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The difficult position of women in Ghanian society lies both in structures that are manifested through the policy of the state, and in factors that are specific for this society, having their origin in this traditional structure. The relinquishment by the peasants of control over their immediate situation has led to the loss of traditional techniques and distortion of social relations. Money rather than labour claims has become the medium of social interchange. A case study conducted in a village in Ghana is used to illustrate the position of women in a patriarchial society subjected to pressures from various directions. Changes in the traditional agriculture caused by the introduction of cocoa resulted in greater pressure on land used for food production. Together with overcopping and the destruction of forests by charcoal-burners, there has been a general impoverishment of land resources and a reduction of the nutritional value of the crops grown. In 1972 the role of women as food producers began to be recognised and the role of female extension officers has become more important. The disadvantageous position of women in agriculture and in coping with the exigencies of social life is emphasised. The analysis shows how a new type of woman-headed household has emerged. In relation to the male-head the womanhead is always in an inferior situation since she has to cope with subsistence responsibilities at the same time as her access to resources is poorer. ; Contents: Preface -- Chapter I. Introduction -- 1. Introduction to the study -- 2. Theoretical framework -- Chapter II. The History of the Ewe People -- 1.The Ewes -- 2. The colonial expansion -- 3. Trans-Volta, a marginal cocoa growing area -- The History of the Village Economy -- 1. Introduction to the village -- 2. Political and economic organization -- 3. Changes in the agricultural production system -- 4. Changes in the land tenure system -- 5. The history of migrations -- 6. Perspectives in the development of the village economy -- Chapter III. Household Economy -- 1. The household structure -- 2. Marriage practices and divorces -- 3. The position of children -- 4. The household economy -- Chapter IV. Women and Resources -- 1. Women's access to land -- 2. Women and labour -- 3. Women, cash and property -- 4. Women's access to education -- 5. Women's access to extension service -- Chapter V. Women's Strategy and the Result of the New Division of Labour -- 1. Women's different trades -- A. Pretty retail trade -- B. Processing and selling food -- C. Selling own products, non-food -- 2. Women's agricultural production pattern -- A. Changes in the starch crop pattern -- B. The general situation in food crop production -- Chapter VI. Protest and Organization -- 1. Women's reaction against oppression -- 2. The need for women to organize

The history of Catholicism is an essential component in the history of modern Ireland. As locations of a distinctively Catholic faith, Mass Rocks are important historical, ritual and counter-cultural sites. Their continued use reflects, and helps reconstruct and legitimise, contemporary Irish identity whilst providing a tangible and experiential connection to Irish heritage and tradition. The mythology surrounding Mass Rocks tends to symbolise the worst excesses of the 'Penal Laws'. Yet, as Elliott (2000) has pointed out, the impact of the Penal Laws was short-lived and the worst was over by 1730 (Elliott 2000:170). Since the 1990s, most historians have rejected this traditional 'penal' paradigm with its subtext of a heroic but silenced Catholic nation (Dickson 2004:38). Yet, the Irish countryside remains littered with the Mass Rocks that were used throughout this period and they are still considered to be special and sacred places. Using a framework of sacred space this research provides an original and important vista on this topic. An examination of their geographical distribution has yielded some surprising concentrations and absences in certain areas. The actual locations of these sites have proved equally intriguing since few appear to conform to the mythical, secluded, upland sanctuaries depicted in early and mid-twentieth century history textbooks and more recently on 'republican' murals. This research does not attempt to assess the implementation, success or failure of the Penal Laws. However, it does provide one of the most thorough syntheses of available information in respect to Mass Rocks at a diocesan level and therefore provides a valuable resource that will help widen knowledge of this emotive and often misunderstood period. Research has been based in the diocese of Cork and Ross, county Cork. The parish of Uíbh Laoghaire or Iveleary, the county of Cineal Laoghaire or O'Leary, is located within this diocese and is relatively rich in Mass Rock sites. The parish of 'Inshiguilah' or Inchigeelagh is referenced within the Report on the State of Popery of 1731 along with adjoining parishes. Its sound pedigree in terms of its historical, geographical and cultural background made it an excellent candidate for a case study. It offered a valuable opportunity to apply the conceptual framework of sacred space to a specific parish within the research area in order to evaluate the validity of the research findings. Although much has been written about the Penal era, the study of Mass Rocks is a neglected area of study and it is hoped that these results will help to frame Eighteenth-century Irish Catholicism within a broader economic, social, cultural and political context.

