Suchergebnisse

There is a growing body of practice and literature on the role of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in preventing and responding to violence. There is also a lot of excitement and corresponding literature about the role of the internet in non-violent change and democratization. The use of mobile phones, social networks such as Facebook and Twitter, and user-generated content (UGC) like blogs and YouTube videos in the protests in Tunisia and Egypt, as well as throughout the wider middle-east and North Africa (MENA) region have shown how ICTs can complement and augment the exercise of rights to freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom of peaceful assembly. This literature focuses on the use of ICTs before and during conflict, for example in conflict prevention and early warning. What about the use of ICTs in post-conflict situations; after the negotiation of peace agreements? How can ICTs be used in post-conflict interventions; more specifically in post-conflict peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction and recovery? What role of can be played here by social media and user-generated content?

Community Driven Development (CDD) projects are now a major component of World Bank assistance to many developing countries. While varying greatly in size and form, such projects aim to ensure that communities have substantive control in deciding how project funds should be used. Giving beneficiaries the power to manage project resources is believed by its proponents to lead to more efficient and effective fund use. It is also claimed that project-initiated participatory processes can have wider 'spillover' impacts, building local institutions and leadership, enhancing civic capacity, improving social relations and boosting state legitimacy. This paper briefly reviews the World Bank's experience of using CDD in conflict-affected and post-conflict areas of the East Asia and Pacific region. The region has been at the forefront of developing large-scale CDD programming including high profile 'flagships' such as the Kecamatan Development Program (KDP) in Indonesia and the Kapitbisig Laban Sa Kahirapan-Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services (KALAHI-CIDSS) project in the Philippines. As of the end of 2007, CDD constituted fifteen percent of the lending portfolio in East Asia compared with ten percent globally. Many of East Asia's CDD projects have operated consciously or not in areas affected by protracted violent conflict. CDD has also been used as an explicit mechanism for post-conflict recovery in Mindanao in the Philippines and in Timor Leste, and for conflict victim reintegration in Aceh, Indonesia. It then looks at the evidence on whether and how projects have achieved these outcomes, focusing on a range of recent and current projects in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Timor-Leste. The analysis summarizes results, draws on comparative evidence from other projects in the region and elsewhere, and seeks to identify factors that explain variation in outcomes and project performance. The paper concludes with a short summary of what we know, what we don't, and potential future directions for research and programming.

This report is the result of a World Bank mission that visited Paraguay in June 2013 at the request of the Government of Paraguay. The mission's objective was to identify, quantify, and prioritize agriculture risks that determine the volatility of agriculture gross domestic product (GDP), based on a methodology to assess sector risks developed by the World Bank. The methodology stipulates a two-phase process. The first phase (risk evaluation), which is in volume one of this report, was reviewed by the government and evaluates the current situation and perspective of agriculture sector risks, starting from the standpoint of supply chains. From here, and based on the identification of the most important risks, given their frequency and severity, a list of possible solutions was produced in addition to the existing public and private programs and policies. This process is completed with a second phase, where an action plan was prepared (volume two) that can be executed in the medium term to reduce sector risks and to contribute to the sustainability of agriculture investments. The significant efforts undertaken by the government to maintain support programs in critical production and trade areas of the sector are recognized, as well as the institutional development to strengthen the response capacity to agriculture risks. Chapter one gives introduction. Chapter two presents information about the agriculture sector and its recent performance is included, allowing to determine the most important supply chains for this risk assessment and to place the relative economic and social importance of the various commodities and production methods in the appropriate context. In chapter three, a comprehensive assessment of production, market, and enabling environment risks is undertaken for the main commercial and family farming supply chains, in addition to livestock. Chapter four shows the repercussions that risks have had in the past, in particular aggregated losses incurred by supply chain actors. Chapter five assesses the impacts of these losses throughout the supply chains and explores the relative vulnerability of the different actors. Chapter six presents the results and ranking of risks, a list of possible solutions jointly with different public initiatives where some identified risks are addressed.

The two wars that have engulfed much of the second half of Joe Biden's presidency are at risk of escalating. Ukraine has taken the war into Russia in recent weeks, and Washington continues to gradually lift its restrictions on how Kyiv can use American weapons. Meanwhile, the efforts to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza appear to be stuck, and the risks of a wider regional war remain acute.
