so we didn't get a Purple Heart. 18 MEA: You just drove over a mine? EKA: Yeah. MEA: Well, we kind of talked about what everyday life was like there that's for sure. I always think it's interesting when you were talking about mom sending that gift over and not knowing where you are. It's kind of interesting that they didn't allow you to say, "This is where I am." They didn't allow that? EKA: Well I could have told her. I couldn't have told her the exact location, but I could have told her what I was doing and everything. FTA: They censored your letter. EKA: I just didn't want her and mom and dad to know that I was getting shot at. FTA: They black it out. They didn't let it come through. MEA: So you actually got letters? EKA: I'd send letters. Well, I'd say I sent her letters all the time, but she probably got twenty or thirty letters in one bunch. I'd get the same from her, a whole stack of letters. I hadn't had any letters for a month and then I'd get a whole month's supply of letters. FTA: You'd try to write every day, but what is there every day? MEA: People would write to you but it'd be months before you actually received the letter? How did you know what was going on at home? 19 EKA: Didn't. We didn't know after we got over there. FTA: Probably just as well because then you wouldn't worry about all that. Worry about yourself there. MEA: I'd get homesick wondering what was going on at home. EKA: You do, but I think the whole thing is the Lord just takes care of you. As far as being scared is concerned, when I got the letter that said, "Greetings," I was scared until I got home, but nothing that I couldn't handle. Like I said, I think the Lord just takes care of you and makes it to where you can do what you have to do, that's all. EKA: Some guys got sick on the boat over. They didn't think they were going to make it. Thought they were going to die from sea sickness. We had two guys in our outfit that they took off the boat on a stretcher. I mean, they were so weak they hadn't eaten. We were on the water for fifteen days and they hadn't done anything but throw up for fifteen days. I never got sick. I was hungry all the time. All of them got sick. That's fine because then I could go down to mess hall and get anything I wanted. MEA: Did you always have enough to eat? EKA: No. On the boat we did. They only fed you two meals a day, but they were substantial meals. MEA: I remember one time I was asking you about Christmas and you told me that you were able to get a good turkey dinner. 20 EKA: President Roosevelt said that every man would get a turkey dinner on Christmas and we did. Oh man, I hadn't had a meal for months. Just cold sea rations and K rations. Ate this meal and we were all just sick, but it sure tasted good going down. They had jeeps and they'd bring food up in jeeps as close as they could get and then hand carry it the rest of the way to the front line. We got our hot meal. MEA: What was Christmas like? Just another day? EKA: Just another day. You see some of these picture shows where the Germans and the Americans both back off, but I never did see it. MEA: Didn't happen for you, huh? EKA: No, just one day the same as another. MEA: Did you have any reminders of home with you? Did you carry anything? Picture from mom? EKA: No, I don't believe I did. FTA: Yeah you did, I think. EKA: I don't know. Did I? I probably did. FTA: He threw them all away when he landed at Ft. Douglas. He threw everything away. EKA: It was coming back, not going over. See, you weren't allowed to carry anything that they could identify you by. If you got picked up you weren't supposed to have 21 anything in your pockets or anything like that. Not a picture or an address or anything like that. All you had to do was say your name, rank and serial number when you got picked up. So we didn't really carry anything. FTA: Had your dog tags and that's it, wasn't it? EKA: Oh yeah, I carried them. That's the same thing as giving your name and serial number is all. So they could identify you when you get your head blown off. MEA: When we were just little boys that you bought us some Springfield 30-06 military rifles. You used to tell me that in the winter those were pretty reliable, but those automatics weren't so good in the winter. What did you carry? Did you switch out? EKA: I switched for a couple months there. I happened to find one. They didn't issue them. The snipers use that Springfield like I got you guys. MEA: With the peep sight? EKA: No, it didn't have fancy scopes on them. I could knock the scope off because I couldn't use that and use a peep sight just exactly like the ones you have. MEA: When I couldn't shoot? EKA: I don't know, dog gone thing. That sight fell apart and everything else. You had the worst luck when it comes to guns. FTA: Guns? Not only guns, everything he got. 22 MEA: I just know dad's a dead eye shot with that peep sight. I couldn't hit anything and he shot a porcupine off a tree and said, "There ain't nothing wrong with that gun." So, you're a pretty good shot. EKA: Well, it was the same peep sight on the M-1, on the automatic too. MEA: Oh really? EKA: That's the same sight that all your military weapons had. So it wasn't like changing sights, it was the same thing. MEA: So you used an M-1 and then you used the Springfield? EKA: Yeah. They'd freeze up and you could hardly open them. The bolt, you could grab that and even if it's frozen up you could grab that and open it. It only had 5 shots and the M-1 had 8. At the same time, I'd rather have five that I know will shoot than 8 that I didn't know if they would or not. I think you've seen in some of your war shows— guys pounding on their M-1—trying to get them to open so they could get them cocked and shoot. MEA: Not too reliable. EKA: They probably were, probably what you get in your own mind. At times I didn't know, but I'm sure it was very few. All they have to do is not open once and your show is over. I went to a Springfield for a month or two there. In fact, I mostly didn't carry an M-1, I carried a Carbine. MEA: Oh really? 23 EKA: Yeah, I carried the Carbine because we usually had other stuff to carry besides just the rifle. We carried Carbines so we could carry ammo. When we'd go on patrol we'd like to go on patrol with the Carbine a Grease Gun, or a little automatic. Full automatic Grease guns is what they'd call them. That's just what they looked like is a little Grease gun with an iron stalk and everything. A lot of times when you go on patrol you were just trying not to let the Germans rest and keep them scared. You'd go up there and the artillery observers would spot a congregation of them. They'd take a patrol in there, sneak up on them, throw a couple of hand grenades and empty out a couple of those guns. Then they'd turn and run and we'd stay and fight. We'd just turn and run back for the line. So when they lay down and tried to get a little rest, in the back of their mind they're thinking, "Are those guys going to come and bother us again?" We'd just keep them nervous and worried all the time. I carried a full automatic for a while and called in a raid platoon. All we did was go out and raid camps like that. That was good duty too. You talk about food, we'd have to go out every night in front of the line companies and in the day time we went behind the lines and got hot meals. That was pretty good. As long as we didn't mess up and give ourselves away, you figured, those guys we were raiding weren't shooting back. You're looking for someone to shoot at so you go throw grenades and shoot a couple of clips of the automatic and take off. Those guys are still docked, they're not trying to shoot back. By the time they wise up, we're gone. As long as we didn't get caught going through the lines getting back through there. That was pretty good because we'd get good hot meals. 24 MEA: I know you've seen the movies with Bob Hope when he does the USO shows. Did you ever see any of them? EKA: I've seen one of them. MEA: Did you? Who did you see? EKA: Bob Hope. In fact, he was late to the show because he tried to run a road block and they shot at him. Shot the gas tank out. Stupid. He put on a good show. It was their dirty show, but not real dirty. Well, today they would be clean shows, but back then they were dirty shows. He put on a real good show. I don't remember the girl that he had with him, but he had girls and he told some jokes. Some of the jokes were pretty raunchy and some of the girls would leave you a lot of thoughts to think about what they were thinking. The everyday movies are worse now than the Bob Hope shows back in those days. For instance, Bob Hope got an awful big fine on the radio before they had television. He said, "The new women's swimsuit is going to consist of two thimbles and a cork." They cut him off, but it was too late. He got it out before he got cut off. Oh man, was he ever reprimanded and got a big stiff fine for saying that thing. MEA: Things were different then. EKA: Nobody would think anything about that now. Back then that was a terrible thing to say. MEA: I just remember watching the variety shows with you back in the good old days when they had them, and always watching Bob Hope T.V. 25 EKA: I only got to see one of his shows, but I did get to see one. He put on a show in Stuttgart, Germany when we were there. MEA: Did you ever play any pranks on your buddies? EKA: Not to speak of, but they were pulled that's for sure. MEA: Did you ever get to come home? EKA: Once. After I finished basic training, I got to come home one time and that was it. MEA: Once you went overseas that was it? EKA: I went overseas and stayed there until I got discharged. MEA: How long were you there? You said you had to drive trucks for nine months. EKA: I was overseas about a year and a half. MEA: What were you doing all that time, Mom? Just worrying? FTA: Working. That's when I worked for Dr. Kragen. My first family. EKA: I never realized how much of the stuff I forgot all about until you asked me questions. Most of it left me. Well, that was a few years ago. FTA: Well, that was over sixty years ago. MEA: What was the year when you went? EKA: Forty-four. FTA: We were married on the 30th of December of 1943. 26 MEA: So you'd been married a year? EKA: Before I went in? Just a couple of months. MEA: Really? Married a couple months and then away you went? That's not time to have a relationship. FTA: No. I don't know if we'd have done it differently. We'd done it because he was leaving and they had a special section at the temple for military. That's why ours is on the 30th. EKA: The temple was closed, but they opened it up for one day for the military guys. MEA: A bunch of you just showed up and went through your endowments and you got married after? FTA: At Logan Temple. You had to climb up all those stairs. Back then you couldn't get anything like a wedding dress or anything. This other couple had a veil made out of that knit stuff and every step she took to go up there she'd rip, rip, rip. She'd step on it. They were the first to get married and when the guy told them to kiss, they gave a big smack. Grandma Anderson said, "Don't you do that." She didn't want to get embarrassed. It was quite a deal that day. A special day. A day to remember. MEA: Were you in a wedding dress and everything? EKA: No, she didn't have one. She borrowed the clothes that she got married in. FTA: Aunt Ivy gave me a blouse and a skirt. 27 EKA: A blouse and a white skirt. FTA: The rest was just the temple issued. MEA: Do you remember the sealer? EKA: I don't. FTA: It's probably on our marriage license. MEA: Where'd you go on your honeymoon? FTA: Salt Lake on the Galloping Goose MEA: What's the Galloping Goose? EKA: A train that used to go to Lewiston—the Utah Idaho Central. MEA: Is that where you got on? EKA: No we got on in Logan and stayed at the temple square hotel. FTA: We stayed there also when he came home. Didn't we? EKA: No, we stayed at…I can't remember the name of it now. FTA: New House. EKA: New House Hotel. Mom and dad got us a room there. We did stay at the temple square hotel. In fact, when we stayed there it was a brand new hotel. It hadn't been opened very long. FTA: We didn't even know where to go to eat or anything. 28 MEA: I was going to ask you, what did you do for your honeymoon? Go out to eat? Go to a movie? FTA: We went about two feet and then to the hotel because we were scared we'd get lost. EKA: Country hicks. We were afraid we'd get lost if we went any place. There was a drug store on the corner there that had pretty good food; we'd eat there most of the time. We didn't do much of anything. FTA: Well, I've never been any place in my life. MEA: So, Salt Lake was quite an adventure? FTA: I'd been to Salt Lake once when my grandma took me. EKA: We rode on that Galloping Goose and when we got to Salt Lake, we got off the train and were afraid we'd get lost so we hailed a cab down. I said, "Can you take us to the temple square hotel?" He said, "Yeah, it's right there." The old Vanberger station, there was just an alley between that and the temple square hotel. We got off the train about twenty feet from the train was the hotel. MEA: They knew you were from out of town. FTA: There was this box on the wall, we didn't know what it was and we didn't dare mess with it. Finally, found out it was the radio, wasn't it? 29 EKA: Well, it wasn't the radio it was just a speaker. What they had was a central place where they could play music, and you just had to push the button on the box. I didn't know whether it was for room service or what it was. FTA: What was it that we were just laughing about? Oh, somebody next door was celebrating the New Year and light was showing through. We were laughing our heads off. Remember? Trying to listen to what was going on in the other room. EKA: We went to one station while we were there. I can't remember where we went, but we went to a live show. MEA: How long were you in Salt Lake? EKA: I think we stayed there two nights. FTA: Then, we went back home and stayed with his parents until he left. EKA: Yeah, we stayed with mom and dad until I left. MEA: How long? EKA: A couple months. When I got home, I owned a home. She had bought a home. MEA: For eight-hundred dollars. FTA: His uncle gave us a stove. I bought a kitchen set and a bedroom set. Mother and dad gave us a couch. Back in those days, we didn't even have a fridge. We had an ice box. EKA: I don't think we had a telephone, did we? 30 FTA: No. EKA: I didn't think so. Now, you've got these things here that… MEA: I know. When you got home did you stay and work in Lewiston, or is that when you left? EKA: I stayed in Lewiston for a couple of years, but just couldn't make enough money. FTA: We tried the floral business. EKA: We bought into the floral business with Uncle Al and Aunt Ida. There just wasn't enough money there. Both of us got out of that and I worked as an auto mechanic up there at the Jim Bridge for a while. FTA: That and the sugar factory. EKA: I took the sugar factory and I drove a dump truck down the road from Richmond to Trenton on those back roads. I helped build those back roads. I was working at the sugar factory and driving dump truck. I got scared and quit the dump truck. I wasn't getting hardly any sleep at all. I'd go down there, take out that dump truck and go dump my load. I'd come back in we'd be talking and they'd say, "Boy, did you see that big herd of cows on the side of the road?" I didn't see them. One time I came back there and they said, "Those kids are going to get killed playing on the side of the road there." I never saw those kids. Right then I decided, "I can't be doing this. I've got to quit." I'd work graveyard at the sugar factory from 12:00 a.m. to 8:00 a.m. and had to be at the dump truck from 8:00 a.m. to 4:30 31 p.m. The guys would cover for me for that last five to ten minutes while I'd go get on the other job. I was only home about five hours a day. It just wasn't enough. MEA: What was it like coming home? When the war was ended and you came home, was there welcome in the community? Or you just came home? EKA: No, just came home. They showed all that stuff about World War II and the big parade back at New York, but that wasn't anybody that had been in combat. They were the state side "Joes" that never went overseas in the first place. They had a whole bunch of big celebrations, but we were fighting people and we didn't have any celebrations at all. We went quiet and we came back quiet. FTA: I don't know if they had anything in Ogden. EKA: Seemed to me like you said they did because you said that Craig had taken you there. I think it was in Ogden they took you and they had a parade or something. They did right after the war ended though. They had some celebrations, but when I went, I went all quiet and when I came back, I came back all quiet. Only trouble I had was I couldn't take any prisoners to Uncle Ed on the farm. They had a German prisoner of war camp in Preston and they'd use these prisoners up on the farm. Uncle Ed was having a rough time and I was helping him all I could. I said, "Let's go get some prisoners." He said, "They won't work." I said "Oh yes they will, I guarantee you they'll work." So he said, "Alright, let's go." Had to be armed, so I went and got my shot gun and we went to Preston. We got ten of them all ready to go and they found out I was just out of the service from Germany and they wouldn't let me have them. They were afraid I'd kill them. 32 FTA: Yeah, they'd top beets right next door to the Doctors where I worked we'd watch them out there topping beets? MEA: It's interesting that they'd bring them all the way there to Lewiston from Preston. EKA: Yeah that was a prisoner of war camp in Preston. MEA: They must spread them all around the country. EKA: Yeah they were. FTA: Not in one place. EKA: I don't know why they were still there because that was a year after the war was over. They hadn't sent them home or something. I don't remember what the deal was, but I know when I first got out of the service they had a prisoner of war camp in Preston. Crazy world. FTA: You're getting a history lesson. MEA: I didn't know that at all. MEA: We're going to look at this book of remembrance and dads going to share some of the things he remembers about the stuff that mom saved. EKA: That's Ira Sally, the professional wrestler that used to know. MEA: He used to tell us a little bit about him. Is this over in France? EKA: In Germany. MEA: In Germany where it's all bombed out? 33 EKA: I didn't even know you had all those pictures of me. FTA: It's not something you have out every day. EKA: You can see that we're real smart taking pictures, aren't we? All those shadows; can't see anything anyway. This is in Germany. MEA: You really bombed them out it looks like. EKA: I have a hard time seeing much about it. This is showing you everything pretty much bombed out. Their fortresses are houses over there. They're all cement rock and cement houses with walls a foot and half thick. Nowadays it wouldn't mean very much, but back when a flight of B-17's went over Stuttgart, they would spend 3 minutes over Stuttgart and level it. The whole town was leveled in 3 minutes. Now, they shoot one shell over there and level it. Back then that was a lot of bombs they used over there. That picture right there, for example, that's the Carbine I carried. That's a German pistol I had at the time. A guy offered me more money for that pistol than what it was worth. MEA: This is an article that I don't know if I've seen. It says, "Lewiston Man was Cited With the 100th Division of the 7th Army in Germany 1st Battalion Headquarters Company. The 398th infantry has been awarded the Meritorious Service Unit Plaque. EKA: Meritorious Service Wreath, I forgot that. That's the one that's on the sleeve. I don't know whether you took that off or not too. She stripped my jacket and all my ribbons and everything on it. She took all that stuff off and I didn't know how 34 to put it back on. It was put on there in the right places by the right people and she took it all off and washed it. Its wool and it shrunk. It was half big enough for me after she got through with it. I'd like to have had that. FTA: That was a terrible thing to do. I was trying to be so nice. EKA: I don't even know what awards I received. I forgot about that Meritorious Service Wreath. MEA: It says, "By direction of the President… the Meritorious Service Unit Plaque is awarded to the First Battalion Headquarters Company, 398th Infantry for superior performance of duty and achievement of a high standard discipline. The 100th (Century) Division, of which the 398th Infantry is a part, fought through the Vosges Mountains in France, cracking the proposed German Winter line there, seiged the famous Maginot Line city of Bitche for three months and finally captured it for the first time in the city's two-hundred years history. Breached the Siegfried Line and drew the Germans on the Southern end of the Western front back across the Rhine River at Ludwigshafen and deep into Southern Germany. Most recently, before the wars end in Europe, the 100th had captured the key Nazi rail and communications center of Heilbronn, after a bitter nine day battle. The fanatical German stand at the city 100,000 was called the most determined defense the Nazis put up of their homes soil. Later, the 100th cooperated with the first French Army. EKA: There's the whole thing right there. MEA: You didn't remember that? 35 EKA: Bitche, France was why we had such a hard time taking that. There's a big cave up above the town there and they'd take 88 artillery guns. They had two 88's up there and they'd shoot direct fire at you. It's a shell about that big around and any time we moved, they'd shoot at us like that and we couldn't knock them out. Finally, we did. I guess that must have been an enormous cave because Sally Berlin, we'd listen to her when we'd get a chance. We went up above on top of the mountains and led charges down on rope and blew the cave up and Sally Berlin came on that night and said we got the name of the "Bloody Butchers of Bitche" because they said we killed over two-hundred people in that cave. They had a fort in that town, an old Robin Hood type fort and they supplied the Maginot Line. It was talking about that in there. They had underground all the way to these pillboxes they could send people or guns or ammunition and anything they wanted from that fort. They'd come up from under the ground. Everything was underground. Bitche was Maginot Line, but the Siegfried Line was the same thing. They had a central place, we'd go there and hit those pillboxes and take them. Figure everything was taken and go on through to the next row of pillboxes. We'd be getting shot at from the ones we just cleared and we couldn't figure out how. That's how, because we'd get too hot for them and they'd leave the pillboxes. We'd get there and throw hand grenades in there which would kill anything in the pillboxes, but they wouldn't be in there. After we'd get by they'd go back up in the pillboxes and start shooting at us again. "Bloody Butchers of Bitche." MEA: That was quite a big deal then to get that handed. 