En las memorias construidas por la comunidad científica argentina sobre su propio pasado, y más específicamente sobre la vida universitaria bajo el gobierno peronista de 1946-1955, es posible encontrar dos tipos de memoria: una que pertenece al grupo, es consensual, extremadamente crítica y estereotipada; y otra, de carácter individual, de más difícil acceso, en la que la experiencia personal del testimoniante permite al historiador recuperar aquellos elementos silenciados en pos de la posición consensuada por el grupo. De esta manera es posible discutir la imagen construida sobre el régimen peronista como una "edad oscura" en la historia de las ciencias en Argentina. La imagen que surge de estos testimonios, en cambio, es una de mucha más complejidad y de mayor riqueza para el estudio académico. La recuperación de estos elementos, por otra parte, no sólo abre nuevas posibilidades de investigación para la Historia de las Ciencias, sino que también ofrece un interesante caso de estudio sobre los mecanismos que operan en la construcción de la identidad grupal, y específicamente en lo referido a las políticas de la memoria. ; In the memories constructed by the argentinian cientific community about it´s own past, and more specific about the university under the peronist goverment of 1946­1955, is possible to find two kinds of memories: one that belongs to the group, is consensual, extremely critic and stereotyped; the other, individual, of harder access, in wich personal experience allows the historian to recover those elements that were silenced in favor of the consentual group position. The present study works with the hypothesis that the memory of the experience of university's life during the first peronism is part of the construction of the identity of a scientific community that self defines itself in opposition to the values it adjudicates to peronism. By these means it is possible to discuss the image of the peronist regime as a "dark ages" in the history of the sciences in Argentina and, more specifically, in the history of the Universidad de Buenos Aires. The image that stands out of these testimonies, instead, is one much more complex and richer for academic study. The recovery of those elements not only opens new possible lines of research for the History of Sciences, it also offers an interesting case for the study of the mechanisms that operate in the construction of a grupal identity, in regards to the politics of memory. ; Fil: Comastri, Hernán. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Oficina de Coordinación Administrativa Saavedra 15. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana "Dr. Emilio Ravignani". Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto de Historia Argentina y Americana "Dr. Emilio Ravignani"; Argentina

[41-49] Philosophic and analytic studies: [41] The magic skin.--[42] Jesus Christ in Flanders. Melmoth converted. The elixir of long life. Seraphita.-- [44] Gambara. Massimilla Doni. The accursed child.--[45] The quest of the absolute.--[46] Adieu. The conscript. The executioner. The exiles. Louis Lambert.--[47] Catherine de' Medici.-- [48-49] Physiology of marriage. Petty worries of conjugal life.--[50-51] The repertory of La comeÌdie humaine of HonoreÌ de Balzac.--[52-53] Les contes drolatiques. ; [23-32] Provincial life: [23] Ursule Mirouët.--[24-25] The celibates: Pierrette. The CureÌ de Tours. La Rabouilleuse.--[26] EugeÌnie Grandet.--[27] The lily of the valley.--[28] The illustrious Gaudissart. The muse of the department.--[29] The old maid. The cabinet of antiquities.--[30-32] Lost illusions: the two poets. A provincial great man in Paris. The trials of an inventor.--[33-37] Military and political life: [33] The Chouans.--[34] A passion in the desert. An episode under the reign of terror. A dark affair.--[35] Z. Marcas. The other side of contemporaneous history, first episode: Madame de la Chanterie; second episode: The novice.--[36-37] The deputy from Arcis.--[38-40] Country life: [38] The country Doctor.--[39] The village CureÌ.--[40] The peasants. ; [12-22] Private life: [12] The house of the Cat and Racket. The dance at Sceaux. The purse. The vendetta.--[13] Memoirs of two young wives.--[14] Modeste Mignon.--[15] A start in life. Madame Firmiani. The message. The atheist's mass.--[16] Albert Savarus. A daughter of Eve.--[17] The marriage contract. La grenadiere. Gobseck.--[18] A woman of thirty. The deserted mistress.--[19] Old Goriot.--[20] Honorine. Colonel Chabert. The interdiction.--[21] Beatrix.--[22] A double family. The peace of the household. A study of woman. Another study of woman. The pretended mistress. ; [1-11] Parisian life: v. 1-2. The splendors and miseries of courtesans: The way that girls love. How much love costs old men. The end of bad roads. The last incarnation of Vautrin.--v. 3. Poor relations, first episode: Cousin Bette. Pierre Grassou. The girl with the golden eyes.-- v. 5. The poor relations, second episode: Cousin Pons.--v. 6. History of the thirteen: Ferragus, Chief of the Devorants. La Duchesse de Langeais.--v. 7. History of the grandeur and downfall of CeÌsar Birotteau.--v. 8. The civil service. Gaudissarrt II. A prince of Bohemia.--v. 9. The house of Nucingen. The secrets of La Princesse de Cadignan. Sarrasine. Facino Cane. A man of business. The involuntary comedians. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Introduction. The paper deals with the issues of the propaganda system in the Soviet Occupation Zone in Germany (SOZ) between 1945 and 1949. Based on de-classified documents from Russian Archives propaganda organization, channels and methods of propaganda units of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany (SMAG) became a subject to study. The authors emphasize on control means towards German mass media and implementing the Soviet propaganda monopoly in East Germany.