Against this backdrop, Swedish diplomat Hans Blix published a book, "A Farewell to Wars: The Growing Restraints on the Interstate Use of Force," that argues that a number of factors, including fear of nuclear war, growing public aversion to armed conflict, and increased economic interdependence, greatly decrease the possibility of large interstate wars in the future.
Blix gained international fame as the head of U.N. inspection mission in Iraq (UNMOVIC) from late November 2002 until just before the U.S. invasion of the country on March 20, 2003.Hundreds of U.N. inspections that scoured the country found no evidence to support U.S. claims that Iraq had possession of or was developing weapons of mass destruction.
Last month, RS interviewed Blix, now 96, about how he developed the book's thesis and whether the events in Eastern Europe and the Middle East in the months since its publication have affected his analysis in any way.
The full conversation is below:
RS: Considering years of brutal and devastating war in Ukraine, the Hamas attack on Israel, and Israel's destruction of Gaza, is it not provocative to write "a farewell to wars?"
BLIX: I am not, of course, closing my eyes before these bloody wars, nor to the large gruesome chapter of civil wars that is outside my field of inquiry. The Russian invasions of Ukraine are crude violations of the rules that Russia herself and all other states of the world have committed to by accepting the U.N. Charter. I support the continued large- scale assistance that is given to Ukraine. I do so not because of any fear of Russian designs against Europe, but because we need to help end or minimize the intrusion that violates the common legal order established in the U.N. Charter.
Yet, having taken a long-term view and identified growing restraints against interstate war, I do not see the Russian action as ending this evolution but as a disastrous aberration and deviation from it. What was intended, I believe, was not a war but a quick intervention to achieve regime change through a limited "special military operation," a Crimea 2. It failed, as it was based on erroneous intelligence and lack of understanding that the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians wanted independence and continued emancipation from Russia and the Russian economic and political system.
RS: Are you confident that there will not be other "aberrations?"
BLIX: The cases of the 2003 Iraq war and 2022 Ukraine invasion should be warnings against future uncritical action on the basis of intelligence. Injured pride on the one hand and hubris on the other may be incentives to the use of force, but, as I show, strong factors of restraint have developed and give hope even at this dark period. Despite hot lines and fast communication, there remain risks that misunderstandings might spark major fires.
RS: Which are the factors and hopeful long-term trends against interstate use of armed force that you see?
BLIX: First, I see over time a great evolution in the public mind regarding war and violence. Historically, war and the conquest of land used to be viewed as glorious enterprises. The evolution, though heterogenous and not an organized movement, has gone toward less violence and more humane attitudes. Public opinion helped to abolish slavery. Humanitarian movements generated the Geneva conventions. The death penalty has been abolished in most countries and duels prohibited. There were only 20 years between the First and the Second World War, but we have had no big wars between great powers for some 80 years. And while we are aware of the limitations of the United Nations, it has remained a vital common mechanism for the handling of conflicts and for global cooperation.
Second, while competition is inherent in the relations between states as between individuals (no "farewell"), the nuclear weapons that have become available to the major powers for possible first and second strikes lead them to the well-known conclusion that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. Since 1945, no nuclear weapon has been used and what is equally important: despite this quasi-taboo, the fear of use has made the great powers wary of starting or engaging in actions that risk escalation. Fear of escalation to space and A.I. warfare may have a similar effect.
Third, fear of escalation to a nuclear war leads governments to limit themselves to threats and to non-kinetic means of pressure, such as cyber actions, economic and financial warfare and subversion.
RS: Do you actually see nuclear weapons as a guarantee for peace?
BLIX: I think the number of nuclear weapons can — and should — be drastically reduced, and they will retain their restraining effect as long as a second-strike capacity remains. A world getting down to zero nuclear weapons will have developed other means of restraining itself.
RS: I wanted to ask you specifically about two potential "aberrations" to your thesis that seem to be on many people's minds. 1) The possibility of a Chinese invasion of Taiwan (which you mention in your book); and 2) The potential for the Israel-Gaza war expanding into a wider regional conflagration in the Middle East (which took place after the book was published).
