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Loet Leydesdorff on the Triple Helix: How Synergies in University-Industry-Government Relations can Shape Innovation Systems
This is the sixth and last in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich
The relationship between technological innovation processes and the nation state remains a challenge for the discipline of International Relations. Non-linear and multi-directional characteristics of knowledge production, and the diffusive nature of knowledge itself, limit the general ability of governments to influence and steer innovation processes. Loet Leydesdorff advances the framework of the "Triple Helix" that disaggregates national innovation systems into evolving university-industry-government eco-systems. In this Talk, amongst others, he shows that these eco-systems can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, and emphasizes that, though politics are always involved, synergies develop unintentionally.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is the most relevant aspect of the dynamics of innovation for the discipline of International Relations?
The main challenge is to endogenize the notions of technological progress and technological development into theorizing about political economies and nation states. The endogenization of technological innovation and technological development was first placed on the research agenda of economics by evolutionary economists like Nelson and Winter in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In this context, the question was how to endogenize the dynamics of knowledge, organized knowledge, science and technology into economic theorizing. However, one can equally well formulate the problem of how to reflect on the global (sub)dynamics of organized knowledge production in political theory and International Relations.
From a longer-term perspective, one can consider that the nation states – the national or political economies in Europe – were shaped in the 19th century, somewhat later for Germany (after 1871), but for most countries it was during the first half of the 19th century. This was after the French and American Revolutions and in relation to industrialization. These nation states were able to develop an institutional framework for organizing the market as a wealth-generating mechanism, while the institutional framework permitted them to retain wealth, to regulate market forces, and also to steer them to a certain extent. However, the market is not only a local dynamics; it is also a global phenomenon.
Nowadays, another global dynamics is involved: science and technology add a dynamics different from that of the market. The market is an equilibrium-seeking mechanism at each moment of time. The evolutionary dynamics of science and technology nowadays adds a non-equilibrium-seeking dynamics over time on top of that, and this puts the nation state in a very different position. Combining an equilibrium-seeking dynamics at each moment of time with a non-equilibrium seeking one over time results in a complex adaptive dynamics, or an eco-dynamics, or however you want to call it – these are different words for approximately the same thing.
For the nation state, the question arises of how it relates to the global market dynamics on the one side, and the global dynamics of knowledge and innovation on the other. Thus, the nation state has to combine two tasks. I illustrated this model of three subdynamics with a figure in my 2006 book entitled The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, measured, simulated (see image). The figure shows that first-order interactions generate a knowledge-based economy as a next-order or global regime on top of the localized trajectories of nation states and innovative firms. These complex dynamics have first to be specified and then to be analyzed empirically.
For example, the knowledge-based dynamics change the relation between government and the economy; and they consequently change the position of the state in relation to wealth-retaining mechanisms. How can the nation state be organized in such a way as to retain wealth from knowledge locally, while knowledge (like capital) tends to travel beyond boundaries? One can envisage the complex system dynamics as a kind of cloud – a cloud that touches the ground at certain places, as Harald Bathelt, for example, formulated.
How can national governments shape conditions for the cloud to touch and to remain on the ground? The Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations can be considered as an eco-system of bi- and tri-lateral relations. The three institutions and their interrelations can be expected to form a system carrying the three functions of (i) novelty production, (ii) wealth generation, and (iii) normative control. One tends to think of university-industry-government relations first as neo-corporatist arrangements between these institutional partners. However, I am interested in the ecosystem shaped through the tri- and bilateral relationships.
This ecosystem can be shaped at different levels. It can be a regional ecosystem or a national ecosystem, for instance. One can ask whether there is a surplus of synergy between the three (sub-)dynamics of university-industry-government relations and where that synergy can generate wealth, knowledge, and control; in which places, and along trajectories for which periods of time – that is, the same synergy as meant by "a cloud touching the ground".