Methods and materials. The authors consequently analyze the main channels and methods of positive USSR image broadcasting: radio, press, SMAG propaganda unit lectures, people's education system, activities of society for Soviet cultural studies, acquaintance trips of German delegations to the USSR, presentations of Soviet exhibitions and films.

Analysis and Results. The authors come to a conclusion that the Soviet propaganda in East Germany had a low efficiency. It failed to establish a complete monopoly of Soviet propaganda units in East Germany. The SOZ population could access the propaganda from West Germany and West Berlin, which broadcast a radically negative image of the USSR. Besides, the units and institutions of the Group of Soviet Occupation Troops in Germany (GSOTG) created their own image of Soviet people, which was different from the ideal and broadcast one. Thus, it turned out to be impossible to provide the unification of the broadcast and perception of propagandist materials devoted to the USSR and its population. Soviet propaganda in Germany had gone through the transition by the late 1940s: division of Germany in two states appeared to be a reality, and the establishment of socialist society on Stalin's model took place in East Germany. Ideological revisiting of the Soviet social constitution, and so its supremacy over the bourgeois one was to replace the conventional image of the country of total welfare and happiness.

The article gives an overview of the changes taking place during 1917 in the social structure of Russian society. Throughout 1917, three independent systems of organization and interaction between social groups had been distinguished: firstly, a fairly clear social division of society, traditional for Russia and preserved until the fall of the monarchy; secondly, a noticeable erosion of the class structure of the population during the period of the Provisional Government and the Soviets, which led to the formalization of class distinctions; thirdly, a new class division of society was observed for the country as one of the natural results of the October Revolution of 1917. During the period under review, one of the aspects of social inequality was transformed: inequality in the scope of the rights and freedoms of different social groups. Three different models for determining the legal status of the population were identified. In the monarchical period of 1917, there were quite profound differences in the scope of the rights of subjects – the estate principle laid at the heart of inequality. At the stage of the existence of a democratic republic, the class principle of inequality remained, but the difference in the scope of rights and freedoms was actively erased. The Soviet Republic switched to the class principle of social inequality, and deepened the difference in the legal status of classes to the ultimate level. The rate of such changes is completely uncharacteristic of the social structure and is explained by a whole complex of assumptions that provoked an incredibly fast and radical transformation that can be traced throughout 1917.

This article describes the birth of one of the most influential myths in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet historiography of the Ancient World, about the totalitarian and consequently inefficient Neo-Sumerian centralized bureaucratic state. The author proposes that the origins of this historiographic myth can be sought in the political and academic conditions of the Soviet historical profession and the response to them from leading Assyriologists such as Vasily V. Struve and Igor M. Diakonoff. Oriental Despotism by Karl A. Wittfogel had a particular influence on Soviet historiography. Since direct parallels between the Ur III State and the USSR were ideologically subversive and therefore unacceptable, just hinting at them acquired the status of profound inner truth, and thus captured the imaginations of many Soviet historians. After the collapse of the USSR, in the eyes of some scholars these analogies received ultimate proof through history itself, as the modern failed totalitarian bureaucracy shared the fate of the allegedly equally totalitarian ancient one.

SUMMARY: Alexander Etkind calls the essay by Xenia Cherkaev "somewhat confused," but welcomes the opportunity to engage in a serious discussion that the Russian field has been lacking so far. He sees one of the reasons for Cherkaev's criticism in a general trend negating Memory Studies as a field with its own objectives and research conventions. Etkind takes a stand against confusing the institutional history of the GULAG and Stalinism with the study of memory and mnemonic practices. He also discusses some moral and political issues involved in Cherkaev's reading of his book. Александр Эткинд характеризует эссе Ксении Черкаевой как "несколько путанное", однако приветствует возможность серьезной дискуссии, которой не хватает русистике в целом. Одно из возможных объяснений критической позиции Черкаевой он видит в тенденции отрицать исследования памяти как самостоятельную дисциплину с собственными задачами и исследовательскими конвенциями. Эткинд выступает против смешения институциональной истории ГУЛАГА или сталинизма с исследованиями памяти и мнемонических практик. В своем ответе Эткинд также обсуждает некоторые моральные и политические аспекты статьи Черкаевой.