36 EKA: Yeah, that was a rough stand there we had. We lost a lot of people in that. The "Bloody Butchers of Bitche." MEA: She was a German radio announcer? EKA: Yeah, that was just amazing. We landed at Marsai, France and took all our patches and everything off before we left the states. Everything was top secret. We landed in Marsai and Sally Berlin came on the radio and welcomed the 100th Division. They knew all about us. They knew how many of us there was and they knew where we were going to go, where we were going to hit the front lines. They knew everything. We just laughed about it because everything turned out that way. Your people tell you that they'd make the password up to five days in advance. She said, "Get your pencils and papers out. Here's your password for the next thirty days." And she was right. MEA: So they knew everything. EKA: Knew everything about us. That deal called us the "Bloody Butchers of Bitche," it wasn't 30 minutes after we blew that cave up that she'd come on the radio and tell us what was done and how many people were in that cave. MEA: Enemy behind your lines or something. EKA: She did us a lot of good really. We just loved to listen to her programs. She played music on it all the time and do you think your loved ones are waiting for you back there and all that kind of stuff. We just got a kick out of it and we loved the music she played, so it was just very interesting. When we landed in Marsai, 37 France, she came right on the radio told us we'd landed and that we were going to meet German crack troops in the Vosges Mountains in France and that's exactly where we went. How she knew, I don't know. There had to be somebody on our side of the line who was feeding her information. A spy of some kind. She knew a lot more than we did. We didn't know where we were going, but she sure did. MEA: This other thing says, "Edward K. Anderson 3-9-9-2-6-8-8-5 Private 1st Class 398th Infantry Regiment for Meritorious Achievement in action during the period of 6 November 1944 to the 23rd of April 1945 in France and Germany as an ammunition bearer in an ammunition and pioneer platoon. Private Anderson performed his duties commendably throughout this period of combat operations. He displayed outstanding courage and was initiative on 5th December near Lincoln, France where 6 members of his platoon, he helped to evacuate six casualties under intense enemy fire for several hours aided his comrades in riding off a desperate hostile counterattack. The repelling of which substantially contributed to the capture of Wingen. He entered military service from Lewiston, Utah." MEA: So, your dog tag number, you remember it still? EKA: 3-9-9-2-6-8-8-5. MEA: Here's another group of you in the mountains. It says, "Just outside Bitche, just before we made our attack on the 15th of March. There's a pillbox behind us that were in for borage of artillery. Just came in and the German planes striked and 38 so the battered pillbox looks pretty good." So it's a picture of a pillbox, group of you around it. I wouldn't have known what a pillbox was if you hadn't told me. There's a pretty handsome guy with his shirt off. It says, "My darling, the paper's not very good, so I am sending the magazine with all the pictures." These look like pictures of France and some of the sites. Cathedrals. FTA: Why don't you see that sketch of your dad? MEA: I saw that. Who did that? FTA: Who did that for you? Do you remember? MEA: There's a name on it but I can't read it. MEA: It says Sally. FTA: I wondered if he was an artist. MEA: Who was Sally? EKA: Don't remember that either. EKA: He was a professional wrestler. His wife got after him until he had to give it up. Then he went into show business. Got him a little band called, "Yodeling Ike and the Texas Rangers." He said, "There wasn't any one of us that'd been to Texas." "Yodeling Ike and the Texas Rangers." He could yodel that's for sure. MEA: "So it's your first day in the Army and you want a raise in pay? Certainly its worth more now after I learned the work would be easier." You've got a bunch of postcards. 39 MEA: Here's another article on the 100th. "Once again the Wheel of Fortune brings the 100th division rest inside the fold of VI Corps guiding sentry division for the third time with the headquarters under which it received its baptism of fire. In war, Major General Withers a duress 100th division, served twice under the Veteran Corps direction. First, upon entering the line in November 1941, in the Vosges Mountains and last in the struggle for Heilbronn in March and April of this year, separated and ordered under other control in each of these campaigns, the division recently became an occupational unit of the headquarters. The woods were dense and the hills steep in Vosges." EKA: Sergeant Ingel Britson was the platoon sergeant. Lieutenant Jamson was a Lieutenant. He was the one that sent me to the rest camp that said he's not worried about me getting shot he's worried about me shooting the guys going to shoot him. MEA: It talks about the atomic bomb. Were you back home by then? EKA: No, when they dropped the atomic bomb, the 100th division hadn't come home then. We were preparing to go to Japan, but decided to stay there when they dropped the atomic bomb and ended the war. The 100th division came home and I didn't have enough points to come home. MEA: So after all you been through there getting you prepared to go, another one? EKA: If they hadn't used the atomic bomb we probably would have made it over there, but they figured a lot of people were going to get killed when we get to Japan. We didn't have to get Japan, they surrendered before we had. 40 MEA: This says, "August 6th, President Truman today announced that an atomic bomb has been used against Japan for the first time with power equal to 20,000 tons of TNT. In a statement issued at the White House, Mr. Truman revealed that sixteen hours ago, sometime Sunday, and American airplane dropped one of the new bombs on Hiroshima, an important Japanese Army base. That bomb had more power than 20,000 tons. He said it had more than 2,000 times the blast power of British grand slam which is the largest bomb ever in the history of warfare." EKA: A lot of history in that book right there. MEA: I'll say. You have a German swastika. Japan surrenders. BJ Day. MacArthur. Douglas MacArthur must have been there. You have a long thing called, "Loving a Soldier." A poem? Here's your citation for the Bronze Star. This is the same one that I read. FTA: I can't believe there's so much history in that book. MEA: You got a recommendation for the Sustained Superior Performance Award. "Twenty-five Aircraft Sheet Metal Recruiters WG-10 and intermediate levels." That was at Hill Field. Well, we got quite a bit. Anything you want to add? EKA: There's stuff I forgot all about, then you see stuff in there that I don't remember happened. FTA: You got those two German friends that were writing to you telling you to come home and never answered back. Weganer, something? 41 EKA: Vernor. A lot of things I should have done and didn't. FTA: Like what? EKA: Answer those kid's letters. 42 Appendix Pill Box 1945. Just Outside of Bitche just before we made our attack on the 15th of March. It is a pill box behind us that we were in. A borage of artillery just came in, and the German planes just striked, so the battered pillbox looked pretty good to us. Ludwigsburg, Germany Bitche, France St. Lewis, France Bitche, France My Darling, the paper is not very good so I am sending the magazine with all the pictures. 43 44 Ludwigsburg, Germany Bitche, France St. Lewis, France 45 Bitche, France Bitche, France Bitche, France Ludwigsburg, Germany Bitche, France 46 47 Lt. Jamson our platoon Lt. and Sgt. Ingel Britson our platoon Sgt. Ira A. Salley, Carver Street Waterville Maine. Ludwigsburg, Germany Stuttgart, Germany This picture is not just a blur, it is just the view of Stuttgart. My Darling, this is a picture of us when we were pretty regal and as you can see it wouldn't hurt us to get close to a razor and also get about 2 inches cut off my hair. 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78

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PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and develop one of the church in-stitutions with pecuniary ad-vantage to yourself. Address HENRY S. BONER, Sup't. T H E HE RC U R V The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., OCTOBER 1907 No. 5 CONTENTS PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE.—Junior Oratorical Oration. 2 W. A. BEKKEY, '08. MAN, THE MARVEL OF CREATION. Honorable Mention Junior Oratorical. H. M. BOWEK, '08. PUMPKIN PIE. GEO. W. KESSLER, '08. THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS.—Essay. Socrates.—Part I. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, '08. 10 SOLDIERLY QUALITIES.—Essay. MARY HAY HIMES, '08. lf> MY FIRST DAY AS TEACHER IN A COUNTY SCHOOL. 19 E. E. SNYDER, '09. OUR NATION'S DANGER.—Poem. H. D. SWANK, '11. 21 A VISIT TO SING SING.-Essay. BY 1908. 22 SCHEDULED TIME.—Essay. EDITORIALS. EXCHANGES. 2& 28, 31 THE MERCURY. PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE. Junior Prize Oration. W. A. BEHKEY, '08. THOUSAND years hence the history of the United States will be studied with an interest that shall equal if not excel that which is now manifested for Greece, Eome, or any of the nations whose history is already made. . The unparalleled rise and development of our nation is a truism. Our standing and supremacy among the other nations of the world is indeed unique. Little wonder is it that the heads of European nations grow dizzy when they see the progress of their own countries during hundreds of years equalled and excelled in a few scores of years by the American people. Of first importance to the student, then, will be this incomparably rapid development. Various prophesies and predictions have been made about the destiny of our republic. The whole of history has been scanned for a parallel of principles and practice which will indicate her ultimate character and function. The question how long our republic will endure was answered very profoundly by James Russell Lowewll: "So long as the ideas of the men who found-ed it continue dominant." To some people the character of our age seems so evident, since they themselves form a part of it, that it presents no ques-tions of inquiry. To the student who surveys carefully the principles and practice dominating and shaping the trend of our growth, there appear tendencies, various, conflicting and inconsistent to such a degree, that the scene is one of intermi-nable confusion. Among the nations of the world, none wields such power and prestige for bringing about peace, as our own When Nicholas of Russia extended a call to the nations for a world parliament at The Hague, and afterwards refused to follow the very prin-ciples which he advocated; when England, the leading nation of Western Europe was willing to block the way of international peace; when the Hague conference, the grandest ideal ever at-tempted, seemed to result in utter fruitlessness ;then it was that the United States on the occasion of the Venezuelan trouble. THE MERCURY. 3 brought back to life this grandest movement of history. When Japan and Eussia, failing to come to terms of peace, were on the point of resuming a war that was inhuman in its character, and unjustified in its object, it was again through the mediation of U. S. that peace was effected satisfactorily to all the world. But on the other hand, if our nation wields such an influence for peace, honesty, integrity of character and justice, how can we reconcile this with the inner life of our nation—with such facts &s are disclosed by the Life Insurance Investigation, the monopolists, the Capitol graft, in our own state which is but a type of what is occurring in some form or other in nearly every large city; the corruption of our politics; the startling statistics of crime; the constant strife between the different races in our own land; the lack of a public conscience in our courts of jus-tice. These glaring facts seem to indicate an utter disregard of the principles of peace, honesty, liberty, and justice, upon which our nation is founded. Statistics show that the IT. S. has the greatest criminal record of any other nation on earth. We pride ourselves in claiming that one of our great national principles is the equality of man. and we point to the 15th Amendment of our Constitution as an achievement which must outshine any enactment, decree, or legislation in the world. In practice, however, we discriminate against the negro. States are openly disavowing and nullifying the 15th Amendment by inserting in their constitutions suffer-age provisions which are in direct conflict with the spirit of the Federal Constitution. Separate coaches on lines of transporta-tion, and restriction of residence to certain portions of the city are not matters of the dim past. We dilate each year on the growing feeling of peace between the North and South, and yet when a Southerner comes to the North, he is a mark of curiosity—a rebel—alive, and in the North. It was but a few months ago when a prominent South-erner, during his visit to a wealthy shoe manufacturer of Boston was utterly embarrassed by the curiosity of the people, which reached its climax in the question from the most refined lady to the Southerner: "Since the war is over, don't you Southern-ers feel ashamed for causing it ?" We eulogise American democracy for the principles which THE MERCURY. govern her political system. Yet we have come to such a status in which it seems the majority of men are willing to abdicate the sovereignty entrusted to them, to allow a boss to dictate their votes, and all too frequently, to compromise with one fac-tion or tiie other for a price. Do we not regard our own government with too much com-placency ? A feeling' that it cannot go wrong, it has been maintained that the glory of American democracy consists in the manner in which people of the most various races and na-tions have been absorbed and adapted by the vigor of the Aiheri-ean spirit. Hugo Munsterburg says of this: "The foreign ele-ments which come of their own choice to Germany, have been as thoroughly assimilated by the monarchy as the American emi-grants by the democracy. America's whole success in that di-rection, hi' says, is determined by her geographical and economi-cal situation, but not by her form of government." We make no apology for this seeming pessimism. Such is not our view. We have no sympathy with the view that every-thing is corruption and that all the picture should be dark and threatening. The last decade has been marked by prosperity never known heroic: by progress in international relations never dreamed of in all history. There has been illgotten gain and corruption in many places. But, the abuses which in' condemn only cause the principles in which we hare such profound faith, to stand out by contrast in their full orbed glory. The questions which present themselves are these: How can the 1'. S. maintain and exert such an influence for peace and honesty, when internal conditions are so inconsistent ? If the rest of the world is really aware of the true conditions, what is the secret of our influence ? If the rest of the world is not aware, how long will it be until the corruption comes to the sur-face and our prestige falls ? We do not believe even that danger is imminent. But we must admit that the people do not want to hear and seemingly are almost unwilling to believe that our destiny as a nation is affected by forces such as these. 1'eare is not the greatest word. Honor and Justice are far greater. We must remain true to the principles which we maintain. We must endeavor to practice them universally. We cannot close our eyes to facts. We have • little time for the student or teacher of science who refuses to THE MERCURY. -open Eds eyes to the (acts of investigation which lie beneath the surface. So with the individual who refuses to recognize the •disharmony between his principles and the facts of his practice. One of the most dramatic lessons in history is Demostheness pleading with the people of Athens. Demosthenes well knew that Athens could stand only as she was true to the principles ■of the fathers. Not because they were the principles of the fathers, but because their fathers had been faithful to the message of Demosthenes to Athens remains a message to every republic—a message of life. The people in their assemb-lies applauded the fine sentiments, enjoyed the praises of the fathers, passed eloquent resolutions,—and shirked their duties. They depended upon leaders—bosses—to attend to all the affairs •of the state. "In old. days," Demosthenes said, "the people was master of its statesman. Now it is their servant." These seeming inconsistencies are only warnings directing us where our principles which are ideal might become real. If ■there can be any evident reason for our progress at home and abroad during the last six years, it is because we have a man at the head of our government who practices the principles for which the nation stands. His, the work of one man,-shows us the secret of a principle of progress—the individual. The thinker sees problems in their relations. The inconsistencies which he finds become a burden, and this very burden of incon-sistency between principle and practice gives the impulse which, leads him to their solution. THE MERCURY MAN, THE MARVEL OF CREATION. Honorable Mention, Junior Oratorical. H. M. BOWER, '08. ITII the advancement of civilization and the rapid pro-gress of modern times, the truth of the assertion that man is a wonderful piece of mechanism becomes more and more apparent. In his forward movement he leaps the chasm of mysteries, forces the strongholds of igno-rance, and surmounts the seemingly impossible. Prom the very beginning, created from the dust, guided by the Omnipotent Hand, he is by his very nature, not only a vir-tual compendium of proceeding stages of creation; but as such is an exponent of the power and wisdom and goodness of God. For in him the laws of matter are to find their interpreter, the vegetable kingdom its uses, animal and all creation its subordi-nate completion and end. "He is a being who besides being a continuous link in the chain of the divine manifestation, could,, as the creation to whom the manifestation is made, turn round and look back upon that chain and by that very act show himself to be the most important part cf it." In this new creature we behold a being capable of knowing and distinctly conscious of a three-fold element of knowledge—of himself as a dictinct ex-istence; of the finite creation to which he belongs and from which he derives his sensation; and of the Infinite Maker of both, presupposed by their existence. Still more: Ileie is a person, a being, influenced by motives and determined by will, and having a high moral end cf his own. He is a creature in whose mysterious constitution law and liberty—perfect law and conscious liberty—harmoniously co-exist. It is the universal law that all things develop gradually. Man with all his wonderful endowments, his emotion, his intellect, his will, once latent gradually arose to his present stage of in-telligence. But he possessed the germ of power which burst forth into a mighty volcano of achievement—the power of his perception, which enables him to remember and compare, the power of his imagination which, at times indeed, leads him into perplexities and errors, but without the aid of which Newton would never have passed from a falling apple to a falling moon; THE MERCURY. the power of his thought by which an inventor finds his wonder-ful analogies; the power of his will by which he determines his destinies. What mind is there large enough to grasp the great achieve-ments that man has wrought. He revels among the stars and says that they are suns. He delves into the bowels of the earth and says there is fire. Archimedes exclaimed: "Give me a place to stand and I will move the earth." Man has found a standng place and he literally moves the earth, not, it is true, from its place among the stars, but that he brings every part nearer the other, and bends the forces of nature to his own pur-poses. He crushes a ton of granite or cracks an egg with equal •ease. He lifts thousands of tons as easily as he raises a finger. The deepest valleys and the highest mountains are his play-things-— he bridges the one and tunnels the other. He makes a messenger of the lightening and harnesses vapor to his chariot. At his command the spirits of air, water, fire, and earth do his every bidding. They propel his steam ships, railway cars, and mighty energies. They make his garments; they build his houses; they harvest his crops; then illuminate his cities; for him they make ice in the tropics or oranges grow amid the snow; for him they fan heated atmosphere into cooling breezes, banish icy winds. They.flash his news around the world; carry his voice for thousands of miles; or preserve it after he is dead. What are the causes of man's progress ? His indominatable will and the gift of Immortality are the true and real causes. His will, the very image of the Divine will, which is unconquer-able, enables him to control the lower creation as well as him-self. God has given to man immortality. He leads and guides man so that he will be worthy, at His call to assume the crown ■of immortality. No wonder Hamlet exclaimed: "What a piece of work is man ! How noble in reason !, How infinite in faculty, in form and movement, how expressed and admirable ! In action how like an angel! In apprehension how like a god! The beauty of the world ! The paragon of animals !" *Baker, '08, also received honorable mention. THE MERCURY. PUMPKIN PIE. GEO. W. KESSLER. '"08. • EXT to pudding, pumpkin pie is one of the best of the toothsome inventions of our New England ancestors. The modern substitute is made of squash, and very good it often is. But s-q-u-a-s-h is a dreadful name. The man who invented it ought to have a hard shelled Hubbard hurled at his head, as Ichabod Crane was served with a pump-kin, in the "Legend of Sleepy Hollow." Pumpkin is quite a different word , whether it adorns a bill of fare, is woven into poetry, or is flattened into "pu-n-n-kin"in the vernacular. It is one of the old fashioned vegetables that has held its own among upstart rivals for one hundred years or more. Precious little help has the pumpkin had from the propagating gardeners, who are so intent on improving nature's products in other fields. The pumpkin is the same honest, homespun, self-made sort of vegetable vagabond that it was when it straggled through the cornfields and dotted the autumn landscape with spots of golden color in the pioneer days when luxuries were not necessities and wants were few. They pretend to say that the quality has de-teriorated, like some stiains of blood in men whose heads this useful vegetable has most uncharitably been made to symbolize, and that the flesh is pale and poor compared with the yellow richness of fonner years. Yet this may be only the woi k of the old-time worshippers. But when made "tine to name" in just the right way, and served before it gets cold, a pumpkin pie is a thing of beauty and a joy—while it lasts ! 1 know there is an attempt made by certain super-civilized persons to make abstinence from pie a test of refinement. Some of them haven't gastric juice enough to digest anything but tea and toast, but others are just putting on airs. I wouldn't trust some of these fellows who make a virtue of abhoring pie alone with a whole one behind the pantry door, even at 11 o'clock at night. 1 take my seat with Emerson, who, when lunching at a railroad eating house with a party of literary and scientific friends, asked them each in turn if they would ha,ve a piece of the pie before him. When all had politely declined the philosopher helped himself to a gen-erous pie«e and, beaming upon the company with his benevolent THE MERCURY. 9 smile asked: "What is pie for, gentlemen ?" Judge the diet i)v its results ! Was not our New England sage a hundred times healthier and saner with his pie than crabbed old Thomas Carlyle was with his oat meal porridge and dyspepsia ? A well made pie of the right sort is a good deal more wholesome than half of the modern messes concocted as a concession to dyspep-tics who charge upon healthful foods, the natural results of their own sin and ignorance in living without exercise, sleeping too little, smoking too much and neglecting the normal condi-tions of health. But to return to my pie. I scorn to make a cook book of this essay with my present rather scant supply of technical knowledge. But I do know that for a good pumpkin pie you want plenty of milk, just enough eggs, not a judicious sprink-want plenty of milk, just enough eggs, not too much pumpkin, a lump DI' butter and a judicious sprinkling of spices, princi-pally cinnamon and ginger—omitting, if you please, the nut-megs and cloves. The concoction when made ready for the oven, in a "bottom crust" that is tender and flaky when baked, should be about the consistency of good thick cream. Pies that cut out only a little less firm than a pine board—those that will "wobble" without breaking, like a piece of leather—and those that run about loose on your plate are alike to be avoided. About an inch and a half strikes me as a good depth for the filling; two inches is better than the miserable, thin plasters one some-times sees at boarding houses, that look for all the world like pumpkin flap-jacks. The expressive phrase, "too thin" must have come from such lean parodies on pumpkin pies. With the pastry light, tender and not too-rich, and a generous filling of smooth, spiced sweetness, a little "trembly" as to consistency, and delicately browned on top, a perfect pumpkin pie, eaten within a few hours after baking, is one of the real additions made by American cookery to the good things of the world. For the first pumpkin pie of the season, flanked by a liberal cut of creamy"cheese, I prefer to sit clown, as the French gour-mand said about his boiled young turkey—"with just two of us; myself and the turkey." Company is apt to distract from the attention—and subtract from the pie. IO THE MERCURY THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS SOCRATES. Parti. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, '08. HE ideal which the citizens of ancient Greece held in; mind was that the state should not be too large, so. that each one personally would be able to take a large share in civic affairs. The divided condition of the country made it difficult for the ideal to be realized, for in-tense rivalries sprang up continually between the various com-munities and the result was that national life was destroyed. Though confederacies were formed, nevertheless they were short-lived and in th end this rival spirit resulted in Greece losing her liberty. . Thus when Xerxes had invaded Greece with his Persian hordes, Athens and Sparta were active in repelling the invasion. Subsequent years found Athens the leader in Grecian affairs. She became weaithy and brilliant. Intense rivalry and jealousy on the part of Sparta and many other Greek states who had formed a confederacy with Athens led to an open revolt. Athens was accused of appropriating funds for her own use, which did not belong to her. In the struggle that followed Athens lost her political supremacy from which she never recovered. Al-though she remained intellectual queen of the world for years afterward. In order that the state might be strong each citizen lived pri-marily for the state. Though the state may be ever so small each citizen participated in the government in a personal and direct manner. The citizen formed and made up the leisure' class of society. The people were therefore able to devote all their time to civic, religious, intellectual and artistic pursuits, since their menial tasks were performed by slaves. The intense rivalry of various states and factions within the-state and the mountainous condition of Greece prevented a firm union. A diversity of interests sprang up. The state was unable to grow or develop. It was ideal in its conception, ■ but there was breathed into its structure an air of artificiality. The true development of the state was also hampered by the-union of their so-called protecting divinities and civic ideals: They developed all knds of fantastic ideas about gods, divinities'. THE MERCURY II and deities. The various so-called priests multiplied the con-ceptions of numberless gods. Their religion was lacking in unity and stability. Forbes.well says: "That the more stable elements in the Athenian constitution had been greatly weaken-ed, and the general aim was to make all legislation and admin-istration a reflection of the immediate feeling of the citizens, a rationalizing process in matters of faith and principle had been gaining among the more cultured Greeks, and its results had been filtering through philosophic teaching and poetry into the minds of a wider circle." Since the priests were not true guides in the religious affairs, the moral life of the people degenerated. However, the time would come when the religious and moral tone of the native would undergo a complete revolution. Poets and philosophers would seek to know and explain the mysteries of life. Specula-tive thinkers desired to know the origin of things. About (600 B. C.) Hales of Milatus begins to philosophize upon these things. After him followed Anaxmander, Heraclitus, Pytho-goras, Xenophanes, Parmenides, Zeno, Anaxagoras, and others who sought to explain the ultimate reality of things. About 450 B. C. a transition is noticed in Greek thought. The Sophist School became the leaders in Greek philosophical thought. The reasonings and teachings of the Sophists were empty and to a great measure false. Ueberney says: "In the doctrine of the Sophists the transition was effected from philosophy as cosmology to philosophy as concerning itself with the thinking and willing subject. Yet the reflection of the Sophist extended only to the recognition of the subject in his immediate individual character, and was incompetent, therefore, to establish on a scientific basis the theory of cognition and sci-ence of morals, for which it prepared the way. The chief rep-resentatives of this tendency were Protogoras the Individualist, Gorgias the Nihilist, Hippias the Polymathist, and Prodicus the Moralist. These men were followed by a younger genera-ton of Sophists, who perverted the philosophical principle of subjectionism more and more, till it ended in mere frivolity." Furthermore the Sophistic teachings led to a confusion of thought, a corruption of morals and skepticism. Selfishness and self-conceit everywhere were prevalent. Men claimed to know everything, when in reality thy knew nothing. An atmosphere 12 THE MERCURY entirely foreign to the earlier days of the Athenians hung over the city. The citizens were unable to receive justice at the courts. Wealth, luxury, indifference, immorality, atheism and selfishness had resulted in bringing chaos to Greek life. A cricis, faced the people. Who would arouse the citizens from their leth-argy ? To whom could they look for help ? They were in-different to their condition. This work was to be started and accomplished in part by Soc-rates. Kitch el I says: "There were great evils existing in men and society about him. To those evils he was particularly sen-sitive, owing to the peculiar quality of his intellectual and moral nature. For those evils he was persuaded that he had the only and sufficient remedy. The application of the remedy in order to overcome those evils was the work of his life. His great aim was to make men care, not so much for their bodies, or money, or office, as for righteousnes, and virtue and the things of the-snul." He spent his time among his fellow-citizens, in the con-stant and public quest of truth, with them and for their good. He was convinced that as only could he do his part in counter-acting the evils in men and society about him." Socrates was born at Alopece near Athens about 469 B. C. His father, Sophoniscus, was a sculptor and his mother's name was Phaenarete. His father was a freeman and was in humble circumstances. At an early age he was instructed in gymnas-tics, lyric poetry (JKOWEK^)" and literary art. Tradition, says that some one gave him sufficient money to attend a special course of lectures given by a rhetorician in mathematics, logic and ethics. For a time he followed the art of his father, but not with very mueh success. He was dissatisfied with this profession and at length abandoned it to devote all of his time to phi-losophy. However to live in Athens in the days of Socrates was an education in itself. He lived at the time of the confederacy of Delos, the great poet Pindar, and the three brilliant dramatists, Aeschyus, Sophocles and Euripides. It was the great age of Pericles. Athens was the intellectual-queen of the world. He saw the great development Athens was making. He was also conscious of the immorality and skepticism which was prevalent everywhere. Without a doubt as he contemplated and reflected. THE MERCURY J& upon the condition of his beloved' city, lie realized how great a mission he had to fulfill. During this period the Sophists, Pro-tagoras and Gorgias, lived and taught, and it is very likely that Socrates attacked them and argued with them in regard to the-principles they advocated and taught. The mind of Socrates, as his personal appearance, was unique. Kitchell says: "That his eyes projected like a crab's, his nos-trils were upturned like an ape's and his lips were thick." He was independent in his thought. In his conversation with men. he sought to find out the relation of things. His mind was keenly analytic. The principle that governed his teaching was "Know Thyself." • He had wonderful control over his body and mind. As Soc-rates so St Paul had this power as is illustrated in his letter to the Corinthians (i Cor., IX, 26, 27)—so fight i as not heating the air, but I buffet my body and bring it into bondage. His: remarkable fortitude was revealed in the military expedition to Potidaea in 432 B. C. At this time he was in the prime of life. The winter was severe and the food supplies were short and the soldiers suffered intensely. But Socrates went for days without food and went about very thinly clad and marched in his bare feet over the snow and ice. He also took part in the battle of' Delium, Amphipolis and Arguinsal. In these battles he exhibi-ted the same moral courage as at Potidea when he rescued Al-eibiades from the enemy at the peril of his own life. Of the home life of Socrates very little is known. Late in> life he married Xanthippe. Several sons were born to them. Xanthippe's fame as a common scold is proverbial. However, she had much to contend with. Socrates was very seldom at home and did not provide very well for the wants of his family. For days at a time and perhaps for weeks Xanthippe and her hungry children saw very little of Socrates. He was engaged and interested in nothing else than his great philosophic mis-sion. Tradition says that when the needs of the family became too apparent Socrates would make some piece of sculpture and sell it and give the proceeds to Xanthippe to provide for the famished household. Socrates' wants were few and he got the-necessaries of life wherever it was possible. It is very likely that his friend, admirer and pupil, Crito, did much toward sup-porting his family. Perhaps some of the cross things she may 14 THE MERCURY have said to Socrates may be overlooked. It is seen that Socra-tes was more interested in his work than in his home life, as many great men have been. He felt that he had not only a mission to carry out but that God had called him to do this particular line of work. Every-where he came in contact with men. He knew and understood human nature. He was ever ready to question men upon their knowledge of life. He was sincere in his convictions. He loved Athens but he pointed out the wrong views of life her citizens held. He was in the quest of truth and he was ready to learn from every source and he was always willing to impart truth to his hearers. He was practical. He wanted living con-trol with men of action and reflection. Thus he was different from the thought uttered by Wordsworth : "One impulse from a vernal wood May teach you more of man, Of moral evil and of good Than all the sages can." Socrates believed in the divinities which were wworshiped by the citizns of Athens. Every moyning lie offered prayer and sacrifice to the rising sun. He believed that the gods took an active part in the af-fairs of men. From his childhood he claimed to be guided by a voice. He obeyed that voice implicitly and he always listened to be guided by it. This voice he termed the Sai^oviov arj/xilov This voice revealed to him his mission as a philosopher. He be-lieved it to be the voce of God. He was guided by it only in regard to the future actions. Thus Fisher well says: "Socrates asserted the doctrine of theism, and taught and ex-emplified the spiritual nature of religion. It is true that he be-lieved in 'gods many and lords many.'" But he believed in one supreme, personal being, to whom the deepest reverence was to be paid. He taught the truth of a universal Providence. "He was persuaded," says Xenaphon, "that the gods watch over the actions and affairs of men in a way altogether different from what the vulgar imagined; for while -these limited their knowl-edge to some particulars only, Socrates, on the contrary, extend-ed it to all; firmly persuaded that every word, every action, nay THE MERCURY even our most retired deliberations, are open to this view; that they are everywhere present, and communicate to mankind all such knowledge as relates to the conduct of human life." He had only one prayer, that the gods would give him those things that were good of which they alone were the competent judges. \'o service is so acceptable to the Deity as that of a pure and pious soul. With Socrates a new era begins in philosophy. He knew his-, knowledge was limited and he knew how far to proceed and that made him the great man of his age. His influence and power over men was striking. His command was, "Follow me and thou shalt learn." Thus, as Socrates taught and questioned all with whom he came in contact, he started to get at the basic principle of all knowledge. He worked with concrete examples and although many of them were crude and simple, nevertheless they served his purpose. He studied the soul and strove for the improvement of man's moral nature. His method was entirely introspective. Xeno-phon tells us that he endeavored to have his pupils distinguish between "what was pious; what impious; what honorable; what base; what just; what unjust; what wisdom; what folly; what courage; what cowardice;" etc. i6 THE MERCURY SOLDIERLY QUALITIES. MAST HAT HIKES, '08. HOM of men do the people as individuals or as a nation love and revere so mueh while living or pay such honor to when dead as the true soldier ? To the . heart of the small boy in childhood the game which is perhaps the most delightful is that of "playing soldier," and when lie grows older lie reads with admiration of the brave lives of warriors and of the worthy deeds-of knights and, at school lias his taste of hero-worship. What makes the true soldier what he is, what are the qualities which distinguish him 'i If we were to paint our ideal soldier—ideal in every way— the picture would show a man tall, well-built, and impressive, of powerful strength, whose brow shows intellect, and whose eyes though keen are kind and glow with the light of a mighty and noble purpose. The lines in his tanned and weatherbeaten face which is alight with enthusiasm, reveal the strong determination and endurance of the one who overcomes. His whole appear-ance impresses us with his remarkable power in things physical, mental, and moral. He is physically perfect, and, mentally, he is a man of keen-sightedness and wise decision. However these physical and mental traits are not essential for the making of a true soldier. The qualities which are most distinguished as soldierly are the moral ones. One could lie one of the truest soldiers even though not physically or mentally gifted;'for after all the moral battles are the greatest tests. One of the first soldierly qualities to be brought into play is that of patriotism ; however, this must signify devotion to duty. The love of his country leads one to give up much, but not un-less it proves his duty, does the true soldier seek war. There is nothing shallow or fleeting about his patriotism. In the camp the true soldier is distinguished by his honorable-ness. His respect for the cause which is his goal is too great for him to forget himself and his duty. Everything must be con-ducive to the end which he seeks, at least not detrimental to it. The cause is worthy of his risking suffering and death, therefore it is worthy of an upright life. He is truthful and faithful to any trust; holding his honor dearer than his life. When hard- ? 1 i THE MERCURY >7 ships come he is patient and conquers himself so far as to stifle all complaints. He is unselfish, thinking always of others and considering their welfare before his own, even denying himself necessary food at times of short rations in order that another may have a better fare. When he goes to battle he faces the enemy with bravery, not that brute courage which is a "free gift of the gods," but that kind which is inspired by duty, which enables a man to approach the fire though his knees tremble so that he can hardly stand. He fights, not because he hates men, and enjoys felling them, one after another, but because his sense of duty compels him and makes him say with Luther: "Mere 1 stand, I cannot do other-wise." One of the essential characteristics of a soldier in battle is obedience to authority. He must learn to obey without question the one who has the right to command, and this obedience as well as everything else which he does must be prompt and accur-ate. This quality of promptness is, also, a very necessary thing for the soldier, for the delay of a few seconds has often been the cause of the destruction F much life and of heavy losses. The soldier is never at his best unless he has perfect confidence in his commander, for prompt obedience is like the power which naturally springs up under this as the warm spring sunshine.' The true soldier must be a hero doing great deeds if the oc-casion is offered, but doing them always'quietly, unostentatious-ly. He has been brave and he rejoices if he is permitted to go still farther and to give to duty a richer offering, an act of hero-ism. Xext I would mention two qualities whose names when read seem to stand for two extremes, enthusiasm and endurance; for the former seems so full of life and the latter so stolid, almost dead. However the former may impart life to the latter. En-durance is a very essential soldierly quality. Battles are often, indeed nearly always won through the endurance of the soldiers. Enthusiasm is the oil which makes the steady flame of endur-ance grow strong and last as well as excites new energy. The soldier's enthusiasm encourages his comrades to make greater and more effective efforts. Mercy has not generally been associated with the grim coun- THE MERCURY. tenance of Mars, but I believe that the true soldier is merciful. Since he is fighting against a bad cause, not against men, he must be as merciful as possible to his prisoner if he gets control of any, and, in the olden combats, honor forbade the one par-ticipant to strike the other while he was down. Dina Gibson represents in one of his pictures the characteris-tic of the present day soldier, who sits, whole and strong before a veteran of bygone days who had then been deprived of several limbs, recounting with evident relish tales of the terrors he has just experienced, the very recital of which .brings horror to the old man's face. This quality does not belong to the true soldier, as the picture may help to illustrate. A true soldier at home when he tells of the brave deeds of the war invariabty omits, his own share in the glory. The true soldier possesses the quality of modesty—he has done deeds which speak for themselves, he need not boast. So, I have given some of the qualities which are necessary for a true soldier to possess, the qualities which I consider most be-coming to a soldier, and in that sense soldierly. Especially would I emphasize those which may be found in the persons around iis who are fighters in silent battles of which the world seldom dreams. THE MERCURY 19 MY FIRST DAY AS TEACHER IN A COUNTRY SCHOOL. E. E. SNYDEH, '09. XE bright autumn morning, some few years ago, after receiving much good advice from my father and many admonitions from my mother, I set out to walk about five miles to a little country school house to spend my first day as a teacher. It was a beautiful autumn morning; the sun throwing its first firey gleams across a distant eastern mountain, the light of which danced and glimmered on the many colored leaves of the forest through which I passed; the rustling of the corn in the Held just beyond; the noisy chattering of the scolding squirrel; the frequent noisy flight of the quail and pheasant, were enough to arouse one to a more than ordinary interest in the life and beauty about him, but I saw them not, or heeded not, for my thoughts and fancies were all centered on that little white school house which I had never seen. 1 a 1 rived at the school house about 7.30 A. M. and at once began to sum up my duties and to speculate upon my chances for fame amid such surroundings. I found that the school house was situated in an old field partly covered with shrubby pines, locusts, and wild grape vines. It was about two miles to the borne of the nearest pupils and about half a mile from any traveled road. To a more experienced mind the impression would have been anything but favorable, but I was blind to everything unfavorable, and was well pleased with the surround-ings. Taking from my pocket a ring that contained four or five keys I immediately opened the door, and began to examine the in-terior of the school house. I found a room about twenty by thirty feet with one row of desks on each side, and a few others scattered promiscuously around. A slate blackboard ran across the room and immediately in front of this was the teacher's desk and chair. I at once directed my steps thither, sat down on the chair, made a careful survey of the entire room, and felt, for the first time the dignity and power of one in authority. About 8 A. M. the pupils began to arrive; I at once talked to them, and endeavored in every way possiblel to gain their re-spect and friendship. This was not hard to do; for there were 20 THE MERCURY only six of them and they were all bright, mischievous children, four hoys and two girls. When 9 o'clock arrived, we were already fast friends and our real work began. I rang a large bell, which was altogether un-necessary, and once more walked forward to the teacher's desk. After reading a chapter from the Bible 1 attempted to make my opening speech. It was a very brief one, and I was never able afterward to recall what 1 said; but I noticed that the pupils seemed to be getting restless and I thought I had better try some other means of instruction. Accordingly I unlocked a small book-case in one corner of the room and began to distri-bute the books. This, under ordinary circumstances, would have required but a short time; but we spent fully one hour at it, and, by the time we were done, it was time for recess period. After recess we began our class work and the remainder of the forenoon was spent in assigning lessons and arranging a pro-gram. The noon hour was spent gathering chestnuts from some large trees nearby. At 1 o'clock we returned to the school house eager for the afternoon's work. After a series of recita-tions, another recess period and then another period of recita-tions, we found it was time to dismiss, which was immediately done, and my first day's school was over. THE MERCURY OUR NATION'S DANGER. \. 1). SWANK, 1911. United States ! Thou land of lands ! Where once the savage Indian roved. Through forests dense, o'er desert sands, The rude primevial dweller moved. From this vast waste with Time's sure aid, By Culture's and Invention's hands A great republic, grand, was made! And year by year resourceful mines (live forth their rich, unstinted ore. Our fields, our woods of oak and pines, All yield to us their plenteous store ! Our land extends from sea to sea, With plain, broad vale, high hill, rich field, We hold fair isles by us set free, A land which seals and gold doth yield ! Material wealth, abundant ours! But heed ! Success may be a bane, Unless man's soul be pure as flowers And he from guile and greed abstain. Anon comes some calamity, And man is moved by conscious dread, Lest, lacking fellow-amity, Just chast'ning fall upon his head. Take warning from the earthquake's force,. The flood, the dread volcano's fire, That men below have no recourse, ", And cannot flee their Maker's ire. 21 Beware ! Great land, lest thou some day Shouldst sink before material glare, And should'st to gold thy homage pay,, Unlieedful how thy Soul doth fare. Keep us from greed, 0 God, we pray, Let mammon not our actoins sway \ 22 THE MERCURY A VISIT TO SING SING. BY .1908. FEW years ago I had occasion to visit Osining and had an opportunity of visiting Sing Sing Prison. It is unique in more respects than one. Thirteen hundred men breakfast and dine together "in the mess hall, the largest eating room in New York state. The prison workshops turn ont the refuse cans and ash i arts used by the Street Clean-ing; Department of New York City. The mats at the entrance to the Capitol and State House at Albany are made by the pris-oners, and they manufacture the uniforms worn by the officials of the various state institutions. The workshops are hives of industry. They supply every-thing the men wear, from the caps on their heads to the shoes on their feet. 'Hie sheets they sleep on and the quilts that cover them come from the hosiery department. They make the towels that dry their hands and the brooms that sweep the prison floors, Cratches, wardrobes and typewriter desks are manufactur-ed in the cabinet department. The bread they eat, their soup, meat, potatoes and coffee are prepared by prisoners assigned to kitchen duty. Even the classes1 in school are taught by men ce-lected through the head teachers. A chosen few edit and print the prison paper, Star of Hope. The txtiipation of a new prisoner is recorded in the warden's office. He is then assigned to the department in which his tal-ents will be best employed. It is no easy matter for the warden to determine where he shall utilize some of the new-comers. Suppose a trapeze performer or a manufacturer of fireworks should come to the prison. Are they fitted for the mat depart-ment ? What shall be done with a theatrical agent, a coal dealer and an architect ? These are some of the problems that the warden must solve. Places must also be found for letter tamers, hankers, journalists, art dealers, physicians, railroad conductors, insurance agents, musicians, silk merchants, police-men, nurses, messengers, florists, stenographers and grocers. If the new arrival is without a trade or profession he may ehoose his work. The, most popular departments are the knit-ting and hesiery and ihat where the mats arc made. Two Iron- THE MERCURY. 