For example, when studying Piedmont as a region in Northern Italy, it is questionable whether the synergy in university-industry-government relations is optimal at this regional level or should better be examined from a larger perspective that includes Lombardy. On the one hand, the administrative borders of nations and regions result from the construction of political economies in the 19th century; but on the other hand, the niches of synergy that can be expected in a knowledge-based economy are bordered also; for example, in terms of metropolitan regions (e.g., Milan–Turin–Genoa).
Since political dynamics are always involved, this has implications for International Relations as a field of study. But the dynamic analysis is different from comparative statics (that is, measurement at different moments of time). The knowledge dynamics can travel and be "footloose" to use the words of Raymond Vernon, although it leaves footprints behind. Grasping "wealth from knowledge" (locally or regionally) requires taking a systems perspective. However, the system is not "given"; the system remains under reconstruction and can thus be articulated only as a theoretically informed hypothesis.
In the social sciences, one can use the concept of a hypothesized system heuristically. For example, when analyzing the knowledge-based economy in Germany, one can ask whether more synergy can be explained when looking at the level of the whole country (e.g., in terms of the East-West or North-South divide) or at the level of Germany's Federal States? What is the surplus of the nation or at the European level? How can one provide political decision-making with the required variety to operate as a control mechanism on the complex dynamics of these eco-systems?
A complex system can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, but as unintended consequences. To what extent and for which time span can these effects be anticipated and then perhaps be facilitated? At this point, Luhmann's theory comes in because he has this notion of different codifications of communication, which then, at a next-order level, begin to self-organize when symbolically generalized.
Codes are constructed bottom-up, but what is constructed bottom-up may thereafter begin to control top-down. Thus, one should articulate reflexively the selection mechanisms that are constructed from the bottom-up variation by specifying the why as an hypothesis. What are the selection mechanisms? Observable relations (such as university-industry relations) are not neutral, but mean different things for the economy and for the state; and this meaning of the observable relations can be evaluated in terms of the codes of communication.
Against Niklas Luhmann's model, I would argue that codes of communication can be translated into one another since interhuman communications are not operationally closed, as in the biological model of autopoiesis. One also needs a social-scientific perspective on the fluidities ("overflows") and translations among functions, as emphasized, for example, by French scholars such as Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. In evolutionary economics, one distinguishes between market and non-market selection environments, but not among selection environments that are differently codified. Here, Luhmann's theory offers us a heuristic: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic generalizations of codes of communication because this differentiation is functional in allowing the system to process more complexity and thus to be more innovative. The more orthogonal the codes, the more options for translations among them. The synergy indicator measures these options as redundancy. The selection environments, however, have to be specified historically because these redundancies—other possibilities—are not given but rather constructed over long periods of time.
How did you arrive where you currently work on?
I became interested in the relations between science, technology, and society as an undergraduate (in biochemistry) which coincided with the time of the student movement of the late 1960s. We began to study Jürgen Habermas in the framework of the "critical university," and I decided to continue with a second degree in philosophy. After the discussions between Luhmann and Habermas (1971), I recognized the advantages of Luhmann's more empirically oriented systems approach and I pursued my Ph.D. in the sociology of organization and labour.
In the meantime, we got the opportunity to organize an interfaculty department for Science and Technology Dynamics at the University of Amsterdam after a competition for a large government grant. In the context of this department, I became interested in methodology: how can one compare across case studies and make inferences? Actually, my 1995 book The Challenge of Scientometrics had a kind of Triple-Helix model on the cover: How do cognitions, texts, and authors exhibit different dynamics that influence one another?
For example, when an author publishes a paper in a scholarly journal, this may add to his reputation as an author, but the knowledge claimed in the text enters a process of validation which can be much more global and anonymous. These processes are mediated since they are based on communication. Thus, one can add to the context of discovery (of authors) and the context of justification (of knowledge contents) a context of mediation (in texts). The status of a journal, for example, matters for the communication of the knowledge content in the article. The contexts operate as selection environments upon one another.