How do you think these two sources of tension fit into long-term trends against interstate war identified in your book? Do you believe that either one of these has a significant risk of breaking out into a larger interstate war?
BLIX: Beijing's demand for Taiwan's integration into mainland China has its main roots in pride. China will not, like Denmark after World War II, accept the emancipation of a big island [Iceland]. Rather, Taiwan's separate position is felt as part of the humiliation that China long suffered at the hands of the West. This is a powerful incentive to bring about reunification. Although China will insist that an action vis-à-vis Taiwan is not "interstate," there are strong disincentives to the use of armed force. China cannot, like Putin, believe that reunion could be achieved through a limited "special military operation." As in the case of Ukraine, it would be a matter of occupation rather than liberation. Above all, having witnessed the disastrous costs of the Russian "aberration" in Ukraine, China will hardly take the risk of an armed action that could escalate to wider war and devastation.
What lies in the future? Hopefully continued restraint by all and time during which China has continued fruitful economic relations with Taiwan and feels increasingly respected as one of the world's great powers without any need to be glued to past humiliations.
Could the Gaza conflict, through some "aberration," explode into a wide conflagration? The mix of contradictory strivings in the region is certainly explosive, but, without major powers directly participating and clashing, a major conflagration is unlikely. In the civil war in Syria, we saw how the U.S. and Russia took great care to avoid any direct clashing in the air. During the Gaza war, it has been remarkable that all three major powers — indeed the whole world except Israel – seem to have rediscovered the two-state solution. Although Netanyahu may wish to highlight the tensions with Iran and prevent any easing of U.S. economic sanctions and other pressures on Iran, he may not want to provoke a full and direct war. The U.S. -under Biden has been actively seeking to prevent such a war, and both China and Russia would be likely to exert influence to prevent its eruption. One of several big questions looming, however, is how to make the broadly supported two-state solution operative with huge numbers of Israeli settlements on occupied Palestinian land.
RS: Your book makes a compelling case for the importance of diplomacy and detente in addition to military deterrence as a restraint in the use of global force? How do you assess the state of diplomacy between great powers, namely the U.S., Russia, and China today?
BLIX: In the current tense situation between the U.S. and the West on the one hand and Russia and China on the other, communication seems to be regrettably and dangerously sparse and to take place to a large extent through public channels (newspapers, TV). This mode of communication carries the risk of accentuating differences. Even worse is when diplomatic, cultural and scientific contacts are limited or shut off. Much nuanced understanding and opportunities for openings to mutual accommodation are lost. In my view, the three governments should make more use of diplomats and special emissaries with keen hearing and the capability of communicating and detecting openings for accommodation.
Most differences between states are solved routinely between competent civilian authorities, including foreign offices and diplomatic missions. To forestall potential armed conflicts, states use diplomacy aiming at détente, but shows of military force – deterrence -- are generally regarded as the most important way of averting war and hostile attacks. At present, accelerated arms races, military maneuvers and annual global military costs exceeding two trillion dollars testify to states' – in particular China's, Russia's and the U.S.' -- heavy reliance on deterrence and readiness to run the risk of sparks and fires. We do not know how much low-visibility diplomacy is actually going on and we realize that there may be issues on which there is no room for diplomacy. But we must note that not so few long-lasting and gruesome armed conflicts end in negotiations and diplomacy with the sorry postscript that they had no military solution. This makes us wonder if diplomacy could not have been used earlier.
In my view, diplomacy is dangerously underused today, and efforts to seek accommodation and détente seem often unfairly scorned. We should be more aware of the costs and risks of military deterrence and properly weigh them against costs and risks of restraint and accommodation. Even staunch advocates of red lines and deterrence sometimes favor limiting the role of weapons by accepting specific areas as demilitarized or free from nuclear weapons or from the stationing of foreign forces. Indeed, the nuclear weapons-free zones that cover the larger parts of the world are measures of restraint preferred to measures of deterrence. Until recently, my own country, Sweden, sought to help reduce tensions in the Baltic area by not hosting foreign forces and not joining NATO. It was only after its hope of détente had been shattered by the Russian aggression in Ukraine that Sweden came to prefer being inside NATO's red lines and join a common system of defense. Deterrence may thereby have been strengthened -- at the cost of higher tension in the Baltic region.