23 dred and thirty-two men are employed in these departments, or nearly a third of the entire number at wort in the different shops. In the mat department the beginner is set at work braiding the rope. The men are seated on chairs and stools, they are in their shirt sleeves, and soon learn to make good head-way. They tie the ends of the ropes to pegs on the wall while the loose mass falls to the floor nea"rby. With a dexterious twist of the hand they braid the rope in a heavy coil, winding it on a piece of wood. The coil goes to another branch of the department and here it is woven over frames into its final form. Bristle mats are also manufactured. The men are seated before upright frames and weave the rope back and forth into the compact form in which the mats are sold. Thousands arc dis-posed each year to the various public buildings throughout the state. One of the most interesting shops is that where the shoes are made. There are eighty-two men in the various sections of the department and they turn out better boots and shoes than are sold in the cities. One set of men makes lasts, while another cuts the leather into shape. In the sewing room the second stage is gone through withjthe men are seated on theeir benches and work as cheerily as if they were in a factory. The room is com-fortably heated and no one wears his coat during working hours. A pleasant effect is gained.by the sunlight which streams in through the windows, lighting np the large room. It has a cheerful influence on the men as they talk and work. Upstairs in the polishing department the shoes receive their final touch, and are then placed in the stock room. The enormous total of 25,000 pairs of shoes, slippers, and boots indicates the fine show-ing of that branch in one year. The clothing department is the noisiest of all the shops. Great piles of clothing are scattered on the tables up and down the room. The material is cut, hemmed and sewn in the'most skillful manner. In another room the hand sewing is carried on. Caps and overcoats are made in addition to suits. The men do all the work, from the handling of the raw bolt of cloth until the finished product is ready. Their own clothing is gray, without stripes if they are serving their first term. Two stripes-close together indicate "second term" men ;three stripes show 24 THE MERCURY. that the prisoner has been in jail twice before. A red bar on the sleeve means that its wearer has one year of good behavior to his credit. Additional bars are added while the mam's record is satisfactory until the fifth year, when he gets a star. That is a mark of confidence, and he gets many privileges which are not granted to those who have disregarded the rufes. He may buy extra tobacco, cigars and the daily pa-pers. Two or three stars are Seen on some of the prisoners sleeves, and the scheme is carried out to the termination of the sentence. More than ordinary interest attaches to the mattress depart-ment. It is in this branch of the prison that a noted convict is at work. He is serving out his life sentence by keeping the books of the shop. He also keeps track of the output of the sash and door department. An allied indiistry is that where the wood carving is carried on. Beautiful examples of what the men have done in that line are shown in the warden's office. Few are aware that there is a prison newspaper, which is en-tirely the product of the inmates. They do all the work inci-dental to the writing of the matter, setting the type and print-ing the paper. There is modem machinery and every facility in tire way of presses and type. It is fittingly named the "Star of Hope," and is a-means of intellectual improvement to a great, many men. They readily admit, it is said, that they have been helped and trained by their efforts to supply contributions,- some of which are particularly interesting. General news items occupy the remainder of the pages. The cleanliness of the kitchen would delight any housewife: The utensils, tables, and floors are as neat as wax. The im-mense ovens are in the rear and in another part of the great kitchen is a long cooking apparatus, with large boiler shaped vessels for making coffee and ovens for roasting meats and po-tatoes. It is no small task to prepare food for 1300 men, and the kitchen force is one of thee largest and most efficient in the prison. For the morning and midday meals the men are marched from their cells and workshops in companies, to the large mess hall. Every one faces in one direction. Fun and laughter is the order cf the meal, and there is no disposition on the part of THE MERCURY. 25 the guards to interfere unduly with the men. The evening meal is at half-past four, immediately after which thee men are lock-ed in their cells. In addition to the plain and wholesome food of the prison, dainties, such as fruit and pastry, are allowed to the trusted inmeates. Their friends may send these in or permission is given them to buy outside the prison walls. On Sunday all work is suspended. At half-past eight the men assemble in the chapel for devotional services. There is a first rate volunteer choir and addresses are made by the chap-lain and visitors. Even the small pipe organ which is used in chapel was made by one of the prisoners and is played by him. It is not an easy matter for a prisoner to escape from Sing Sing Prison for it is well guarded on all sides. The prison is situated on the very edge of the Hudson River which forms a very strong natural hindrance to those who wish to escape in that way. In addition to this there are guard houses on every side of the prison and at each' corner and even visitors are chal-lenged by the guards. A visit to Sing Sing Prison is both interesting and instruct-ive. I write this brief article with the intention of giving you some idea of the way in which the state prisoners are treated. 26 THE MERCURY. SCHEDULED TIME. S. FRANK SNYDEK, '09. BEEMAN HUNT has said, "The best laid plans, the most important affairs, the fortunes of individuals, the weal of nations, honor, and life itself are daily sacrificed because somebody is behind time." The question of time is one of the greatest importance to eacli individual, because our success in life largely depends upon what use we make of the golden moments that have been en-trusted to us. And the question is only to be decided once, as time that is lost cannot be recalled and invested in some other way, but once spent means forever. In this day of competition in every department of life, he who is not upon the scene of action at the scheduled hour has very little chance for success. The merchant who is careless about opening his store at the proper hour in the morning will lose custom. The manufacturer who promises to have a piece of work done for a customer at a certain time and then fails to have it at the time promised must suffer the loss of the custo-mer's confidence and possibly his patronage. To draw an ex-ample of the same principle from our college life, if the profes-sor comes to class more than five minutes after the clock strikes he is almost sure to fail to teach that hour. On the other hand the teachers insist that the students come promptly to each reci-tation at the scheduled hour for at least two reasons: 1st, If the recitation is to be conducted successfully, each member of the class must be present and the work commenced at once. The student that comes in late loses a part of the recitation and also disturbs the class. 2nd, The man who will'be successful in the larger school of life must learn to meet each engagement at the appointed hour. In college is the place to acquire this habit which will contribute so much to success. The successful business man carefully estimates the gain on each dollar that he has invested, so we should carefully estimate the gain that we receive from each hour of invested time. As we study the lives of those men whose names are written high amo^g the heroes of the cr-4!\ wc fr.d *hat b- making the most of time they have been enabled to reach such high attainments. THE MERCURY. 27 Abraham Lincoln by using each golden minute of his early life to an advantage acquired the power of body and mind which enabled him to stand at the head of a great nation and lead it successfully through the dark hours of war. A student being asked by a friend why he did not read more good literature replied, "I have not time." Said his friend, "You have all the time there is." Time is given to everyone alike. But why do some students seem to have time for all kinds of work: athletics, literary society, Y. M. C. A., etc., while others have not. Longfellow explained it when he wrote: "The heights of great men reached and kept Were not attained by sudden flight. But they while their companions slept Were toiling upward in the night." .Some time ago in one of the western cities a man was seen niching down a street at break-neck speed trying to catch a train. You may ask the question did he get there in time. The answer is no. Then you may ask why, was he not going fast enough. And the answer is yes, he was going fast enough, but lie did not start in time. Is this not the frequent experience of everyone? Often when we are rushed with our work, is not the real trouble due to the fact that we have not started in time? The men who have accomplished the most in their lives are they who have recognized the importance of the present, the great principle of the now. It is not for us to worry about the failures of the past or be apprehensive about the future; but get right into the line of duty and fill our place in.life faith-fully day by day. I K E HE RCU RV Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., OCTOBER 1907 No. 5 Editor in-Chief EDMUND L. MANGES, '08 Exchange Editor ROBERT W. MICHAEL, '08 Business Manager HENRY M. BOWER, '08 Ass't Bus. Managers LESLIE L. TAYLOR, '09 CHARLES L. KOPP, '09 Assistant Editor MARKLEY C. ALBRIGHT, '08 Associate Editors PAUL E. BLOOMHART, '09 E. E. SNYDER, '09 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF: J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance : single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending THE MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contri-bute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be. addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. Another school year GREETING lms very favorable and promising conditions. To the student body, more especially the new men, the MERCUEY extends its most hearty gjeetings and best wishes. Those of us who have been at school for sonic time can appreciate what great oppor-tunities we have had. Some of us, no doubt, all of us, will have to say, but with regret, tbatwe THE MERCURY. 29 have not used them to the greatest advantage. To some, the college course has meant more than to others simply because those who have received the greatest benefit have been those who have applied themselves most. Let us say at this point to the new men that college is going to mean to them just as much as they make it mean. The whole question rests with each indi-vidual. This observation has been made before, but in our estimation, we feel that it may he used again to advantage. Every man who has the idea that he will receive an education by merely going to college is mistaken. It is true he will receive something that he may call an education bnt the term will have to be considered in a very narrow sense. Anyone with any amount of training will realize that knoyledge is infinite. Let each one of us take an introspective view and see how much we know compared to what it is possible to know. We can think of no suitable comparison. To say it is like a drop of water compared to the ocean is putting it mildly. Realizing that diligent application is going to mean much in our education let us all put forth our best efforts for an excellent training. THE BEGINNING No longer riUI we> tue members of the class OF THE END of 1908, anticipate another year in college; no longer can we rely upon next year to accomplish what we have failed to accomplish during the present year. A few years since we entered these halls with the ambition to do our work well, but the most of us have worked along unconcernedly, car-ing foi the present only, paying but little attention to the past and letting the future take care of itself. But now we are facing the stern realization that we have entered upon the be-ginning of the end of our college careers. There remains but one short year in which to complete our college education. Now is the time to take a retrospective view into the golden past and compare it with the future which, before seemed dim and distant, now looms up before us as something near at hand to be reached only too soon. It has been wisely and justly said that the Senior in college is one who knows and knows that he knows. Above all he should know himself; know wherein he has failed and in what respects his education has been neglected. Let each individual member of the class learn what phase of 3° THE MERCURY. his education he lias slighted and at once make strenuous efforts to accomplish the desired results. Our last year at college is here with a great opportunity. Let us seize upon this opportu-nity with all the vigor and energy that we command. Let us make the last lap "the embodiment of dash and vigor." Com-mencement will soon he a matter of history. Then, shall we recall our college days with a spirit of regret or shall we '-dwell upon memories" of faithfulness and sincerity in our college duties ? Let it be said of noone that he is a college man in name only, and little deserving of the title. THE MERCURY. EXCHANGES. 3i ITH the opening of college we have j>repared our desk to welcome the first numbers of our old friends,"The Exchanges." We hope also to receive many new ones. And we ask all to help us in making our pa-per by their criticisms, and that our criticisms of other papers may be received as they are intended for the benefit of the paper and writer. Hoping to hear from all our old "Exchanges" and new ones, we wish you all a successful year. The new cover of "The College Student" makes a big im-provement and also the arrangement of the material add to it. "Nemesis," of the October number, is a well written article and shows much thought and preparation. The poem entitled "The Picture," in the October number of the "Augustana Observer" is a well written article. * * * * We have received several others which are making a good start, among them are the "Otterbein Aegis," "Drury Mirror," "Sta teCollegian," "Dickinsonian" and "Crimson and White." PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. Fl/fOTTt/^E Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames, Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. - Telephone No. 97. X3I. 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The Situation In The Middle East Report Of The Secretary-General On The Implementation Of Security Council Resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) And 2393 (2017) ; United Nations S/PV.8201 Security Council Seventy-third year 8201st meeting Monday, 12 March 2018, 11 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Van Oosterom. . (Netherlands) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Allen United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-06756 (E) *1806756* S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 2/23 18-06756 The meeting was called to order at 11.15 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President: In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I would like to warmly welcome the Secretary- General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, and to give him the floor. The Secretary-General: I am here to report on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), which the Council adopted unanimously on 24 February. But I am keenly aware that I am doing so just as the bloodletting in Syria enters its eighth year. I would like to highlight just one stark fact on this grimmest of anniversaries, which is that in 2017, more children were killed in Syria than in any other year since the war began. I am deeply saddened by the immense loss and cascading suffering of the Syrian people. And I am deeply disappointed by all those who, year after year, by action or inaction, design or indifference, have allowed this to happen. My grief and frustration are compounded by all that I know of the people of Syria. As United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the aftermath of the Iraq war, I saw the remarkable hospitality of the Syrian people in hosting 1.5 million Iraqi refugees — not in camps, but in their communities across the country. Syria was a place where refugees could live in security as they tried to rebuild their lives and raise their families. Today, so many of those generous Syrians who shared so much have themselves been forced from their homes, becoming refugees or internally displaced. In neighbouring countries — whose enormous hospitality I have also witnessed, but who are burdened by overwhelming needs — the vast majority of Syrian refugees live below the poverty line. Many of the Syrians who journeyed even farther from home in search of safety have found the doors that they once opened to others in need shut in their faces. A country known for its ancient civilization and a people known for their rich diversity have been betrayed, and Syria is bleeding inside and out. There should be one agenda only for all of us — ending the suffering of the Syrian people and finding a political solution to the conflict. And the Council has a particular responsibility in that regard. Let me now turn to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and the issue of the compliance of all the relevant parties in Syria. I do so with a caveat. The United Nations is following developments closely, but we do not have the full picture, owing to our limited presence and restricted access on the ground. Resolution 2401 (2018) demands that all parties "cease hostilities without delay, and engage immediately to ensure full and comprehensive implementation . for a durable humanitarian pause for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria", while still countering Da'esh and other groups designated as terrorists by the Council. It is true that in some areas, such as Deir ez-Zor and Douma, where there has been a recent ceasefire that I will address later, the conflict is diminishing in intensity. Yet there has been no cessation of hostilities. Violence continues in eastern Ghouta and beyond, including in Afrin, parts of Idlib and into Damascus and its suburbs. In eastern Ghouta in particular, the air strikes, shelling and ground offensives have intensified since the resolution's adoption and have claimed hundreds of civilian lives. Some reports even put the toll at more than 1,000. The resolution further demands the enabling of "the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services". Despite some limited convoy deliveries, the provision of humanitarian aid and services has been neither safe, unimpeded or sustained. The resolution calls on "all parties to immediately lift the sieges of populated areas, including in eastern Ghouta, Yarmouk, Fo'ah and Kafraya". No sieges have been lifted. The resolution demands medical evacuations of the critically sick and wounded. To our knowledge, not one critically sick or wounded person has so far been evacuated. But I will come back to that later in relation to a recent announcement. The resolution reiterates its demand "reminding in particular the Syrian authorities, that all parties immediately comply with their obligations under international law, including international human rights law, as applicable, and international humanitarian law, including the protection of civilians". And I remind all involved that even efforts to combat groups identified as terrorists by the Council do not supersede those obligations. Yet we 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 3/23 see egregious violations, indiscriminate attacks and a failure to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure. Since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), my Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and I have been focused on helping to create the conditions for a cessation of hostilities in eastern Ghouta, where, as I said to the Council two weeks ago, people have been living in a hell on Earth (see S/PV.8185). As the Special Envoy told the Council a few days ago, eastern Ghouta is the most urgent situation, because it is where we have the clearest potential to try to support the de-escalation in concrete ways, and because we have been concretely approached. On 26 February, the Russian Federation announced a five-hour daily humanitarian pause in eastern Ghouta. I will speak to that later in my remarks. On 27 February, the President of the Security Council and I received a letter from the Syrian National Committee conveying another letter from the three armed opposition groups in eastern Ghouta — Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and Ahrar Al-Sham. They expressed their commitment "to the full implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions, especially resolution 2401 (2018)", and to expelling from eastern Ghouta "the armed groups of Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, the Al-Nusra Front and Al-Qaida and all of those belonging to them". They also promised to ensure humanitarian access and the facilitation of the work of United Nations agencies. On receiving the letter, the Office of the Special Envoy opened channels with all three groups, inside and outside the enclave. The respective commanders issued further letters, expressing the groups' readiness to negotiate with the Russian Federation in Geneva. In parallel, both I and my Special Envoy engaged with the relevant authorities of the Russian Federation. My team on the ground did likewise, and also engaged with the Government of Syria. We offered the good offices of the United Nations to facilitate and observe any meeting between the representatives of the armed opposition groups, the Syrian Government and the Russian Federation. Despite our best efforts over the course of a few days, it was not possible to schedule any meeting. Meanwhile, on 6 March, the Syrian Government addressed a letter to me and to the President of the Security Council. That letter stated that Syria positively welcomed resolution 2401 (2018), as it "stresses firm commitment to the Syrian State's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter and calls for implementing a humanitarian truce across Syria to ensure a safe, sustainable and unhindered access of humanitarian aid." That same day, my Special Envoy informed the Russian Federation of his intention to invite the three armed opposition groups to a meeting with the Russian Federation in Geneva three days later. On 7 March, his interlocutors replied that they did not think a meeting in Geneva was the best option and were pursuing contacts on the ground with the relevant armed opposition groups. As those diplomatic efforts were taking place, fighting went on. The Syrian Government and its allies intensified air strikes and launched a ground offensive, progressively gaining control of parts of eastern Ghouta from about 10 per cent of the enclave on 3 March to more than 60 per cent today. The offensive initially took place in less populated areas, steadily moving to urban centres and forcing large-scale displacement. In the follow up to the efforts I have described, it was possible on 8 and 10 March to convene two meetings between Russian officials and Jaysh Al-Islam in the outskirts of eastern Ghouta, with the United Nations as an observer. In those meetings, progress was made in relation to the removal of a number of members of the Al-Nusra Front, as well as other aspects, including the potential for a ceasefire and improved humanitarian access. The first group of Al-Nusra Front fighters and their families were since evacuated from eastern Ghouta. Nevertheless, it has not been possible to facilitate contact between the Russian authorities and Faylak Al-Rahman. The group insisted that the meeting