In evolutionary economics, one is used to distinguishing between market and non-market selection environments, but not among more selection environments that are differently codified. At this point, Luhmann's theory offers a new perspective: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic generalization of codes of communication because this differentiation among the codes of communication allows the system to process more complexity and to be more innovative in terms of possible translations. The different selection environments for communications, however, are not given but constructed historically over long periods of time. The modern (standardized) format of the citation, for example, was constructed at the end of the 19th century, but it took until the 1950s before the idea of a citation index was formulated (by Eugene Garfield). The use of citations in evaluative bibliometrics is even more recent.
In evolutionary economics, one distinguishes furthermore between (technological) trajectories and regimes. Trajectories can result from "mutual shaping" between two selection environments, for example, markets and technologies. Nations and firms follow trajectories in a landscape. Regimes are global and require the specification of three (or more) selection environments. When three (or more) dynamics interact, symmetry can be broken and one can expect feed-forward and feedback loops. Such a system can begin to flourish auto-catalytically when the configuration is optimal.
From such considerations, that is, a confluence of the neo-institutional program of Henry Etzkowitz and my neo-evolutionary view, our Triple Helix model emerged in 1994: how do institutions and functions interrelate and change one another or, in other words, provide options for innovation? Under what conditions can university-industry-government relations lead to wealth generation and organized knowledge production? The starting point was a workshop about Evolutionary Economics and Chaos Theory: New directions for technology studies held in Amsterdam in 1993. Henry suggested thereafter that we could collaborate further on university-industry relations. I answered that I needed at least three (sub)dynamics from the perspective of my research program, and then we agreed about "A Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations". Years later, however, we took our two lines of research apart again, and in 2002 I began developing a Triple-Helix indicator of synergy in a series of studies of national systems of innovation.
What would you give as advice to students who would like to get into the field of innovation and global politics?
In general, I would advise them to be both a specialist and broader than that. Innovation involves crossing established borders. Learn at least two languages. If your background is political science, then take a minor in science & technology studies or in economics. One needs both the specialist profile and the potential to reach out to other audiences by being aware of the need to make translations between different frameworks. Learn to be reflexive about the status of what one can say in one or the other framework.
For example, I learned to avoid the formulation of grandiose statements such as "modern economies are knowledge-based economies," and to say instead: "modern economies can increasingly be considered as knowledge-based economies." The latter formulation provides room for asking "to what extent," and thus one can ask for further information, indicators, and results of the measurement.
In the sociology of science, specialisms and paradigms are sometimes considered as belief systems. It seems to me that by considering scholarly discourses as systems of rationalized expectations one can make the distinction between normative and cognitive learning. Normative learning (that is, in belief systems) is slower than cognitive learning (in terms of theorized expectations) because the cognitive mode provides us with more room for experimentation: One can afford to make mistakes, since one's communication and knowledge claims remain under discussion, and not one's status as a communicator. The cognitive mode has advantages; it can be considered as the surplus that is further developed during higher education. Normative learning is slower; it dominates in the political sphere.
What does the "Triple Helix" reveal about the fragmentation of "national innovation systems"?
In 2003, colleagues from the Department of Economics and Management Studies at the Erasmus University in Rotterdam offered me firm data from the Netherlands containing these three dimensions: the economic, the geographical, and the technological dimensions in data of more than a million Dutch firms. I presented the results at the Schumpeter Society in Turin in 2004, and asked whether someone in the audience had similar data for other countries. I expected Swedish or Israeli colleagues to have this type of statistics, but someone from Germany stepped in, Michael Fritsch, and so we did the analysis for Germany. These studies were first published in Research Policy. Thereafter, we did studies on Hungary, Norway, Sweden, and recently also China and Russia.
Several conclusions arise from these studies. Using entropy statistics, the data can be decomposed along the three different dimensions. One can decompose national systems geographically into regions, but one can also decompose them in terms of the technologies involved (e.g., high-tech versus medium-tech). We were mainly relying on national data. And of course, there are limitations to the data collections. Actually, we now have international data, but this is commercial data and therefore more difficult to use reliably than governmental statistics.