A last thought — outside the box: In national legal systems, a process of attempted conciliation may be compulsory for couples requesting divorce. We know that the efforts to promote the peaceful settlement of international disputes by inducing states to accept the compulsory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice have had limited success. And compulsory processes of conciliation between conflicting states is an unlikely proposition. But could – besides the Secretary-General's quiet diplomacy — a UN mediation mechanism be established for use when requested by parties, by the General Assembly, the Security Council or the Secretary General? Mediators can with less difficulty than parties to disputes explore what steps of accommodation or conciliation may be plausible to help prevent or stop a conflict .
Blix is an international lawyer with a Ph.D. from Cambridge (UK) and an Ll.D. from Stockholm. He represented Sweden at some 20 sessions of the U.N. General Assembly. He helped to bring about the 1970 unanimous declaration on the interpretation of key parts of the U.N. Charter. For several years in the 1960s he assisted Alva Myrdal at the Geneva Disarmament Conference and he was one of the key negotiators at the 1972 conference that updated the Geneva conventions and adopted a convention against particularly inhumane weapons. He was Swedish Foreign Minister in 1978 and Director-General of the International Atomic Energy Agency, 1981-1997. After the Iraq war 2003, he wrote "Disarming Iraq."

A Thesis for applying for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Environmental Sciences ; This study is concerned with the questions: how tourism players perceive sustainable tourism and whether sustainable tourism planning practices include virtual travel as a means to improve visitor experiences. Furthermore, how efficient and satisfactory a substitute, virtual experience may be, as an alternative to a real visit to a nature destination. The goal was set to research the drivers that may favour tourists' acceptance of virtual substitutions over real experiences. Travel often means transportation and need for place change, but travelling to a destination gives this sense of place change, and a VR facility in that place could provide tourist's experiences that local nature could give. It is postulated that when compared to individuals with weaker pro-ecological attitudes, those with stronger pro-ecological attitudes are more likely to accept the virtual tourism (VT) opportunities, research suggests that there are some VT features which are not accepted and others which are accepted by tourists The study focussed on the issue of virtual travel advantages and disadvantages and the role of pro-ecological motivations behind the choices between real travel and virtual travel. Research questions: • How tourism managers' perceptions of sustainable tourism affect sustainable tourism and sustainable tourism planning? (I, II) • How three-dimensional visualisation can facilitate sustainable tourism development and sustainable tourism planning? (I, II, III) • How tourist perceptions of virtual travel vary according to their individual need for emotional arousal from mediated experience, socio-demographic background, travel preferences, and pro-ecological motivations? (III) Documentary analysis (I) and interviews (I,II) were employed. Content analysis technique (I,II) was used. All answers were audio recorded, typed, divided into categories and sorted according to the main topic. 299 questionnaires were collected from tourists visiting Piusa Cave, GLM was employed to analyse results. This study indicated that comprehensive sustainable tourism practices are lacking in Russia. Russian tourism managers' attitudes towards sustainable tourism are mostly influenced by their personal background in the industry and less by internationally adopted concepts. Even though Russian tourism managers personal attitudes varied significantly and our findings demonstrated contradictory understandings of sustainable tourism phenomena among them, the consensus search rounds showed that the managers do recognise the possible negative impact of tourism on nature, and see sustainable tourism as part of their future business development strategies. The observed lack of understanding about sustainable tourism principles and the perceived low demand for such initiatives in state regulations and among potential clients, are the key reasons for Russian tourism managers' low motivation towards