take place in Geneva. The Russian Federation insisted that the meeting take place on the ground. On 10 March, Government forces intensified their offensive, capturing the city of Misraba in a movement aiming at dividing the enclave into three separate areas. On the evening of that same day, the Russian Federation informed the United Nations that a unilateral ceasefire would take place at midnight, in relation to Jaysh Al-Islam in Douma. It was agreed that a meeting would be held on 11 March with the facilitation of the United Nations. On that day, with the ceasefire between the Government S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 4/23 18-06756 and Jaysh Al-Islam forces largely holding in Douma, the meeting took place, followed by a meeting today. As I speak to the Council now, I have not yet received a full report on the results of today's meeting. But I was informed by our people in Damascus as I was entering the Chamber that there has been progress with regard to civilian evacuations and humanitarian aid. Furthermore, I take note of a statement issued today by Jaysh Al-Islam: "[i] n the context of Security Council resolutions 2254 (2015) and 2401 (2018), an agreement was reached with the Russian side through the United Nations for a humanitarian medical evacuation of the wounded for treatment outside of eastern Ghouta." We are also hearing reports of tentative initiatives, both by tribal leaders and the Russian Federation, for contact with other groups on the ground. I wish to underscore the urgency of seeing medical evacuations, civilian protection and full, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access as soon as possible. Meanwhile, attacks on other parts of eastern Ghouta continue, with the enclave now split into three separate pockets. During this whole period, the shelling from eastern Ghouta to Damascus was also ongoing, causing dozens of civilian deaths and injuries, with some reports putting the number close to 100. My Special Envoy and I have remained apprised at each step of the diplomatic engagement, offering support and guidance to ensure the implementation in letter and spirit of the resolution. In short, as my Special Envoy has said to the Council, we are leaving no stone unturned in trying to bring all major stakeholders to the table and contribute in a concrete fashion to find a sustainable solution for the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). As the situation continues to unfold, the Turkish offensive in Afrin — pursued with armed opposition group allies — intensified with air strikes and ground advances against Partiya Yekitiya Demokrat/People's Protection Units fighters, reinforced, in turn, by elements coming from eastern Syria, where they were combating Da'esh. Pro-Syrian Government forces have also deployed inside of Afrin. The fighting resulted in significant civilian displacement, with reports of numerous casualties and damage to infrastructure. With the cooperation of Syrian armed opposition groups, Turkish forces established a so-called buffer zone inside Syrian territory, linking northern rural Aleppo and Idlib, and surrounding Afrin from three sides. The offensive is now pushing ever closer towards the city, with its large civilian population. Allow me to now turn to our efforts to address the humanitarian crisis. When resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted, the United Nations and its humanitarian partners stood ready to deliver. Plans were in place for multiple convoys each week to agreed-upon locations, in response to independently assessed needs. Unfortunately, the actual delivery did not match our plan. Let me describe what it was possible to do in the past two weeks. On 1 March, humanitarian organizations delivered assistance to some 50,000 people in the hard-to-reach areas of Afrin and Tell Rifaat, north of Aleppo. On 4 March, a convoy of 19 trucks organized by the United Nations, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and partners reached Dar Kabira, in northern Homs. It provided assistance to 33,500 people of the requested 40,250. However, the Government of Syria did not allow the delivery of life-saving medicines, such as insulin, nor key items, including solar lamps, syringes and paediatric scales. As I mentioned earlier, in eastern Ghouta, the Russian Federation unilaterally announced a daily five-hour humanitarian pause in the fighting, starting from 27 February, to prevent civilian victims and to enable civilians to leave the enclave. In reality, few civilians left. On the one hand, sufficient protection standards were not in place for voluntary movement. Moreover, armed groups prevented others from leaving. In that context, even though the five-hour window was insufficient to enable the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services, as demanded in the resolution, on 5 March the United Nations sent an inter-agency convoy of 46 trucks to Douma, in eastern Ghouta, with food for 27,500 people, along with health and nutrition supplies. Yet those 27,500 represented only a third of the requested beneficiaries, all in desperate need. And most of the health supplies were removed by the Syrian authorities, including basic medicines, dialysis treatments and trauma and surgical materials, such as burn dressings and adrenaline, despite the provisions of paragraph 8 of resolution 2401 (2018). According to the World Health Organization, only about 30 per cent of medical supplies in the convoy 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 5/23 were allowed in. United Nations personnel from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs accompanying the convoy were also denied access to eastern Ghouta. Violence rendered the operation extremely perilous, despite prior assurances from the parties to the conflict. The insecurity forced the team to reluctantly halt unloading and to return to Damascus with a large share of the food aid still on the trucks. On 9 March, a convoy of 13 trucks reached Douma, delivering the remaining food assistance that could not be offloaded four days earlier. Once again, shelling occurred nearby, despite assurances having been provided by all parties. In those difficult circumstances, I commend the valiant humanitarian workers risking their lives to provide assistance and protection to people in need. But we are obviously far from safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid, as demanded in resolution 2401 (2018), as well as other relevant Security Council resolutions. And so the humanitarian and human rights situation is becoming more desperate by the day. In Douma, relief workers who reached the city last week described conditions as shocking and overwhelming. People are sheltering in overcrowded basements. Access to food, water and sanitation is limited. In relation to Douma, we have a convoy ready that I hope will be allowed to proceed in the coming days, especially after the results of today's meeting. As in all conflict settings, the specific needs of women are not receiving sufficient attention, including access to safe spaces, critical health services, medicine and baby formula for their children. In eastern Ghouta, health partners on the ground advise that more than 1,000 people are in urgent need of medical evacuation. The United Nations is ready to support these medical evacuations, in cooperation with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and other partners. A prioritized list of those in greatest need, mostly children, has been shared with the Syrian authorities. I urge a positive response, hoping that today's meeting will allow these actions to take place in the immediate future. The Syrian Arab Red Crescent has announced its intention to send a relief convoy to Afrin as soon as security conditions allows. A United Nations humanitarian mission is awaiting Government authorization to immediately deploy to Raqqa for assessments of security and needs. There are also new disturbing allegations of the use of chlorine gas. Even if we cannot verify them, we cannot ignore them. I continue to urge the Council to find unity on this issue. Having said what I said, I believe that despite all the difficulties, lack of trust, mutual suspicions and cold calculations, it should be possible to implement resolution 2401 (2018). It should be possible to have a cessation of hostilities. It should be possible to deliver aid. It should be possible to evacuate the sick and wounded. It should be possible to lift the sieges. It should be possible to accelerate humanitarian mine action throughout Syria. It should also be possible to remove Security Council-listed terrorist fighters from conflict zones without massive and indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. We cannot give up, for the sake of the Syrian people. I appeal to all parties to ensure the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) throughout the whole of Syrian territory. The United Nations is ready to assist in any effort to make that happen. I call on all States with influence to exercise it in support of the efforts of the United Nations and the implementation of the resolution. I hope that this week's Astana ministerial meeting, which will gather the guarantors of de-escalation, will concretely restore de-escalation arrangements, and take real steps on detainees, abductees and missing persons. The dramatic situation I have described — the calamity across the country, the rivalries, the cynicism, the cruelty — highlight the need for a political solution. My Special Envoy continues to work towards the full implementation of resolution 2254 (2015). On Thursday, the conflict will enter its eighth year. I refuse to lose my hope to see Syria rising from the ashes. To see a united, democratic Syria able to avoid fragmentation and sectarianism and with its sovereignty and territorial integrity respected, and to see a Syrian people able to freely decide their future and choose their political leadership. The President: I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Recalling the Security Council's latest note 507 on its working methods (S/2017/507), I wish to encourage all participants, both members and non-members of the Council, to deliver their statements in five minutes or less. S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 6/23 18-06756 Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): I deliver this speech today on behalf of Kuwait and Sweden. At the outset I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting at the request of the delegations of Kuwait and Sweden, pursuant to resolution 2401 (2018). I also thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his presence here today and for his briefing about the implementation of this resolution. Fifteen days have passed since the Security Council's unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which demands that all parties implement a 30-day ceasefire throughout Syria without delay in order to deliver humanitarian assistance to those in need and to end the siege of residential areas. It is with great regret that we continue to witness a clear failure to implement the resolution's provisions while military operations across Syria continue to prevent humanitarian and medical assistance, particularly in eastern Ghouta and specifically on the part of the Syrian authorities. This has prevented United Nations teams and their humanitarian partners from safely providing humanitarian assistance to eastern Ghouta, which has been a primary locus among Syrian areas in need of assistance ever since its siege began in 2013, and which is home to about 400,000 people. In this regard, we would like to make a number of observations, as follows. First, we have followed with deep concern the inability of the United Nations and its humanitarian partners to enter the besieged areas, and the obstacles and impediments that they have faced during their operations in some areas. In that regard, we would refer to events in Douma, eastern Ghouta, on 5 March, which proved to be the deadliest day since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), with at least 100 people having been killed on that day alone. On that day, the hopes of civilians hinged on receiving lifesaving humanitarian aid, and we looked forward to that first positive initiative reaching 90,000 people in need of assistance in eastern Ghouta. However, what happened was that the number of beneficiaries dropped to less than half due to the Syrian authorities having removed necessary medical supplies from the convoy's load without clear justification, despite the fact that they had been given prior notification, based on standard operating procedures, of the entirety of the humanitarian convoy's content. It is also a matter of deep concern that convoys administered by the United Nations and its partners were compelled to cease their operations before completely unloading their cargo due to continued aerial bombardment on Douma. We demand that the Syrian authorities give immediate permission for two convoys per week to eastern Ghouta and other destinations, at the request of the United Nations. We call on all parties to provide appropriate security guarantees for these convoys and to permit United Nations staff to accompany the convoys. In this regard, we reaffirm the need for all parties, in particular the Syrian authorities, to assume their responsibilities to protect all humanitarian workers, including United Nations agencies and their relevant partners. We welcome the entry of the remaining humanitarian convoys provided by the Red Cross and the World Food Program into Douma on 9 March to deliver the remaining food assistance. This was the second time such convoys had been allowed to enter Douma in one week. There is a need to build on this so as to increase the number of weekly convoys to eastern Ghouta in a sustainable manner. Secondly, we reiterate the Council's demand for immediate unconditional medical evacuations based on medical need, starting this week, and we call on the Syrian authorities to give permission and work with the United Nations and its implementing partners to that end. Thirdly, the continued fighting in eastern Ghouta, particularly the incessant air strikes, prompts us to again call specifically on the Syrian authorities to comply with the provisions of the resolution and of international law in order to facilitate humanitarian assistance to reach those in need. We believe that a daily five-hour truce in eastern Ghouta does not support the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Fourthly, the United Nations has confirmed that the number of combatants associated with terrorist groups designated by the Security Council in eastern Ghouta does not exceed 350. We cannot accept continued military operations under the pretext of combating terrorism when they effectively prevent the delivery of humanitarian assistance, contrary to the requirements of the resolution. Resolution 2401 (2018), which was adopted unanimously, took effect immediately and is applicable to all parties. In that regard, we note the willingness of certain opposition groups in eastern Ghouta to abide by the provisions of the resolution and to expel terrorist groups designated by the Security Council. We express our support for the 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 7/23 efforts of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, to operationalize this matter without delay. Fifthly, listening to the Secretary-General's briefing today on the status of the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) constitutes one of the monitoring tools included in the resolution. But the main mechanisms remain the existing ceasefire agreements between the parties to the conflict, most notably the Astana accord with Russia, Turkey and Iran as its guarantors, and the agreement supervised by the United States and the Russian Federation that emanated from the International Syria Support Group. The resolution stresses the need to activate those agreements in order to reach a 30- day ceasefire aimed at allowing sustainable access to humanitarian assistance in all regions in Syria. We call again on the parties to those agreements to redouble their efforts in order to implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018). The unanimous position that the Security Council conveyed to the Syrian people and to the world by adopting resolution 2401 (2018) on 24 February must be built on in a speedy and effective manner, especially as the resolution is primarily of a humanitarian nature. There is a collective responsibility on us as members of the Security Council, specifically on influential parties, to maintain our credibility before the world and work to implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018). We would like here to stress that the provisions of the resolution are valid even after 30 days from the date of its adoption. We affirm our full commitment to continue to closely follow the status of the implementation of the resolution in the Council monthly reports. We will spare no effort to make progress on its implementation. This month marks the beginning of the eighth year of the conflict in Syria. Sadly, there is still a need for the violence to cease, for sustained humanitarian access through weekly cross-line convoys, for medical evacuations, for the protection of civilians and hospitals and for lifting the siege. We cannot let the Syrian people down, and we will continue to strive to implement the joint demands that we have set out. Finally, we recall that the lack of a political settlement to the conflict in Syria based on resolution 2254 (2015) will lead to further deterioration of the humanitarian situation. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I would like to congratulate the Netherlands and your team, Mr. President, on having assumed the presidency of the Security Council for this month. I also want to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his briefing and for all of his efforts on behalf of peace in Syria Sixteen days ago, we sat around the negotiating table with our Security Council colleagues and agreed to a 30-day ceasefire in the brutal bombardment of civilians in Syria. The negotiations were long and difficult. Every minute we delayed meant more innocent people were killed. But the Russian delegation stalled and drew out the talks. They had conditions they insisted on before they would allow the killing to stop. The United States was reluctant to accept those conditions. But, in order to stop the killing in Syria, we accepted them. We attempted to work with Russia in good faith to end the violence in Syria. As a result, 16 days ago we came to an agreement. Russia cast its vote in favour of the agreement (see S/PV.8188). With that vote Russia promised its support for a 30-day cease-fire, as did the rest of the members of the security Council. With that vote Russia said that it too wanted to create the conditions for food and medicine to reach starving Syrian families. With that vote Russia told us it would use its influence with the Syrian regime to silence the guns in Syria. It told us that the Russians would themselves honour the ceasefire they voted to demand. With that vote Russia made a commitment to us, to the Syrian people and to the world — a commitment to stop the killing in Syria. Today we know that the Russians did not keep their commitment. Today we see their actions do not match those commitments, as bombs continue dropping on the children of eastern Ghouta. Today we must ask whether Russia can no longer influence the Al-Assad regime to stop the horrific destruction of hospitals, medical clinics and ambulances and to stop dropping chemical weapons on villages. Has the situation in Syria reversed, and Russia is now the tool of Al-Assad — or worse, Iran? We must ask those questions because we know the Russians themselves have continued their own bombing. In the first four days following the ceasefire, Russian military aircraft conducted at least 20 daily bombing missions in Damascus and eastern Ghouta. The Russians negotiated the wording of the ceasefire down to the commas and the periods. They voted for the S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 8/23 18-06756 ceasefire. And they immediately disregarded it. In the past 16 days, over 500 civilians have died. Some reports put the death toll even higher. That is unacceptable. Thousands of Syrians are in desperate need of medical care. But none of the United Nations list has been evacuated. We have heard the conversations are ongoing with the regime to medically evacuate 25 people in the coming weeks. While those civilians should be rushed to medical care, we ask why it took so long. When will the more than 1,000 identified medical cases be evacuated? There have been almost no deliveries of medicine or surgical equipment, because the Al-Assad regime remove them from the United Nations humanitarian convoys. The convoy that made it to eastern Ghouta on 5 March had to navigate around constant regime airstrikes. The bombing was so severe that the United Nations could barely unload the food the trucks were carrying. And in the past 16 days, there have been three separate allegations of chlorine-gas attacks. This is no ceasefire. This is the Al-Assad regime, Iran and Russia continuing to wage war against their political opponents. And there is another reason we know the Syrians and Russians never intended to implement the ceasefire: they planned for it. Over the past two weeks, the Russian and Syrian regimes have been busy labelling every opposition group in eastern Ghouta a "terrorist group". Why? So they can exploit a provision in the ceasefire resolution (resolution 2401 (2018)) that allows for military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and Al-Qaida. There are terrorists in Syria, but the Russian and Syrian regimes label anyone as terrorists who resist their absolute control. In the eyes of Russia, Iran and Al-Assad, the neighbourhoods of eastern Ghouta are full of terrorists. The hospitals are full of terrorists. The schools are full of terrorists. The Syrian and Russian regimes insist that they are targeting terrorists, but their bombs and artillery continue to fall on hospitals and schools and on innocent civilians. They have deliberately and with premeditation exploited a loophole they negotiated in the ceasefire to continue starving and pummelling hundreds of thousands of innocent Syrian civilians. They have made a mockery of this process and this institution. For the sake of the Syrian people and the integrity of the Council, we must respond and take action. During the negotiations, the United States put all parties on notice that we needed to act if the ceasefire was not honoured. Members of the Security Council agreed. Now that day has come. The ceasefire has failed. The situation of the civilians in eastern Ghouta is dire. The United States is acting. We have drafted a new ceasefire draft resolution that provides no room for evasion. It is simple, straightforward and binding. It will take effect immediately upon adoption by the Council. It contains no counter-terrorism loopholes for Al-Assad, Iran and the Russians to hide behind. And it focuses on the area the Secretary-General has identified and that the world can see holds the greatest urgency for the lives of innocent civilians, that is, Damascus city and eastern Ghouta. If Russia, Iran and Al-Assad cannot agree to stop the bombing in that limited part of Syria for that limited amount of time, they will not agree to anything that is worthwhile. If they will not keep their word once they have agreed to a ceasefire, then how can we trust them? In the end, that is what makes the work of the Council possible: trust. If we cannot count on the members of the Council to honour their agreements, we cannot accomplish anything. If we cannot act when children are dying, we have no business being here. If we cannot save families that have not seen the sun for weeks because they have been hiding underground to escape barrel bombs, then the Security Council is as impotent as its worst critics say it is. Almost a year ago in the aftermath of the Syrian regime sarin gas attack on Khan Shaykhoun, the United States offered a warning to the Council. We said that when the international community consistently fails to act, there are times when States are compelled to take their own action. The Security Council failed to act, and the United States successfully struck the air base from which Al-Assad had launched his chemical attack. We repeat that warning today. We welcome all nations that will work together to finally provide relief for the Syrian people, and we support the United Nations political process that seeks to end the war in Syria. However, we also warn that any nation that is determined to impose its will through chemical attacks and inflicting human suffering, most especially the outlaw Syrian regime, the United States remains prepared to act if we must. It is not the path we prefer, but it is a path we have demonstrated we will take. We are prepared to take it again. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 9/23 Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and, through him, may I thank all of those trying to supply the desperately needed humanitarian response on the ground. They are indeed valiant. Sixteen days ago, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018). We did so because we and the world were sickened by the slaughter of innocents in Syria, particularly in eastern Ghouta. Russia used every tactic in its playbook to weaken the resolution and buy time for its ally, the Al-Assad regime, to bomb indiscriminately. But when it raises its hand in support, we hope that Russia and its clients would keep their word and implement the resolution. Sadly, as the Secretary-General's briefing has made clear, our resolution has not been implemented. What has happened? First, has there been a ceasefire? No. The violence continues and civilian deaths continue to rise. In those 16 days, 607 people have reportedly been killed, including 99 children and 79 women. The opposition armed groups committed to implementing resolution 2401 (2018) in full, but the Al-Assad regime's air strikes continue. Despite voting for a ceasefire, between 24 and 28 February, Russian military aircraft conducted 20 bombing missions in eastern Ghouta and Damascus every day. Russia has failed to confirm that it is only conducting air strikes against groups that are listed as terrorist groups by the Council. During the so-called daily humanitarian pause, over 56 air strikes hit eastern Ghouta between 27 February and 7 March, including at least six air strikes by Russian aircraft, according to monitors on the ground. Let us recall that only last year Russia declared the whole area to be a de-escalation zone. It has claimed that its bombardments are about fighting terrorists. That is manifestly not the case. There is one terrorist group recognized by the Security Council in eastern Ghouta, which accounts for less than not even 1 per cent of the population of the enclave. The other fighters are members of the opposition armed groups, which Russia has itself invited to the Astana meetings. Those groups have written stating their readiness to expel Al-Nusra Front from the enclave. Instead, Russia bombs them, undermining the political process that it is a part of. We are pleased that the members of the High Negotiations Committee of the Syrian opposition will be able to discuss the situation in Syria with Council members later today. I repeat my consistent condemnation of attacks against Damascus. What about our resolution's second demand, that is, safe, unimpeded and sustained access for humanitarian convoys, including medical and surgical supplies? Only one convoy has been able to enter besieged eastern Ghouta in the past 16 days, in two movements following shelling. They delivered supplies for 27,500 people — a fraction of the 400,000 civilians besieged in eastern Ghouta. What is stopping the aid from getting to the people that so desperately need it? Again, it is the regime. The ongoing violence that it perpetrates is an important factor, and its failure to grant access is another. On 5 March, the regime removed nearly 70 per cent of the medical supplies from a humanitarian convoy destined for 90,000 people. That happened at a time when the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs is warning that malnutrition and disease are so prevalent that people will soon die from hunger and sickness even more than from air strikes. Finally, have there been any medical evacuations for the approximately 1,000 people who need them? Not a single one. Again, it is the regime that will not permit its civilians to reach urgently needed medical care. Some may point to an aid convoy or an announced pause in air strikes as a sign of improvement, and claim that those actions implement the resolution. They do not. Our resolution was clear: a ceasefire without delay, humanitarian access and medical evacuations. None have happened. Instead, the truth is that the regime will continue to pound eastern Ghouta until it has a complete military victory there, and Russia will continue to protect its ally, whatever the cost to the people of Syria and its own reputation. As we sit here, watching Al-Assad inscribing eastern Ghouta, again, on the roll call of atrocities and war crimes that he has committed over the eight years of the bloody conflict, let me say clearly that there will be future accountability for those crimes, and Russia's role, bombing alongside him and protecting him from accountability, will never be forgotten. There is still time. If Russia is able to announce a five-hour ceasefire, it can announce a full ceasefire. If it can get one aid convoy through, it can get more through. I urge Russia to give its unconditional support to resolution 2401 (2018) and a ceasefire to enable the delivery of humanitarian S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 10/23 18-06756 assistance, respect international humanitarian law and protect civilians. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I would first like to thank the Secretary-General for his strong and particularly enlightening briefing, as well as for his personal commitment, in addition to that of the staff of the Secretariat and Mr. Staffan de Mistura, to spare no effort in implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Allow me, on behalf of France, to especially commend the United Nations teams and all the humanitarian actors working under extremely difficult conditions in Syria. Two weeks ago, we unanimously adopted a text calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities of at least 30 days, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access and medical evacuations in Syria. I would remind those present that those demands apply to the whole of Syria and all parties. We negotiated the text together for several weeks and, I repeat, unanimously adopted it. Each member of the Council around this table has therefore endorsed the content by deciding to assume responsibility. That responsibility fell particularly on Russia, as a permanent member that voted for resolution 2401 (2018), sponsor of the Astana talks and a Power engaged in the Syrian situation, as it claims to be. We had agreed to a clause to meet 15 days later to review its implementation. The Secretary-General has just provided us with a very clear picture of that. Since 24 February, civilian casualties have continued to climb into the hundreds every week. The regime is pursuing, in defiance of its people and the Council, an air and land offensive that it has never intended to halt, with the support of Russia and Iran. However, let us not be deceived that civilians are not the "collateral victims" of those military operations. Rather, they are themselves being targeted by the regime, deliberately and methodically to starve and rape, destroy their health centres, kill and sow terror and death. The hell on Earth experienced by eastern Ghouta is not just the effect of the regime's policy; it is the very purpose of the regime's murderous madness, with its daily tally of war crimes and crimes against humanity, for which the regime will have to answer. Let us call a spade a spade: Who can stop the Syrian regime? Everyone knows that, apart from a military operation, it is Russia that is in the best position to do so today. It is therefore legitimate that today, more than ever before, everyone looks expectantly towards Russia, which has so far been unwilling, or unable, to exert sufficient pressure on the regime. Two weeks after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), we are here in the Chamber to face the facts. First, what has happened since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018)? In the light of the inexorable worsening of the humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta, the Security Council has rallied around a cessation of hostilities and made every effort to seek consensus, and finally did reach consensus on 24 February. We knew then, and we said so, that this result was only a precondition, and that the longest and most difficult part of the path towards a humanitarian truce was still before us. However, every day since 24 February the fighting has continued. In the days that followed, despite Russia's unilateral announcement of a daily five-hour truce — well below what resolution 2401 (2018) requires — the intensity of the fighting has increased. Since resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted, there has not been a single day when eastern Ghouta, an enclave that has been starved and besieged for months, has not been bombed by the regime and its supporters. The fight against terrorism — and this cannot be repeated enough — cannot be used as a pretext for such a bloodbath of civilians or for such contempt for international humanitarian law. Eastern Ghouta is now a textbook case of war crimes, and even of crimes against humanity. It cannot be ignored: the Syrian regime, with the support of Russia and Iran, is engaged in a war of total submission against its people. Violations of the ceasefire by the Damascus regime, with the support of Russia and Iran, have been massive and ongoing, and I would like to thank the Secretary-General for clearly exposing those violations. Let me briefly review some of these violations. Between 24 and 27 February, 72 attacks by the Syrian regime and its Russian and Iranian allies, from more than 14 locations, were reported. Between 24 and 28 February, Russian military aircraft carried out no fewer than 20 bombing missions in Damascus and eastern Ghouta. Between 27 February and 2 March, field observers documented at least 25 air strikes by the regime and Russia during the five-hour humanitarian breaks declared by Moscow. Since 18 February, more than 29 hospital have been hit, and few health facilities are still in operation. On 8 March, a health care facility in Mesraba was completely destroyed by bombardments. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, as of 11 March, 607 people, including 99 children and 79 women, had been killed since the adoption of resolution 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 11/23 2401 (2018). I would repeat: 607 people have been killed. In addition to the dead, there are many injured persons, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, rapes and many other intolerable violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Finally, further credible allegations of the use of chemical weapons have been made since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). As the highest French authorities have pointed out, France will brook no compromise when it comes to the use of those abject weapons. The humanitarian needs are immense, yet the regime deliberately continues to block the entry of aid, despite the presence of Russian soldiers at the crossing points, as what happened to the convoy on 5 March shows. Indeed, the population continues to be deprived of relief and of any possibility of medical evacuation, even if more than 1,000 people need it. Still, we cannot give up. On behalf of France, I would like to make a new and urgent appeal to those who can make a difference on the ground, starting with Russia. France is not posing; it is taking action. My country has been and remains one of the countries most committed to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Right after the resolution's adoption, France stepped up its contacts and efforts at the highest level so as to contribute to the resolution's swift implementation, so that the Astana guarantors would assume their responsibilities and so that the commitments made collectively would be respected. President Macron has met with Presidents Putin, Erdoğan and Rouhani, as well as with the Secretary-General on several occasions. Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian visited Moscow and then Tehran. To Russia, we proposed concrete measures for implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Although our efforts aimed at reaching out have been ignored, we stand by our proposals. Let us not deceive ourselves: without an immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), the worst is yet to come. After the regime has conquered the rural zones of eastern Ghouta, the worst would be a conquest — street by street, house by house — in a torrent of fire, for the urban zones of the region, which are by definition the most densely populated areas. It is of the highest urgency, therefore, for us to come together to ensure that the resolution is fully implemented before the street battles promised by the regime's military planners begin. I would like to highlight three essential elements in that regard. The first is implementing a monitoring system to ensure maximum pressure on the parties. The main reason resolution 2401 (2018) has not been not implemented is that the Syrian regime has been engaged in its murderous folly and the regime's supporters have been unable or unwilling to stop it and prevent a worsening of the humanitarian situation. But the failure to implement resolution 2401 (2018) is also the result of our not being able to put in place a sufficiently targeted follow-up mechanism to the resolution in the Council. This must be our priority, and I am convinced that it is our only chance to compel the Syrian regime to comply with its international obligations. France therefore calls for appropriate decisions to be taken in the coming days. It is essential and urgent that humanitarian convoys reach eastern Ghouta in adequate security conditions and carry out their delivery of aid, and that medical evacuations be allowed. For that to happen, the truce must be sustainable and flexible in order to take into account delays in the delivery, discharge and distribution of aid. Medical authorizations must not only be delivered in an expedited manner; they must also come with all the security guarantees needed by patients, their families and the humanitarian actors who assist them. Indeed, the protection due them under international humanitarian law must be unconditionally guaranteed. The second element I would like to highlight is the departure of terrorist fighters from Ghouta as proposed by armed groups. In their letter to the Security Council, the three armed groups in eastern Ghouta, upon the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), indicated their commitment to upholding the resolution, made concrete proposals for a comprehensive cessation of hostilities and committed themselves to taking combatant members of their groups out of Ghouta. The United Nations offered its assistance in those exchanges and carried out important work along those lines, to which the Secretary General just referred. I call on Russia today to conclude and implement the relevant agreements without delay. This is one of the keys to implementing the resolution. The third element is political negotiation. A lasting cessation of hostilities in Syria requires a political process consistent with the terms of resolution 2254 (2015), our shared road map for ending the conflict. Staffan de Mistura has our full support in bringing this mission to a successful conclusion and swiftly convening negotiations in Geneva, which is the only legitimate forum for a credible solution. In order to S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 12/23 18-06756 achieve results, United Nations mediation requires that necessary pressure be exerted on the parties. We therefore call once again on Russia, as well as Iran, to fulfil their responsibilities, as we are fulfilling our own. Collectively we have the capacity, if we so wish, to stop the endless descent into the abyss that characterizes the Syrian tragedy, and finally create a real political dynamic. On behalf of France, I therefore call once again for all members of the Council to finally rally their words and action in the service of this shared objective, which matches to our interests and responsibilities. It is never too late to save lives, and it is our responsibility — if we accept it — to end the tragedy of Syria, on which our generation, and the credibility of the Security Council, will be judged. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and his detailed information on what we asked for. We particularly appreciated his words when he said that there should be only one agenda for all of us — ending this crisis. Russia supported the Security Council's adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), guided by the priority of improving the humanitarian situation in various parts of Syria. We not only believe that its effective implementation is extremely important, we have also proposed concrete ways of achieving that, something that was discussed in today's briefing. And that is unlike various capitals whose representatives have settled comfortably for doing nothing while vilifying the Syrian regime, as they call it, and making endless accusations about Russia. In out last meeting on the subject (see S/PV.8188), I promised to count the number of times that Ambassador Haley mentioned Russia in the next meeting. The answer is 22. France came second, with 16 mentions, and the United Kingdom was third, with 12. This matters not just for the record but for the context in which it occurs. What is going on is a political policy, and it does not have to do merely — indeed, not much at all — with concern for Syrians' humanitarian needs. It is important that everyone understands that resolution 2401 (2018) is not about an immediate ceasefire, which is a utopian notion, but a preliminary agreement between the parties as a condition for achieving sustainable de-escalation in all the contested areas of Syria, not just eastern Ghouta. That is the only realistic way. The resolution contains an unequivocal demand in that regard, and we are trying to make that happen. The Council has heard about that today and will hear more. The authorities in Damascus have expressed their satisfaction with the resolution and their willingness to implement its provisions. However, they have also rightly demanded an immediate cessation of attacks on the capital and of all infringements on Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The counter-terrorist operation that the Syrian armed forces are conducting does not contradict resolution 2401 (2018). The Government of Syria has every right to work to end threats to its citizens' security. The Damascus suburbs cannot continue to be a breeding ground for terrorists. It is the terrorists' persistent attempts to disrupt the ceasefire that serve to maintain the tensions in Syria, and of course the most problematic area is in eastern Ghouta. The July 2017 Cairo agreements on the eastern Ghouta de-escalation zone gave the militants a chance to be included in the political settlement. They did not take advantage of it and have still not dissociated themselves from the terrorists. Even now the groups' activities are coordinated from the joint headquarters run by Jabhat Al-Nusra. We have reliable information that they are in active radio contact, discussing plans for shelling the humanitarian corridors, among other things. Why are they only now talking about being willing to drive Al-Nusra's members out of eastern Ghouta? And why are we the only ones asking that question? We have answered it a number of times ourselves when we have spoken about suspicions that Al-Nusra is being preserved for particular political purposes, in this case to maintain a dangerous hotbed of armed resistance in the immediate vicinity of Syria's capital. Even now they continue to lull us with fairy stories about how few terrorists there are in eastern Ghouta. And who is going to monitor the armed groups' implementation of the resolution? Who will be responsible for that? Just please do not keep saying the so-called regime, and Russia, and Iran. Such ideological attitudes are simply not serious in the context of the professional discussions that we conduct in the Security Council. What responsibility will the members of the Council take for the implementation of the resolution? How will they implement it? How will they influence the militias they support? 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 13/23 Following the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), with Russia's participation, daily five-hour humanitarian pauses were established and the Muhayam-Al-Wafedin checkpoint was opened for use by both civilians and militants with families. They were guaranteed security, transportation and protection along the entire route. The Syrian authorities then opened another checkpoint, Jisreen-Mleha, in the southern area of eastern Ghouta. Medical posts have been set up, distribution points organized for hot meals, buses are standing by. However, the insurgents continued to subject the central areas of Damascus and its outskirts to massive shelling. Dozens of mines have been laid for days, resulting in deaths and injuries as well as major damage. Since the day the resolution was adopted more than 100 people have died, and many more been injured, as a result of the shelling in the capital. The Tishrin and Al-Biruni hospitals and a medical centre in Al-Rihan have been hit more than once. These are real hospitals, not the militants' field offices that are frequently disguised as hospitals. They are making active use of snipers. We know this for a fact. It is a tragedy when any civilians die during an armed conflict. But my delegation has always been interested in the origin of the statistical information being used in the United Nations. In a highly politicized situation this subject is extremely important. Frequent assessments are pronounced about civilian losses in eastern Ghouta. We hope that future reports will be required to indicate where their data is from, how reliable it is and who exactly is meant by "reliable sources on the ground". Every day that has passed, the extremists have forbidden civilians to leave the areas they have blocked and have severely suppressed attempts to resist arbitrary action, including through exemplary executions. We have reliable information about that too. Strikes on corridors and exit checkpoints are constant, including during the humanitarian pauses. On 9 March a convoy of refugees was shelled, once again disrupting an evacuation. Tunnels are being used for attacks on the Syrian army, and the exits from underground installations are located in neighbourhoods where there are public institutions, mainly mosques, hospitals and markets. They have inflated food prices and at the same time have been taking away the people's food, water, medicines and mobile phones. They are setting up firing positions in residential buildings and using people as human shields. They are laying mines in neighbourhoods that are adjacent to the line of contact. They are conducting searches and confiscating permit papers distributed by Government forces. The residents are trying to resist this repression, organizing spontaneous rallies and clashing with the militias. On 1 March, in north-eastern Douma, Al-Nusra terrorists shot four people who participated in such a demonstration. Today there was a major protest in Kafr Batna. The first major exodus of civilians took place on the night of 11 March, when 52 people, 26 of them children, left the village of Misraba with the assistance of the Russian Centre for the Reconciliation of Opposing Sides and the Syrian army. There are also militants who want to leave eastern Ghouta, but their field commanders threaten potential defectors with reprisals. For the first time, on 9 March, after long and tense negotiations, with the participation of officers from the Russian Centre for Reconciliation, 13 militants were evacuated from the enclave through the humanitarian corridor at their own request. Talks have been held with Jaysh Al-Islam on reaching an agreement on the withdrawal of a second group of fighters. A meeting was also held with the leaders of Faylaq Al-Rahman, at which it was demanded that they dissociate themselves from Jabhat Al-Nusra immediately. However, according to information received, the militants of the group decided to continue their armed resistance, forcibly recruiting ordinary citizens into their ranks. To turn to the subject of the