For the Netherlands, we obtained the picture that would more or less be expected: Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Eindhoven are the most knowledge-intensive and knowledge-based regions. This is not surprising, although there was one surprise: We know that in terms of knowledge bases, Amsterdam is connected to Utrecht and then the geography goes a bit to the east in the direction of Wageningen. What we did not know was that the niche also spreads to the north in the direction of Zwolle. The highways to Amsterdam Airport (Schiphol) are probably the most important.
In the case of Germany, when we first analyzed the data at the level of the "Laender" (Federal States), we could see the East-West divide still prevailing, but when we repeated the analysis at the lower level of the "Regierungsbezirke" we no longer found the East-West divide as dominant (using 2004 data). So, the environment of Dresden for example was more synergetic in Triple-Helix terms than that of Saarbruecken. And this was nice to see considering my idea that the knowledge-based economy increasingly prevails since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union. The discussion about two different models for organizing the political economy—communism or liberal democracy—had become obsolete after 1990.
After studying Germany, I worked with Balázs Lengyel on Hungarian data. Originally, we could not find any regularity in the Hungarian data, but then the idea arose to analyze the Hungarian data as three different innovation systems: one around Budapest, which is a metropolitan innovation system; one in the west of the country, which has been incorporated into Western Europe; and one in the east of the country, which has remained the old innovation system that is state-led and dependent on subsidies. For the western part, one could say that Hungary has been "europeanized" by Austria and Germany; it has become part of a European system.
When Hungary came into the position to create a national innovation system, free from Russia and the Comecon, it was too late, as Europeanization had already stepped in and national boundaries were no longer as dominant. Accordingly, and this was a very nice result, assessing this synergy indicator on Hungary as a nation, we did not find additional synergy at the national (that is, above-regional) level. While we clearly found synergy at the national level for the Netherlands and also found it in Germany, but at the level of the Federal States, we could not find synergy at a national level for Hungary. Hungary has probably developed too late to develop a nationally controlled system of innovations.
A similar phenomenon appeared when we studied Norway: my Norwegian colleague (Øivind Strand) did most of our analysis there. To our surprise, the knowledge-based economy was not generated where the universities are located (Oslo and Trondheim), but on the West Coast, where the off-shore, marine and maritime industries are most dominant. FDI (foreign direct investment) in the marine and maritime industries leads to knowledge-based synergy in the regions on the West Shore of Norway. Norway is still a national system, but the Norwegian universities like Trondheim or Oslo are not so much involved in entrepreneurial networks. These are traditional universities, which tend to keep their hands off the economy.
Actually, when we had discussions about these two cases, Norway and Hungary, which both show that internationalization had become a major factor, either in the form of Europeanization in the Hungarian case, or in the form of foreign-driven investments (off-shore industry and oil companies) in the Norwegian case, I became uncertain and asked myself whether we did not believe too much in our indicators? Therefore, I proposed to Øivind to study Sweden, given the availability of well-organized data of this national system.
We expected to find synergy concentrated in the three regional systems of Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö/Lund. Indeed, 48.5 percent of the Swedish synergy is created in these three regions. This is more than one would expect on the basis of the literature. Some colleagues were upset, because they had already started trying to work on new developments of the Triple Helix, for example, in Linköping. But the Swedish economy is organized and centralized in this geographical dimension. Perhaps that is why one talks so much about "regionalization" in policy documents. Sweden is very much a national innovation system, with additional synergy between the regions.
Can governments alter historical trajectories of national, regional or local innovation systems?