creating their own sustainable tourism initiatives. They also proposed that virtual travel may be a feasible strategy for destination management where carrying capacities are exceeded or where nature conservation measures are required (I). An individual's motivation to take part in sustainable tourism planning using three-dimensional visualization may be derived from such social structures as interest, desire, challenge or curiosity. While inclusion of interest groups in three-dimensional visualisation planning may significantly influence the flow and the value of the results of sustainable tourism planning, the same also happens when actually using the three dimensional visualisation tool. Integration of three-dimensional visualisation into sustainable tourism planning from the initialisation of the participatory development process provides more opportunities for comprehensive planning outcomes (II). Provision of several alternative landscape three-dimensional visualisation scenarios provides better sustainable tourism planning results. Virtual travel plays a positive role as a sustainable tourism planning facilitator in participatory development. Factors to consider in maintaining a quality sustainable tourism planning experience include: precise selection of objects for three dimensional visualisation, idealization level and an intuitive user interface. A neutral moderator in three dimensional visualisation planning is thus a prerequisite and is especially important when dealing with the problem of conflicting interests in sustainable tourism planning. This study revealed that tourists accepting of a low level of arousal from virtual travel have lower socio-economic security, they are also less motivated by social interaction and adventure. Tourists most accepting of virtual travel are less striving, and less interested in the societal impact of their lives. It was proposed that virtual travel may serve as a substitute for nature-based travel. The study shows that at the current state of three dimensional visualization technologies, virtual travel is capable of satisfying sophisticated hedonic needs of tourists. Those who like active outdoors, are unsurprisingly, less satisfied with virtual travel. Virtual travel also could be instrumental in nature experiences to tourists with lower travel budgets. Sustainable tourism development within nature-based tourism may reduce damage to the natural environment and local culture by minimising the impact of physical tourism infrastructure (roads, path, buildings) construction in cases where tourists can be offered alternative experiences of virtual travel as complementarities to conventional tourism. Virtual travel may show landscapes and enable tourists to get an impression of natural sightseeing without physical visits to real destinations. This in turn may increase opportunities for virtual tourism activity and benefit local communities. An encountered weakness of virtual travel is that tourists may perceive such travel experiences as less satisfactory in comparison to real trips. This study revealed potential key strategies for overcoming the obstacles for sustainable tourism development in Eastern Europe. Firstly, significant cooperation is required among stakeholders (local authorities, tourism managers, tourists, local population) to tailor more effective international and local legislation in the field of sustainable tourism, and for ensuring proper enforcement of this legislation. Secondly, the promotion of environmental education, including sustainability training among Russian tourism players, is highly recommended. Thirdly, virtual travel even though not an equal substitute for real visits, is a potential solution for implementing sustainable tourism strategies. Thus, further research could aim to establish whether virtual travel derived from real destinations where carrying capacities are exceeded may benefit nature conservation, and could be a means to raising tourists' awareness of tourism's environmental and social impacts. ; Käesolev uurimus otsib vastust küsimusele: kuidas turismi huvirühmad tajuvad säästvat turismi ja säästva turismi planeerimispraktikate parendamist virtuaalse reisimise abiga. Lisaks uuritakse kui tõhusalt ja rahuldavalt asendab virtuaalne kogemus loodusliku sihtkoha tegelikku külastamist. Uurimuse eesmärgiks seati uurida ajendeid, mis soodustavad seda, et turistid eelistavad reaalsetele kogemustele nende virtuaalset asendust. Reisimine tähendab sageli transporti ja asukoha muutust, ning