humanitarian convoy entering Douma on 5 March, the convoy received comprehensive support from the Syrian Government and the Russian military. A humanitarian corridor was established, security ensured for its passage and the situation was monitored. However, there was a great deal of evidence of disorganized activity on the part of the humanitarian actors. According to our information, United Nations staff needlessly delayed the convoy operations, creating real security risks. While the convoy was being put together, they attempted to load it with undeclared medical supplies — and the fact that not all of them were declared was mentioned today — and wasted around two hours in a meeting with the leaders of the so-called local councils. They spread unreliable information about aerial strikes in the trucks' unloading area, and today some delegations seized on that joyfully, although what actually occurred was one instance of mortar fire from the armed groups' positions. They did not respond to local residents' S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 14/23 18-06756 request to help them leave the enclave. Nonetheless, 13 people, five of them children, were evacuated. Afterwards, it was curious to read a report that one of Ahrar Al-Sham's field commanders had, in a tone of irony, expressed his appreciation for the humanitarian pause on 5 March, which enabled the militias to regroup, recover their strength and a number of lost positions and prepare ambushes for the Syrian military. A 9 March action was successfully carried out with the Russian military providing a truck convoy with safe conduct. However, the scope of resolution 2401 (2018) is not limited to eastern Ghouta. We should note that in the past two weeks, the terrorists of Al-Nusra and associated militia groups have repeatedly shelled villages in Hamah province. As a result of new strikes there are been deaths and injuries in blockaded Fo'ah and Kafraya in Idlib. Armed clashes between illegal groups in that province have led to threats of a number of medical facilities being closed. Al-Nusra has become more active in the southern de-escalation zone, which could be related to the fact that they continue to be supplied with weapons from outside. The situation in Afrin remains very difficult. The Syrian authorities have given permission for humanitarian aid to be delivered to the residents of Rukban camp, in the area illegally held by the Americans around the Al-Tanf military base. We would like to know what the United Nations is doing about that. Needless to say, we assume that the distribution of humanitarian assistance will be undertaken by a trustworthy entity such as the International Committee of the Red Cross or the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. We are also awaiting the speedy dispatch of a United Nations humanitarian needs assessment mission to Raqqa, which was bombed out by the coalition. There should be no pointless delays with this, so I would like to ask the United Nations when that mission will take place. We understand very well the unspoken motives for the current disinformation campaign, whose aim is to create a public perception that the Syrian authorities use toxic substances. In fact, both we and the Syrians have well-founded fears that provocations are being planned with the aim of accusing the Syrian authorities of carrying out chemical attacks. According to information received, Al-Nusra used a chlorine-based substance in eastern Ghouta on 5 March, affecting more than 30 local residents. This is all being done in order to prepare the ground for unilateral acts of force against sovereign Syria. We heard hints of that in the statements made by some delegations today. Essentially, steps are being considered that could deliver yet another heavy blow to regional stability. Meanwhile, on territory formerly controlled by illegal armed groups, there have been more new discoveries of stores of chemicals, but the relevant bodies of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons have been very slow to react to the appeals of the Syrian authorities. Russia will continue its efforts to implement resolution 2401 (2018), but we demand that some of our colleagues do their part and exert genuine pressure on the groups that they support or sponsor, instead of constantly calling on Russia and creating the false impression that the resolution applies only to us. In conclusion, I would like to say that this afternoon four Security Council will be holding an unofficial Arria Formula meeting with the declared intention of making opposition voices heard on the humanitarian issue in Syria. This is going to be widely covered in the media. First and foremost, we want to point out the fact that is unacceptable to use United Nations resources for politicized purposes, and that is certainly not what Arria Formula meetings were conceived for. This event conceals the desire of its organizers to exert informational pressure on the Syrian Government and those who are helping it fight terrorism. In our view, to get the full picture, it would not be a bad idea to listen to the residents of Raqqa and Rukban camp, not to mention eastern Ghouta, where there are quite a few people who would be glad of the opportunity to appeal for their deliverance from the presence of extremists. Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): I should like at the outset to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing. China appreciates the positive efforts made by the United Nations and the Secretary- General to alleviate the humanitarian situation in the Syrian regions affected. China sympathizes with the suffering of the Syrian people and has consistently been working hard to help them. Last month we channelled assistance through the International Committee of the Red Cross, sending water, food, medical services and shelter to internally displaced persons in Syria. We are extremely concerned at the fact that the people of Syria are suffering from the conflict. No act 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 15/23 of violence against innocent civilians can be tolerated. This situation must end. On 24 February, the members of the Security Council, leaving aside their differences, unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018). This upheld the unity of the Council and provided a rare opportunity for a ceasefire, halting the violence and easing the suffering of the Syrian people. After the resolution was adopted, we saw that United Nations humanitarian relief convoys had overcome difficulties of all kinds and entered eastern Ghouta, delivering much-needed assistance to the people there. With Russia announcing the implementation of the temporary ceasefire, a humanitarian corridor was opened for the Syrian people. We saw that some civilians, including children, had already entered the safe area through the humanitarian corridor and received relief and assistance. It has also come to our attention that the parties to the conflict continue to attack each other and that owing to the shelling the humanitarian corridor has not been able to serve its full purpose. We urge all parties concerned to make joint efforts, exert their influence and ensure that resolution 2401 (2018) is effectively and earnestly implemented. All members of the Security Council should maintain their unity and jointly stay on track to find a political solution to the Syrian issue, support the early resumption of the Geneva peace talks and urge all parties in Syria to achieve a solution acceptable to all as soon as possible, through a Syrian-led and Syrian-owned political process, in order to ease the suffering of the Syrian people. China will continue to make unremitting efforts to that end. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): I join others in thanking Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing. We welcome the efforts of the United Nations, its system and the International Committee of the Red Cross to render immediate life-saving services, conduct hundreds of medical evacuations and send convoys to the besieged and hard-to-reach areas, especially eastern Ghouta, despite the potential danger to the lives of their personnel. We therefore urge the members of the Security Council to assist the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in operationalizing those emergency programmes and to ensure the protection of medical and humanitarian workers. Likewise, we also urge the parties to support United Nations structures in fulfilling their mandates. We echo the United Nations calls to all parties to facilitate unconditional, unimpeded and sustained access to all people in need throughout the country and to take the necessary measures to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure, including schools and medical facilities, as required by international law and human rights standards. Kazakhstan considers that it is equally important to further promote the Syrian settlement and believes that the Astana process has great potential for guiding intra-Syrian talks towards long-term peace. In that context, we propose that all sides, including stakeholders, provide all-round assistance, making use of the positive developments to improve the humanitarian situation on the ground. Astana continues to support resolution 2254 (2015), as it always has, and repeatedly calls on the International Syria Support Group and other countries to help the conflicting parties to implement the measures stipulated in the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and the Vienna statements. We express concern over the existing difficulties in Syria, which seriously impede the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), and we call on the international community to influence the conflicting parties to cooperate with the United Nations. The only way to truly resolve the crisis is through negotiations, predicated on mutual trust and understanding, together with confidence-building measures. In practical terms, we are convinced that expelling terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta may calm the situation in that sector. Let us be frank: removing the Al-Nusra Front and other affiliated terrorist groups from the area, as stated in a letter from three parties, must be pursued in order to end hostilities. The implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) is a collective responsibility, with each Council member playing a significant role. Finally, Kazakhstan supports solutions in Syria on the basis of resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué, as well as the agreements on the de-escalation zones reached during the Astana process. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We would like to thank you, Mr. President, for having convened this meeting and to welcome the presence of Secretary-General António Guterres, who reminded us of the responsibilities of the international community, S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 16/23 18-06756 in particular the Council, given the serious and terrible developments in Syria. Peru follows with great concern the humanitarian situation in that country. We must express our sorrow and solidarity to the victims of the conflict, most of whom are children. We deeply regret that, two weeks after the ceasefire was unanimously adopted by the Council through resolution 2401 (2018), there has not been sufficient progress in its implementation. As the Secretary-General noted, a sustained cessation of hostilities has not materialized. The conflict continues to claim civilian victims. The much-needed humanitarian assistance has been provided in a very limited way. International law and international humanitarian law continue to be violated with impunity. The bleak outlook requires us to redouble our efforts. The Security Council must remain united in its responsibility to protect the Syrian population by promoting all actions conducive to ensuring the full and immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). The responsibility to act is clearly greater for the countries with the greatest capacity for influence in the field, in particular the guarantors of the de-escalation zones agreed in Astana. The situation is particularly serious in eastern Ghouta, where, among other emergencies, more than 1,000 people need to be evacuated for medical reasons. It is also serious in Idlib, Afrin, Rukban and Raqqa, among other places. We need to remember that the ceasefire must cover the entire Syrian territory and allow humanitarian assistance in a sustained, safe and unhindered way. The Syrian Government must comply with the ceasefire immediately and fulfil its responsibility to protect the population and its obligation to cooperate with the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). The fight against terrorism cannot be used as an excuse to violate human rights and international humanitarian law. Peru supports the proposal of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura to promote dialogue with the opposition groups that have expressed their willingness to comply with the ceasefire and to expel members of terrorist organizations linked to the Al-Nusra Front from eastern Ghouta. Peru remains committed to achieving a political solution to the conflict that ends the ongoing humanitarian disaster, ensures accountability for the atrocious crimes committed in that country, including the use of chemical weapons, supports regional stability and achieves sustainable peace in Syria. We would like to conclude by expressing our support for the Secretary-General in his call for the immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and for his tireless efforts and those of his team on the ground. We also wish to highlight the professionalism, the courage and the sense of duty of the United Nations humanitarian personnel and of the humanitarian agencies such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, among others deployed in Syria. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, I would like to express my gratitude to Secretary-General António Guterres for his informative briefing. I also thank him for his leadership and all his support, in particular his tremendous efforts, as well as those of his Special Envoy, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, and of the entire United Nations team, to achieve the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and a definitive resolution of the Syrian conflict. Today's meeting should be another milestone in the international response to the humanitarian crisis prevailing in Syria. However, unfortunately, that is not the case. As the Secretary-General underscored in his briefing, in recent weeks, the parties involved at all levels have intensified their fighting in eastern Ghouta despite the humanitarian ceasefire agreed through the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) exactly 16 days ago. Nevertheless, we welcome with satisfaction reports that the United Nations and Syrian Arab Red Crescent convoy was finally able to reach eastern Ghouta last Friday to complete the delivery of food that could not be unloaded on 5 March for security reasons. However, the delivery of all necessary humanitarian supplies, including the medical and health-care supplies that were seized in the first attempt by convoys to the besieged areas, continues to be urgent and must be carried out without delay. We also welcome the news that the Secretary- General has just provided to us with regard to some improvements in the situation on the ground in eastern Ghouta. We hope that today's meeting will lead to greater improvement or a definitive resolution of the situation in that part of Syria. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 17/23 We read the letter dated 9 March that the co-penholders — France, the United Kingdom and the United States — addressed to the Secretary-General and the Council. We have also read very carefully the many letters that the Syrian Government has addressed to the members of the Security Council through its Permanent Representative. Basically, we note in those letters the repeated mutual accusations that have been a characteristic of this long conflict since its beginning. We are talking about a 30-day ceasefire, and time is gradually running out. We have had enough of mutual recrimination. The only collective task that we should focus on is finding a coherent peace mechanism to stop this endless and heinous war. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea remains deeply concerned about the developments in the situation in Syria. We reiterate the urgent need for Council members who have influence over the national parties to the conflict to redouble their diplomatic initiatives with a view to reaching a common understanding on how to find a political solution to the tragic crisis in Syria, the effects of which are a threat to the region and the international community, in particular because of the humanitarian implications posed by the millions of Syrians who are currently being displaced within the country or seeking asylum and because of the security risks caused by the expansion of Da'esh, the Al-Nusra Front and other terrorist entities. We also express our deep indignation at the continuing fighting in the province of Idlib, which, for seven consecutive days, has been subject to attacks and rocket fire from Islamic factions in areas of the cities of Kafraya and Fo'ah. Those events, like many others, demonstrate the need for a common front that will expel from Syria the Islamic State, Al-Qaida, the Al-Nusra Front and all other associated entities that threaten peace and security in the region. In conclusion, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea calls on the guarantors of the Astana process — Russia, Iran and Turkey — to ensure that the rounds of negotiations to be held on 15 and 16 March — to which the Special Envoy of the United Nations for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, was invited — serve not only to plan future actions and strategies, but also to give genuine impetus to finding a solution to the Syrian crisis once and for all. During my statement after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), I said that we had partially spared ourselves from embarrassment (see S/PV.8188). However, since 16 days have passed since the adoption of the resolution without it being implemented. I think we remain completely shamed. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): Let me thank the Secretary­General for his comprehensive, but again very worrying and alarming, update. Like many around this table, we share a sense of urgency, especially following the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). We also see how difficult it is to implement resolution 2401 (2018) on the ground. Small steps, such as sending an aid convoy to eastern Ghouta last Monday, are still mere drops in the ocean of people's needs. Even with a unanimously adopted resolution, we are still lacking any substantial change on the ground and the fighting is far from being over. We therefore call for the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). We understand that the solution is not entirely in our hands, but still we should try to do our utmost to find possible ways to ensure that the life-saving aid convoys might reach those in need and medical evacuations might begin. Unfortunately, the situation in eastern Ghouta, but also in Idlib and Aleppo provinces, does not allow the suffering of ordinary Syrians to be alleviated. Let me once again stress our full support for the Secretary-General, as well as his Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura, in finding a political solution to the Syrian crisis. A political solution to the conflict remains the only viable way to end the suffering of Syrian people. Let me also underline that the role of the Security Council remains crucial, but it is up to the Syrian people to decide their own future. We agree that fighting against terrorist groups designated as such by the Security Council is crucial, but, at the same time, such designations cannot justify the attacks on innocent civilians and civilian infrastructure, including health facilities. Those attacks must stop and parties to the conflict must strictly comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law. In that context, let me once again strongly underline that any response to violence should be proportionate. We need full compliance with the ceasefire agreed in resolution 2401 (2018). The Russian proposal for a daily five-hour pause is simply not enough to allow humanitarian workers to deliver aid and to evacuate those who cannot be treated on the ground. The international community, and especially the Council, S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 18/23 18-06756 bear a huge responsibility to protect civilians. Allow me to share a couple of concrete ideas, which I hope will be useful, on how to improve the situation on the ground. As the Security Council, we should demand United Nations access in order to monitor designated de-escalation zones to ensure the well-being of civilians. All States Members of the United Nations should fully cooperate with the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism set up last year and facilitate its work. Parties engaged in the conflict must cease enabling the crimes on the ground and withhold all their support to armed groups that target civilians. Parties conducting air strikes against terrorist groups must ensure that all necessary precautionary measures are taken into consideration in order to avoid civilian casualties and that all military operations are fully consistent with international law. All potential violations, including possible war crimes, must be investigated, and the perpetrators must be held accountable. In conclusion, let me underline that, from our perspective, we in New York sometimes lack feedback on our actions. With regard to actions taken at Headquarters, it is for the Syrian people themselves to tell us what would be the most effective way to support them. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): My delegation thanks the Secretary-General for his briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), on the humanitarian situation in Syria. Two weeks after its unanimous adoption by members of the Security Council, resolution 2401 (2018), which had inspired a great deal of hope, has not been implemented as planned, much to our regret. The requirement of an immediate cessation of hostilities for a period of at least 30 days, provided for by resolution 2401 (2018), to enable the safe and unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid and services and medical evacuation of the critically sick and wounded, in accordance with applicable international humanitarian law, has not yet gone into effect. The humanitarian and security situation remains worrisome because it is impossible for humanitarian convoys that endure indiscriminate attacks and bombings perpetrated by various hostile groups to reach besieged areas. In addition, attacks are carried out against medical and humanitarian personnel and health-care infrastructure. According to the World Health Organization, such attacks are on the rise. The deterioration of the humanitarian situation within Syria's borders due to increased fighting makes for dangerous living conditions for thousands of internally displaced persons and obliterates the hope of restoring security and dignity to millions of refugees in neighbouring countries living in extremely difficult conditions. Given the dire situation, Côte d'Ivoire hopes that the second international conference on supporting the future of Syria and the region, to be held in Brussels on 24 and 25 April at the initiative of the European Union, will result in pledges of increased humanitarian aid and development support. In accordance with the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018), Côte d'Ivoire again calls for the immediate cessation of hostilities in order to enable the safe, sustained and unimpeded access of humanitarian convoys delivering basic necessities to hundreds of people in dire need in eastern Ghouta and other areas of the country. My delegation welcomes reports that, for a few days, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent was able once again to enter the city of Douma in eastern Ghouta to deliver the aid necessary, including food and non-food items. My delegation encourages all Syrian stakeholders to create conditions that would allow the United Nations to make scheduled deliveries in eastern Ghouta, throughout the entire country and on Syrian borders. Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its belief that the humanitarian situation will not improve without significant progress on the political landscape because the two issues are inextricably linked. Therefore, it invites hostile groups and all stakeholders to engage in political dialogue in order to achieve a peaceful solution to the crisis in Syria. In that regard, it welcomes the holding of a meeting in Geneva between the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. De Mistura, and the three Astana guarantors — Iran, the Russian Federation and Turkey — with a view to relaunching the Syrian political process. The delegation of Côte d'Ivoire hopes that the next meeting to be held in Astana, at the initiative of the three guarantors of the Astana process, will enable us to reach a lasting ceasefire in Syria and to calmly resume the intra-Syrian peace talks pursuant to resolution 2254 (2015). 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 19/23 Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Once again we take this opportunity to pay tribute to humanitarian workers who risk their lives daily as they carry out their duties. We join other colleagues in congratulating the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, on his efforts to find a political solution to the serious situation in Syria, which, as the Secretary-General recalled, is in its eighth year. Bolivia deplores the challenges to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) that the Secretary-General outlined in his briefing today. We condemn all deliberate attacks on civilians and demand respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law. We call on the parties involved to focus primarily on protecting hospitals, medical facilities, schools and civilian residences, and the personnel of the various agencies and humanitarian assistance organizations whose employees put their own lives at risk as they carry out their work on the ground. We call on the parties to cooperate and enhance coordination efforts with the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, provide unhindered humanitarian access and allow urgent medical evacuations to be carried out, in particular in besieged and hard-to-reach areas. We call upon the parties to work together to achieve the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) throughout Syria as soon as possible and in accordance with agreements reached in the Astana process and on the de-escalation zones. We underscore the importance of unity within the Security Council when implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Such unity must be present if our goal is to fully implement it. We also call on the members of the Council and all parties involved to depoliticize the humanitarian situation in the Syrian Arab Republic and ensure that its actions are in line with international law. We highlight a few forums for dialogue that could assist with reaching consensus on a definitive cessation of hostilities, such as the Syrian National Dialogue Congress in Sochi, whose outcome is geared towards strengthening the political process in Geneva. We hope that that forum will allow for the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) as soon as possible. In conclusion, we reiterate that there is no military solution to the crisis. The only solution is through an inclusive political dialogue ordered and led by and for the Syrian people. We extend our best hopes for the outcome of the next meeting to be held in Astana. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We thank the Secretary- General for his comprehensive, up-to-date and very useful briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Two weeks after the adoption of that resolution, the humanitarian situation in Syria continues to cause serious concern. The United Nations and its humanitarian partners have failed to ensure safe, sufficient, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian access for populations in need of life-saving assistance due ongoing fighting, in particular in eastern Ghouta. Nonetheless, we are mindful of the fact that resolution 2401 (2018) applies to all parts of Syria. We note that the Secretary-General did not overlook that aspect of the resolution in his briefing. We had all emphasized the importance of the effective implementation of the resolution in order to make positive changes on the ground and alleviate the humanitarian tragedy in Syria. Given the increasingly complex situation on the ground, we knew that it would not be an easy task. After the Council adopted resolution 2401 (2018), we recognized that the United Nations and its humanitarian partners could deliver aid to eastern Ghouta and other affected areas. No doubt, there remain serious challenges to ensuring the full implementation of the resolution. Although it demands the cessation of hostilities without delay for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria, with the immediate engagement of all parties to ensure safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and medical evacuations, there have been ongoing military activities resulting in civilian casualties and the destruction of civilian facilities. Here, one should also not overlook the damage being caused by the shelling of Damascus. Therefore, it is clear that much more remains to be done and all parties should be committed to the full implementation of the resolution. As the United Nations and its humanitarian partners are ready to deliver more aid to all Syrians throughout the country, it is absolutely critical that all the parties provide them safe, unfettered and sustained humanitarian access. In that regard, all those who have influence over the parties S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 20/23 18-06756 should exert the necessary pressure to contribute to saving lives. It is also imperative to use all existing arrangements to facilitate the implementation of the resolution, particularly the cessation of hostilities. In that connection, we look forward to the Astana meeting, scheduled to take place on 15 and 16 March, which we hope will contribute to the full implementation of the resolution. Finally, as the Secretary-General stated, we are entering into the eighth year since the start of the Syrian crisis. While we look forward to seeing the Syrian people, as a sovereign State, find a comprehensive political solution based on resolution 2254 (2015), the Council also has a responsibility and an indispensable role in resolving the Syrian crisis. Therefore, we hope that the spirit of cooperation and consensus that the Council demonstrated during the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) will be sustained not only to respond to the humanitarian tragedy, but also to ensure progress in the political track with a view to finding a lasting solution to the crisis. Most importantly, the cooperation of relevant countries that have influence is key. Without those countries, there will be no solution in sight. The President: I will now make a statement in my capacity as representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. I would like to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his briefing. Through him, I would also like to thank all United Nations and other humanitarian personnel on the ground. They work under extreme circumstances. Sixteen days ago (see S/PV.8188), the Security Council showed a rare example of unity regarding Syria when it adopted resolution 2401 (2018) . I recall the glimmer of hope that day in the Chamber. All of us agreed that all parties to the Syrian conflict must cease hostilities in order to enable the delivery of humanitarian assistance and the evacuation of the critically sick and wounded. Yet one day after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), the Syrian regime, supported by Russia and Iran, launched a most violent ground offensive to conquer the enclave of eastern Ghouta. That offensive came on top of a relentless air campaign that had started one month ago. Resolution 2401 (2018) calls for a cessation of hostilities, without delay. Unfortunately, it is the military offensive that continues without delay. Elsewhere in Syria, including in Idlib and Afrin, violence continues to threaten the civilian population as well. The Council must do everything in its power to advance the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). In that regard, I would like to stress the importance of humanitarian aid, the monitoring of the cessation of hostilities and accountability. With regard to my first point, the immediate delivery of humanitarian aid, last week we were deeply shocked to hear reports that medical supplies, including surgical supplies, insulin and even trauma kits, had been removed from convoys by the Syrian regime. Medical supplies save lives and provide relief to the inhumane suffering that too many Syrians are going through. Medical supplies cannot be used as weapons by terrorists. There is no justification for denying medicine and medical supplies to the wounded and sick. The first humanitarian convoy that received authorization from the Syrian regime to deliver aid to eastern Ghouta was not able to fully unload because of resumed fighting. The convoy that arrived last Friday was finally able to deliver aid, including medical supplies, for 27,500 people. However, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs is still waiting for authorization to complete the delivery to Douma for all 70,000 people, as initially approved by the Syrian authorities. We call on all parties to immediately allow sustained and unimpeded access to deliver supplies to people in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. That applies to eastern Ghouta and to all in need throughout the country. On my second point, the cessation of hostilities and the need for monitoring, resolution 2401 (2018) calls for an immediate nationwide cessation of hostilities. A strong monitoring mechanism is needed urgently in order to ensure implementation. We agree with the French proposal in that regard. Since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), air strikes have continued, even increased, especially on eastern Ghouta. We hear the Russian Federation say that those strikes are targeted at terrorists. However, we underline once more that the exemption to the ceasefire for attacks directed at United Nations-listed terrorist groups does not provide an excuse to ignore the basic principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. According to the latest report of the Commission of Inquiry, the siege of eastern Ghouta continues to be characterized by the use of prohibited weapons and attacks against civilian and protected objects, which we condemn in the strongest terms. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 21/23 We also condemn the shelling of Damascus from eastern Ghouta. We call upon all parties to abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law at all times. Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura should facilitate negotiations between armed opposition groups, the Syrian regime and Russia in order to advance the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). One concrete and helpful step is to evacuate United Nations-listed terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta. A first evacuation of 13 imprisoned terrorist fighters reportedly took place last Friday. It is crucial that any evacuation of armed fighters take place in a safe and orderly fashion. We call on the United Nations to prepare for putting in place the necessary monitoring mechanisms in that regard. We call on Russia to accept the offer of the Special Envoy to facilitate further evacuation of United Nations-listed terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta. Civilians should never be forced to leave against their will. Forced displacement may constitute a war crime. On my third point, the credibility and accountability of the Council, despite the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) we have seen no cessation of hostilities. We have seen no significant improvement in the humanitarian situation on the ground in Syria. This also has a negative impact on the credibility of the Council. It is vital for the functioning of the rules-based international order that decisions of the Council be respected and implemented. As a Council, we have a collective responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. However, we should not forget that the responsibility and, indeed, the obligation to execute its decisions lies with individual Member States. The human suffering in Syria, especially in eastern Ghouta, must end now. We need a full cessation of hostilities in all of Syria, including eastern Ghouta, Idlib and Afrin. And we call on the Russian Federation in particular to use its influence and to do its utmost to achieve that, thereby also upholding the Council's credibility. In conclusion, the siege of eastern Ghouta is entering its fifth year. The war in Syria will enter its eighth year later this week, on 15 March, as others have noted. One wonders how the Syrian regime thinks to ever achieve the legitimacy to govern the people it now pounds into submission or death. As the High Commissioner for Human Rights stated during the thirty-seventh session of the Human Rights Council, "what we are seeing in eastern Ghouta are likely war crimes and potentially crimes against humanity". The perpetrators of these crimes must know they are being identified, that dossiers are being built up with a view to their prosecution, and that they will be held accountable for what they have done. We thank the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic for its important work to date. We recall the resolution of the Human Rights Council of 5 March, which calls on the Commission to investigate the situation in eastern Ghouta. We call on all Council members to support the referral of the humanitarian catastrophe in Syria to the International Criminal Court. We also urge all States to increase their support for the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for the Syrian Arab Republic. For now, however, our common efforts should be directed at securing immediate relief for those millions in Syria in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. For that, we need the cessation of hostilities to be implemented immediately and in a sustained manner. We need a continuous pause in the fighting of 30 days, as demanded by resolution 2401 (2018). If its implementation continues to fail, that will require a response from the Council that goes beyond where we stand now. We thank the Secretary-General for his perseverance and endless efforts to uphold the norms and values of the Charter of the United Nations, international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as well as to promote compliance with resolution 2401 (2018). We call on all Council members to follow his example. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I wish to again remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than five minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I will not begin by commenting on the procedural point that you have raised, Mr. President, but rather I will focus on the essential issues that S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 22/23 18-06756 are supposed to be of interest to the members of the Security Council. I welcome the Secretary-General and note the statement at the outset of his briefing that the Secretariat does not have all the necessary information to carefully access the situation on the ground because the United Nations does not have a presence in all areas. The Secretariat humbly and politely said those words, noting that it does not have full, relevant information pertaining to the Syrian situation, although the United Nations has a branch of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Damascus and there are dozens of United Nations agencies operating in Syria, in addition to 13 international non-governmental organizations also operating there. However, some of our colleagues in the Security Council, who have shut down their embassies in Damascus and are now completely disconnected from credible information, instead rely on information from what is known as open sources. They have provided a vast amount of information that would never serve the interests of the Syrian people or of those present in such an important and significant discussion. That information is misleading and could poison the atmosphere and fuel sedition regarding the role of the Security Council, which is mandated to maintain international peace and security. The Syrian Government stands ready to engage seriously with positive international initiatives that serve the interests of the Syrian people, especially in ending the bloodshed throughout Syria, as stated in resolution 2401 (2018). My country has expressed its satisfaction with resolution 2401 (2018), particularly the positive provisions contained therein. In that regard, my country confirms that it has taken all the following procedures to relieve the suffering of our people in eastern Ghouta. First, immediately after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), hostilities were ceased on a daily basis from 9 a.m. until 2 p.m, Damascus local time, and remain so to this very moment, with the aim of delivering humanitarian aid and ensuring the unimpeded and safe exit of civilians from the areas controlled by terrorist groups. Secondly, two safe humanitarian corridors have been opened for civilians wishing to exit the area. Thirdly, two joint United Nations-International Committee of the Red Cross convoys, in collaboration with the Syrian Red Crescent, were sent to eastern Ghouta on 5 and 9 March. Notwithstanding the foregoing, all those procedures have been countered by the terror of armed organizations present in Ghouta. Incited by their masters — some of them, unfortunately, members of the Security Council — these organizations have targeted civilians in Damascus since the beginning of the year, firing more than 2,499 missiles and mortars that have claimed the lives of 70 civilian martyrs and injured 556 people. Those organizations have prevented our people in eastern Ghouta from leaving in order to continue to use them as human shields and material for humanitarian and media blackmail. They have even targeted those who managed to escape towards the two corridors by firing bullets and missiles. The latest incident in Syria occurred on 8 March, when the so-called Faylaq Al-Rahman — one of the terrorist arms of the petty State of Qatar in Syria — targeted a civilian convoy heading towards one of the corridors, leading to high casualties among civilians. By the way, that terrorist organization, Faylaq Al-Rahman, has been hailed by some of those present because of its readiness to implement resolution 2401 (2018). They presented it as a part of the moderate Syrian opposition, and distributed a letter signed by that and other terrorist organizations, addressed to the Secretary-General. That is the modus operandi of the Security Council with terrorist groups. The procedures taken by the Syrian Government are not limited to eastern Ghouta. Over the past few days, the Government has undertaken a number of other procedures. First, we have requested that the United Nations and a number of humanitarian organizations immediately send a mission to investigate the humanitarian situation in Raqqa, which was destroyed by the International Coalition led by the United States of America. Secondly, we have requested approval to send humanitarian convoys to the Rukban camp, provided that the aid is delivered and distributed by the Syrian Red Crescent and the Red Cross exclusively, and not by the United States occupation authorities or the terrorist groups in Rukban camp and Tanaf area. Thirdly, two days ago the Syrian Red Crescent obtained Government approval to send convoys to Ghouta, Raqqa, Afrin and Rukban. To date, it has not sent the convoys to Rukban and Afrin because the United Nations failed to ensure the necessary safeguards from the United States and Turkish occupation forces. That is the reason. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 23/23 With every advance by the Syrian Army against terrorist groups in any given area, the States sponsoring terrorism launch heated disinformation campaigns to distract the world from the terrorism, aggression and occupation against Syria. The inference is that those countries have never been keen to protec the lives of civilians, but prefer to protect their investments in terrorism after they have spent billions of dollars on it, as was said by the previous Prime Minister of Qatar, in order to recycle terrorism elsewhere in Syria. The behaviour that I have mentioned is not limited to State-sponsored terrorism, unfortunately. It has even been demonstrated by some senior officials of the Secretariat. We had hoped that the Secretariat, especially in the light of the second preambular paragraph of resolution 2401 (2018), would provide an unequivocal legal description of the crimes committed by the so-called International Coalition led by the United States against our Syrian people in Raqqa and other places, and the procedures to ensure the end of that aggression. We had also hoped that the Secretariat would provide us with an unequivocal legal description of the acts of invasion by Turkish forces of a precious part of our national territory, especially against our civilian people in Afrin, and the procedures to ensure the end of the Turkish aggression. We had also hoped for an unequivocal legal description of the presence of the United States forces on Syrian territory without the approval of the Syrian Government and the procedures to ensure the end of that occupation. The government of my country affirms its right to defend its citizens and combat terrorism in accordance with relevant Security Council resolutions, especially the second preambular paragraph of resolution 2401 (2018); fight all those who practice, fund and support terrorism; work towards restoring security stability and peace; and rebuild all that has been destroyed by terrorists and their masters. Finally, I have listened to my colleague the representative of the United States, who levels charges again and again against my country before all who are present and says that her country will take military actions against my country outside the legitimacy of the Council if chemical substances are used, just as its administration in Washington, D.C., did when it bombarded Al-Shayrat air base in my country last year. These irresponsible and provocative statements, which run counter to the Charter of the United Nations, are direct incitement to terrorist groups to use chemical weapons and fabricate anew all the evidence needed to accuse the Syrian Army, as they have done in previous times. I remind the representative of the United States that the former Joint Investigative Mechanism refused to take samples from Al-Shayrat air base because if it had done so it would have been categorically proved that the Syrian Government is not responsible for the incident in Khan Shaykhun. In fact, what the United States perpetrated against that Syrian air base was a full-fledged aggression. I call on the representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom and France to put an end to their violations of Security Council resolutions related to fighting terrorism, and on their Governments to stop supporting the terrorist groups in my country and cease providing them with a political umbrella to pursue their crimes against the Syrian people. It is high time that the United States Administration learn from its mistakes and stop repeating them. Is it not enough what they have done in Viet Nam, Iraq, Libya, Somalia and Yemen, invoking very cheap lies that have already been condemned and denounced by international public opinion? In this regard, I recall the words of Naguib Mahfouz, the Nobel laureate: "They are liars, they know they are liars, and they know that we know that they are liars. However, they still lie, and very loudly so." In conclusion, the Russian Centre for Reconciliation of Opposing Sides in the Syrian Arab Republic issued a statement a few minutes ago that street battles have begun in Ghouta, following the demands for the separation of the aforementioned Faylaq Al-Rahman and Jabhat Al-Nusra. This current street fighting impedes the evacuation of civilians who are forced to find safe haven underground in Ghouta. The President: There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject. The meeting rose at 1.20 p.m.