Let me mention the empirical results for China in order to illustrate the implications of empirical conclusions for policy options. We had no Chinese data set, but we obtained access to the database Orbis of the Bureau van Dijk (an international company, which is Wall Street oriented, assembling data about companies) that contains industry indicators such as names, addresses, NACE-codes, types of technology, the sizes of each enterprise, etc. However, this data can be very incomplete. Using this incomplete data for China, we said that we were just going to show how one could do the analysis if one had full data. We guess that the National Bureau of Statistics of China has complete data. I did the analysis with Ping Zhou, Professor at Zhejiang University.
We analyzed China first at the provincial level, and as expected, the East Coast emerged as much more knowledge intense than the rest of the country. After that, we also looked at the next-lower level of the 339 prefectures of China. From this analysis, four of them popped up as far more synergetic than the others. These four municipalities were: Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Chongqing.
These four municipalities became clearly visible as an order of magnitude more synergetic than other regions. The special characteristic about them is that –as against the others – these four municipalities are administered by the central government. Actually, it came out of my data and I did not understand it; but my Chinese colleague said that this result was very nice and specified this relationship.
The Chinese case thus illustrates that government control can make a difference. It shows – and that is not surprising, as China runs on a different model – that the government is able to organize the four municipalities in such a way as to increase synergy. Of course, I do not know what is happening on the ground. We know that the Chinese system is more complex than these three dimensions suggest. I guess the government agencies may wish to consider the option of extending the success of this development model, to Guangdong for example or to other parts of China. Isn't it worrisome that all the other and less controlled districts have not been as successful in generating synergy?
Referring more generally to innovation policies, I would advise as a heuristics that political discourse is able to signal a problem, but policy questions do not enable us to analyze the issues. Regional development, for example, is an issue in Sweden because the system is very centralized, more than in Norway, for example. But there is nothing in our data that supports the claim that the Swedish government is successful in decentralizing the knowledge-based economy beyond the three metropolitan regions. We may be able to reach conclusions like these serving as policy advice. One develops policies on the basis of intuitive assumptions which a researcher is sometimes able to test.
As noted, one can expect a complex system continuously to produce unintended consequences, and thus it needs monitoring. The dynamics of the system are different from the sum of the sub-dynamics because of the interaction effects and feedback loops. Metaphors such as a Triple Helix, Mode-2, or the Risk Society can be stimulating for the discourse, but these metaphors tend to develop their own dynamics of proliferating discourses.
The Triple Helix, for example, can first be considered as a call for collaboration in networks of institutions. However, in an ecosystem of bi-lateral and tri-lateral relations, one has a trade-off between local integration (collaboration) and global differentiation (competition). The markets and the sciences develop at the global level, above the level of specific relations. A principal agent such as government may be locked into a suboptimum. Institutional reform that frees the other two dynamics (markets and sciences) requires translation of political legitimation into other codes of communication. Translations among codes of communication provide the innovation engine.
Is there a connection between infrastructures and the success of innovation processes?
One of the conclusions, which pervades throughout all advanced economies, is that knowledge intensive services (KIS) are not synergetic locally because they can be disconnected – uncoupled – from the location. For example, if one offers a knowledge-intensive service in Munich and receives a phone call from Hamburg, the next step is to take a plane to Hamburg, or to catch a train inside Germany perhaps. Thus, it does not matter whether one is located in Munich or Hamburg as knowledge-intensive services uncouple from the local economy. The main point is proximity to an airport or train station.
This is also the case for high-tech knowledge-based manufacturing. But it is different for medium-tech manufacturing, because in this case the dynamics are more embedded in the other parts of the economy. If one looks at Russia, the knowledge-intensive services operate differently from the Western European model, where the phenomenon of uncoupling takes place. In Russia, KIS contribute to coupling, as knowledge-intensive services are related to state apparatuses.
In the Russian case, the knowledge-based economy is heavily concentrated in Moscow and St. Petersburg. So, if one aims –as the Russian government proclaims – to create not "wealth from knowledge" but "knowledge from wealth" – that is, oil revenues –it might be wise to uncouple the knowledge-intensive services from the state apparatuses. Of course, this is not easy to do in the Russian model because traditionally, the center (Moscow) has never done this. Uncoupling knowledge-intensive services, however, might give them a degree of freedom to move around, from Tomsk to Minsk or vice versa, steered by economic forces more than they currently are (via institutions in Moscow).