reisimine sihtkohta annab muutuse toimumise tunde ja virtuaalne külastus annab turistile võimaluse kogeda, mida kohalik loodus suudaks pakkuda. Töös postuleeritakse, et tugevama ökoloogilise hoiakuga isikud on suurema tõenäosusega avatud virtuaalse reisimise võimaluste kasutamisele võrreldes isikutega, kel ökoloogiline suhtumine on nõrgem. Uuringud on näidanud, et turistid aktsepteerivad mõningaid virtuaalse reisimise viise, kuid eitavad teisi. Uurimus keskendub virtuaalse reisimise eeliste ja puuduste uurimisele ja ökoloogiliste motiivide rollile, mis mõjutavad reaalse ja virtuaalse reisimise valikuid. Töö väljendab kolmes artiklis kajastatud uurimusi ja nende tulemusi, need on tähistatud vastavalt I, II ja III. Uurimisküsimused: • Kuidas turismi korraldajate säästva turismi tajumine mõjutab säästva turismi pakkumist ja säästva turismi planeerimist? (I, II) • Kuidas kolmemõõtmeline visualiseerimine (3D) soodustab säästva turismi arendamist ja säästva turismi planeerimist? (I, II, III) • Kuidas turistid tajuvad virtuaalset reisimist olenevalt nende elamusvajadusest , sotsiaal-demograafilisest taustast, reisimiseelistustest ja ökoloogilistest hoiakutest? (III) Metoodika Uurimisandmed koguti dokumendianalüüsist (I), süvaintervjuudes ja küsitlusest. Töö jaoks uuriti Venemaal praktiseeritavat säästva turismi korraldamist dokumentide (ametlikud turismitegevust suunavad dokumendid, arengustrateegiad, õigusaktid jt) analüüsi abil. Kasutati ka kontentanalüüsi (II). Intervjuud (I, II) turismiga seonduvate huvirühmade ja kohaliku kogukonna esindajatega lindistati, transkribeeriti, kodeeriti ja kategoriseeriti. Intervjueeriti Moskva (Venemaa) turismiettevõtjaid ja Eesti ettevõtjaid ja kogukonnaliikmeid. Lõuna-Eestis Piusa koobaste külastuskeskuses külastajate seas läbiviidud 299 küsitluse tulemusi analüüsiti üldistatud lineaarse mudeli abil (III). Virtuaalse reisimise vastuvõetavust kontrolliti rakendades väärtuste-uskumuste-normi teooria (Stern et al., 1995) edasiarendust, tuvastamaks, kuidas vastuvõetavust mõjutavad elamusvajadus, ökoloogilised väärtused, uskumused, normid ja kavatsused. Tulemused Uuring tõi välja, et Venemaal puuduvad komplekssed säästva turismi praktikad. Venemaa turismikorraldajate hoiakuid säästva turismi suhtes mõjutab peamiselt nende enda taust selles sektoris ja mitte nii palju rahvusvaheliselt omaksvõetud kontseptsioonid. Kuigi Venemaa turismikorraldajate isiklikud hoiakud varieerusid märgatavalt ja saadud tulemused demonstreerisid vastuolulisi arusaamu säästva turismi fenomeni olemusest, näitas Delphi meetodi rakendamine, et korraldajad tunnevad ära turismi võimaliku negatiivse mõju loodusele ja näevad säästvat turismi ühe osana oma tulevastest äri arendamise strateegiatest. Üksmeele puudumine säästva turismi põhimõtete suhtes ja tunnetatud vähene nõudlus selliste algatuste suhtes riiklikes õigusaktides ja võimalike klientide seas on peamised põhjused, miks vene turismikorraldajatel on madal motivatsioon ise säästva turismi algatustega välja tulla. Nad esitasid seisukoha, et virtuaalne reisimine on sihtkoha juhtimise puhul otstarbekas strateegia, kui piirkonna taluvusvõime on ületatud või vajaks looduskaitse alla võtmist (I). Üksikisiku motivatsioon säästva turismi planeerimises osalemiseks kui kasutatakse kolmemõõtmelist visualiseerimist tuleneb sellistest sotsiaalsetest motivatsiooni allikatest nagu osalussoov, väljakutse või uudishimu. Ehkki kolmemõõtmelise visualiseerimise planeerimise juures osalevad huvigrupid võivad märkimisväärselt mõjutada säästva turismi planeerimise kulgu ja väärtust, toimub sama ka siis, kui kasutatakse kolmemõõtmelise visualiseerimise tööriista. Kolmemõõtmelise visualiseerimise integreerimine säästva turismi planeerimisse kaasava arendamise protsessi algusest peale annab rohkem võimalusi igakülgsete planeerimistulemuste saamiseks (II). Mitme alternatiivse maastiku muutmise 3D-stsenaariumi kasutamine annab paremad säästva turismi planeerimise tulemused. Virtuaalne reisimine mängib kaasava arendamise protsessis soodustab säästva turismi planeerimist. Objektide täpne valimine kolmemõõtmelise visualiseerimise jaoks, detailsuse aste ja intuitiivne kasutaja liides on tegurid, mis teenivad kvaliteetse säästva turismi planeerimise eesmärki. Neutraalne moderaator on kolmemõõtmelise visualiseerimise planeerimise protsessi juures hädavajalik, eriti tähtis on ta siis, kui on tegu huvide konfliktiga säästva turismi planeerimises. Uurimus tõi välja, et virtuaalne reisimine on enam aktsepteeritav inimestele, kel on madal