This is a microhistory of the decision making leading to the conquest of Kuldja (Ghulja) by the Russian troops in 1871–1881. Svetlana Gorshenina deconstructs different understandings of the theory of a "natural border" that influenced the changing opinions of the Petersburg military and diplomatic elites, colonial administrators of Turkestan and Central Asia, and military commanders on the ground. The article presents a nuanced and multilayered picture of the discursive reality behind the conquest of Kuldja, thus explicating a complex mechanism of interaction of the metropole and peripheral actors, the role of local versus universal knowledge, and the influence of diplomatic considerations vis-à-vis Europe and China. The study is based on archival documents assembled in the course of 1901–1905 by the military engineer, lieutenant colonel Andrian Serebrennikov, for the Collection of Materials for a History of the Conquest of the Turkestan Region . The Kuldja-related documents of the collection remained unpublished and are now preserved in the Central State Archive of the Republic of Uzbekistan.

SUMMARY:
The article by Sergei Rumiantsev explores the relationship between contemporary political conflicts and the production and reproduction of maps of the ideal national homeland in public discourse and history textbooks in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. He argues that the map of ideal national homeland is an important symbolic instrument for inculcating a sense of nationhood in the post-Soviet South Caucasus. The analyzed maps are invariably based on a primordial understanding of nationality that serves to collate relevant pieces of historical geography. These maps are used by politicians and official experts to legitimize present-day conflicts and contest present-day political boundaries. The author then traces the historical evolution of the territorial sense of nationhood from the moment of the rise of modern national movements in the South Caucasus, and demonstrates how the modern national imagination and imperial map- and boundary-making exercise laid the groundwork for contemporary iconic images of the territorial nationhood of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, and their respective ideal national homelands.

SUMMARY:
Anna Temkina investigates the effects and limits of Soviet gender modernization in two republics of the former Soviet Union – Armenia and Tajikistan. She reconstructs two very different settings in terms of religion, history, the level of urbanization and industrialization, social makeup of the population, and family structure, yet establishes similarities of the effects and limits of Soviet gender modernization. The main focus of the article is on contexts and patterns of the coexistence of traditional and modern gender scenarios and on the social organization of sexual life in the two republics (and in Russia). Temkina relies on a biographical strategy of sociological investigation: fifty-four biographical interviews with representatives of the educated urban population of the two republics (the group highly exposed to Soviet modernizing influence) are analyzed against official statistics and the stated goals of Soviet gender policies, in connection with linguistic, national, and social choices, the notions and practices of public and private, the professional and social background of older generations, education, and so on.

SUMMARY:
In his article Sergei Podbolotov explores the politics and doctrine of the last Russian emperor, Nicholas II, in the context of the history of Russian nationalism. Podbolotov situates the dynastic nationalism of Nicholas II in the continuum of the Russian dynasty's reaction to the challenge of modernity and modern nationalism, which brought about a hybrid version of völkisch ideology, Romanticism, and monarchism. The author analyzes the relationship among the monarchy, bureaucracy, Russian educated society, and rightwing nationalist parties at the beginning of the twentieth century and traces Nicholas II's peculiar perception of power and nationhood and its influence on political reforms at the beginning of the 20 th century. Podbolotov argues that the last Russian monarch faced the dilemma of balancing between the pattern of the popular peasant father-tsar and the modern role of the monarch in governing the empire. Nicholas II's inability to resolve this dilemma serves as an explanation of the particularly devastating political crisis at the end of his rule.

SUMMARY:
In his article, Alexander Dmitriev explores the attempts of Russian thinkers and scholars to retain their collective identity as representatives of a "lost Russia" in exile. The conventional perspective on the interwar period is that this was the time when the German academic community lost its leading position in the world due to the strengthening of a nation- and state-centered orientation in institutional science and scholarship. Under these circumstances, the project to preserve "Russian scholarship in exile" could not eschew the isolationist turn. Dmitriev focuses on the history of various institutions (e.g. the Russian Scientific Institute in Berlin) as well as the ideological contexts of certain scholars' and philosophers' work (S. Frank, D. Chizhevskii, R. Jakobson). As with the German "Sonderweg" thesis, the "Russian idea" became the guiding principle Russian émigrés' study of the humanities. The author analyzes the йmigrй idea of preservation and conservation of national science in a broad context of consolidation of national academic communities in different countries and in comparison with the emergence of self-sufficient and isolated Soviet science.

SUMMARY:
The article explores the ideology of national movements in the present day Mordovia republic of the Russian Federation. The author focuses on two cases of nationalism, namely the Mordovian and Erzy ones, analyzing the use of ethnocentric visions of history (myths) as the basis for political claims. The research of ethnocentric myths is based on newspapers and publications of the respective national movements. The author finds out certain similarity in character of ethnocentric myths of both cases of nationalism, suggesting, however, that the two movements differ in their vision of the constituent element of the titular nationality's republic. Whereas the Mordovian national movement stresses the unity of two ethnic groups (Moksha and Erzy) on the territory of the republic and favors their convergence through fostering of the common Mordovian language and enhancement of the titular nationality's rights, the Erzy national movement rejects the notion of the Mordovian nationality and strives to promote separate a Ezry language and nationality with consequent claims for separate titular nationality and administrative unit.