Final question. What does path-dependency mean in the context of innovation dynamics?
In The Challenge of Scientometrics. The development, measurement, and self-organization of scientific communications (1995), I used Shannon-type information theory to study scientometric problems, as this methodology combines both static and dynamic analyses. Connected to this theory I developed a measurement method for path-dependency and critical transitions.
In the case of a radio transmission, for example, you have a sender and a receiver, and in between you may have an auxiliary station. For instance, the sender is in New York and the receiver is in Bonn and the auxiliary station is in Iceland. The signal emerges in New York and travels to Bonn, but it may be possible to improve the reception by assuming the signal is from Iceland instead of listening to New York. When Iceland provides a better signal, it is possible to forget the history of the signal before it arrived in Island. It no longer matters whether Iceland obtained the signal originally from New York or Boston. One takes the signal from Iceland and the pre-history of the signal does not matter anymore for a receiver.
Such a configuration provides a path-dependency (on Iceland) in information-theoretical terms, measurable in terms of bits of information. In a certain sense you get negative bits of information, since the shortest path in the normal triangle would be from New York to Bonn, and in this case the shortest path is from New York via Iceland to Bonn. I called this at the time a critical transition. In a scientific text for instance, a new terminology can come up and if it overwrites the old terminology to the extent that one does not have to listen to the old terminology anymore, one has a critical transition that frees one from the path-dependencies at a previous moment of time.
Thus, my example is about radical and knowledge-based changes. As long as one has to listen to the past, one does not make a critical transition. The knowledge-based approach is always about creative destruction and about moving ahead, incorporating possible new options in the future. The hypothesized future states become more important than the past. The challenge, in my opinion, is to make the notion of options operational and to bring these ideas into measurement. The Triple-Helix indicator measures the number of possible options as additional redundancy. This measurement has the additional advantage that one becomes sensitive to uncertainty in the prediction.
Loet Leydesdorff is Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He is Honorary Professor of the Science and Technology Policy Research Unit (SPRU) of the University of Sussex, Visiting Professor at the School of Management, Birkbeck, University of London, Visiting Professor of the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (ISTIC) in Beijing, and Guest Professor at Zhejiang University in Hangzhou. He has published extensively in systems theory, social network analysis, scientometrics, and the sociology of innovation (see at http://www.leydesdorff.net/list.htm). With Henry Etzkowitz, he initiated a series of workshops, conferences, and special issues about the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations. He received the Derek de Solla Price Award for Scientometrics and Informetrics in 2003 and held "The City of Lausanne" Honor Chair at the School of Economics, Université de Lausanne, in 2005. In 2007, he was Vice-President of the 8th International Conference on Computing Anticipatory Systems (CASYS'07, Liège). In 2014, he was listed as a highly-cited author by Thomson Reuters.
Literature and Related links:
Science & Technology Dynamics, University of Amsterdam / Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR)
Leydesdorff, L. (2006). The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, Measured, Simulated. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.
Leydesdorff, L. (2001). A Sociological Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the Knowledge-Based Society. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.
Leydesdorff, L. (1995). The Challenge of Scientometrics . The development, measurement, and self-organization of scientific communications. Leiden, DSWO Press, Leiden University.