elamusvajadus, ja kes ei hooli sellest, et virtuaalne reisimine pakub vähem elavaid muljeid, koha vahetuse tunnet, ja kokkupuudet loodusega. Virtuaalne reisimine on aktsepteeritavam turistidele, kelle reisivalikute ajendite seas on sotsiaalne suhtlemine ja seikluslikkus vähem olulised. Virtuaalsest reisimisest enam huvitatud turistidväärtustavad vähem edasipüüdlikkust ja sotsiaalset mõjukust. Pakuti välja, et virtuaalne reisimine võiks olla looduspõhise reisimise asenduseks. Uurimus näitas, et kolmemõõtmeliste visualiseerimistehnoloogiate praeguses seisus on virtuaalne reisimine võimeline rahuldama hedonistlikumate, suurema mugavusvajadusega turistide vajadusi. Need, kellele meeldib aktiivne tegevus looduses, on vähem rahul virtuaalse reisimisega. Säästva turismi areng loodusturismi raames võib vähendada looduskeskkonnale ja kohalikule kultuurile tehtavat kahju, minimeerides kahju, mis tekib turismi füüsilise infrastruktuuri rajamisest (teed, rajad, hooned) neil juhtudel, kui turistidele saab pakkuda alternatiivseid kogemusi virtuaalsest reisimisest tavaturismi täiendusena. Virtuaalne reisimine saab näidata maastikke ja võimaldab turistidel koguda muljeid ilma reaalset sihtkohta füüsiliselt külastamata. See omakorda suurendab võimalusi virtuaalse turismi tegevusteks ja on soodne kohalikule kogukonnale. Virtuaalne reisimine on aktsepteeritav alternatiiv suurema mugavusvajadusega inimestele ja vanemaealistele inimestele. Uurimus tõi välja võimalikud peamised strateegiad, kuidas tulla toime takistustega säästva turismi arengus Ida-Euroopas. Esiteks on vaja märkimisväärset koostööd huvigruppide (kohalikud omavalitsused, turismikorraldajad, turistid, kohalikud elanikud) vahel, et luua tõhusamaid rahvusvahelisi ja kohalikke õigusakte säästva turismi valdkonnas ning tagada nende õigusaktide asjakohane ellurakendamine. Teiseks on äärmiselt vajalik edendada keskkonnaharidust, sh säästlikkuse koolituse pakkumist Venemaa turismitegijate seas. Kolmandaks, ehkki virtuaalne reisimine ei ole ehtsa reisimise samaväärne asendaja, on see ikkagi võimalik lahendus, et ellu viia säästva turismi strateegiaid. Seega võiks edaspidine uurimistöö püüda välja selgitada, kas virtuaalne reisimine, mis põhineb reaalsetel sihtkohtadel, kus taluvusvõime on ületatud, võiks tuua kasu loodushoiule ja olla vahend, millega tõsta turistide teadlikkust turismi keskkonna- ja sotsiaalsetest mõjudest. ; Publication of this thesis is supported by the Estonian University of Life Science and by the Doctoral School of Earth Science and Ecology created under the auspices of European Social Fund. This study was supported by the Estonian Ministry of Science and Education (institutional grant IUT-8-3), the European Commission through the European Regional Development Fund (Centre of Excellence EcolChange, TK 131), and the European Research Council (advanced grant 322603, SIP-VOL+).

The Country Opinion Survey in Turkey assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Turkey perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Turkey on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Turkey; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Turkey; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Turkey; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in Turkey.

This paper uses new data on agricultural policy interventions to examine the political economy of agricultural trade policies in Sub-Saharan Africa. Historically, African governments have discriminated against agricultural producers in general (relative to producers in non-agricultural sectors), and against producers of export agriculture in particular. While more moderate in recent years, these patterns of discrimination persist. They do so even though farmers comprise a political majority. Rather than claiming the existence of a single best approach to the analysis of policy choice, the authors explore the impact of three factors: institutions, regional inequality, and tax revenue-generation. The authors find that agricultural taxation increases with the rural population share in the absence of electoral party competition; yet, the existence of party competition turns the lobbying disadvantage of the rural majority into political advantage. The authors also find that privileged cash crop regions are particular targets for redistributive taxation, unless the country's president comes from that region. In addition, governments of resource-rich countries, while continuing to tax export producers, reduce their taxation of food consumers.