http://www.leydesdorff.net/
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
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Enter the DragonWhen I first read that Naomi Klein wrote a book about being confused for her doppelgänger, Naomi Wolf, I was initially amused. I had written earlier about the doppelgänger as the monster of our times, and it seemed that Klein was confirming that thesis. Klein dealing with Wolf seemed like it might be a fun distraction, but as I read the book, I was immediately struck with the fact that Klein is taking on more than a particular case of mistaken identity. Her book Doppelganger: A Trip into the Mirror World, is in some sense an attempt to make sense of the world we are living in a world dominated by social media doppelgangers in which the work of political and social criticism has its own dark doppelganger in the world of conspiracy theories. It is not just that Naomi Wolf gets confused with Naomi Klein, both are women who wrote mainstream "big idea" books, The Beauty Myth and No Logo, have similar physical appearances, and their husbands are even both named Avi, but that this confusion reveals another doppelgänger, another double, our online or virtual self. As Klein writes, we live in "a culture crowded with various forms of doubling, in which all of us who maintain a persona or avatar online create our own doppelgängers--virtual versions of ourselves that represent us to others. A culture in which many of us have come to think of ourselves as personal brands, forging a partitioned identity that is both us and not us, a doppelgänger we perform ceaselessly in the digital ether as the price of admission in a rapacious attention economy." Klein's struggle with being confused with Wolf is also a recognition, that Klein, the author of No Logo, has another double, her "brand." This is what most people know her as, the author of critical books on the culture, politics, and economy of capitalism. Klein is aware that it is ironic to point out that the author of No Logo has a brand, but such a brand, an identity, are increasingly indispensable factors of living and working as a writer. As she puts it, the idea of a personal brand seemed like a dystopian future when it was proposed in the late nineties, but now it is a dystopian reality, anyone with a social media account has a double, a brand, that they can manage, and some need this brand to survive. The Lady From Shanghai Klein's book is not just about Wolf usurping her digital identity, but about Wolf's own descent into what Klein calls the "mirror world." the world of conspiracy theories, especially those that have metastasized in American culture since Trump and Covid. Wolf's descent into this world is very much a dive of the deep end. Wolf has tweeted about vaccinated people losing their smell, they no longer smell human, about the risk of the feces of the vaccinated contaminating drinking water, and most famously about vaccine passports and contact tracing being the end of human freedom. It is easy to mock all of this, but Klein does not play this for the laughs, she tries to understand the causes and crises underlying the paranoid fantasies. One common retort to the paranoid fears of contact tracing, vaccine passports, and even microchips hidden in vaccines is to simply say, "wait until they hear about cellphones," to point out that the surveillance that is feared is already here and for the most part broadly accepted. Klein supposes instead that they, those who spread such theories, already know about cellphones, already know about surveillance and the loss of a certain kind of anonymity and freedom. It is this awareness that appears backwards and distorted in the fears of vaccines laden with nanotechnology to monitor and control us. Their fears about vaccines, about being tracked and monitored, is in some sense a fantasy that they can do something about this increase of surveillance. They can refuse the vaccine, and thus opt out of what many of us find it impossible to opt out of, a world where our every motion, every transaction, is monitored. Klein's concept of a mirror world is both a reflection and refraction of our existing world. In some sense it reflects our world, but through a kind of distortion, shaped by our illusions and fantasies. Conspiracy theories are right to point to the control of a powerful elite, but wrong in thinking that this elite is secret, or that its motives are anything other than daily life under capitalism. As Klein writes, "There was no need for histrionics about how unvaccinated people were experiencing "apartheid" when there was a real vaccine apartheid between rich and poor countries, no need to cook up fantasies about Covid "internment camps" when the virus was being left to rip through prisons, meat packing plants, and Amazon warehouses as if the people's lives inside had no value at all."The fears of the Covid alarmists of a dark future to come are the reality of existing life under Covid. What Klein proposes is in some sense a symptomatic reading of conspiracy theories, finding their points of reflection and refraction of the existing world. The Man With the Golden Gun(In case it is not clear I am illustrating this with Hall of Mirrors scenes from films)With respect to the latter, the refractions and distortions, reading Doppelganger it is possible to find three causes or conditions underlying the distortions of the mirror world. Three aspects of existing ideology that distort and warp the way that this world responds to actual crises and problems. First, is idea of the individual, of the autonomous individual. This belief in autonomy and self reliance is the common core that connects the "wellness industry," yoga instructors, gym gurus, etc., who deny the need for vaccines and even masks for healthy people, with survivalists, who see them as an imposition by the state. Both insist on a purely individual response to a collective condition. Of course in doing so they are only acting on the basic premise of a capitalist society, which privatizes every social problem into a commodity. During Covid many doubled down on this, insisting that one could get through the pandemic with everything from Vitamin D supplements and essential oils to horse medicine. Yoga instructors, vegans, and Fox News audiences might seem to be politically opposed, but they all are different expressions of what Klein calls hyper-individualism, responding to social collapse with individual responses of wellness and self-protection. As absurd as all of these homegrown cures and remedies were they were perhaps not as absurd as the notion that the US as a society could shift its entire economy and ethics, transforming all of those people we do not think about, the people who grow, ship, make, and deliver our food into essential workers. As Klein writes, "With no warning, the message from much of our political and corporate classes change diametrically. It turned out that we were a society after all, that the young and healthy should make sacrifices for the old and ill; that we should wear masks as an act of solidarity with them, if not for ourselves; and that we should all applaud and thank the very people--many of them Black, many of them women, many of them born in poorer countries--whose lives and labor had been most systematically devalued, discounted and demeaned before the pandemic."Many embraced conspiracies rather than adjust to this new concern for essential workers, the elderly, and the sick, but in doing so they followed to the letter the dominant image of our society, a society founded on isolation, self-interest, and competition. As Klein details, often suspicion of things like free vaccines stemmed from a deeper internalization of the fundamental idea of capitalism. Why would a society that charges for a visit to the emergency room give away a life saving vaccine?This idea of the individual has its own little doppelgänger, the child. A great deal of the opposition to vaccines, mask mandates, and shutdowns was framed as protecting children from the supposed threats these things supposedly represent, spectres like "learning loss" rather than the reality of a pandemic. These threats all stem from a particular idea of a child, a child as extension of the self, and possession of their parents. "So many of the battles waged in the Mirror World--the "anti-woke" laws, the "don't say gay" bills, the blanket bans on gender-affirming medical care, the school board wars over vaccines and masks--come down to the same question: What are children for? Are they their own people, and our job, as parents is to support and protect them as they find their paths? Or are they our appendages, our extensions, our spin-offs, our doubles, to shape and mold and ultimately benefit from? So many of these parents seem convinced that they have a right to exert absolute control over their children without any interference or input: control over their bodies (by casting masks and vaccines as a kind of child rape or poisoning); control over their bodies (by casting masks and vaccines as a kind of child rape or poisoning); control over their minds (by casting anti-racist eductions as the injection of foreign ideas into their minds of their offspring); control over their gender and sexuality (by casting any attempt to discuss the range of possible gender expressions and sexual orientations as "grooming")."If the focus on individual health and the wellbeing of one's offspring sounds like eugenics, that is not accidental. This brings us to the third condition for distortion, race. As Klein argues Naomi Wolf, like many of the anti-vaccination movement, regularly invoke the holocaust or the civil rights struggle in their rhetoric. Wolf has even had her own sit-ins opposing vaccine mandates at lunch counters, her term, even as she singles out Black owned businesses for her protests. Throughout the mirror world there is a desire to appropriate the signs and images of ethnic exclusion, (remember the store that sold yellow stars that said "Not Vaccinated?" ) and racial justice, from sitting in at lunch counters to using Eric Garner's famous cry "I can't breathe" to protest mask mandates. In the mirror world it is white people who are both the true victims of discrimination and the real protagonists of social justice.Us This appropriation of the terms and history of racial justice is coupled with an absolute indifference to its current status. The year of shutdowns and mandates was also the summer of some of the largest protests of the "Black Lives Matter" movement. "If you were a person concerned that Covid marked the dawn of a new age of CCP inspired mass obedience, surely it would be worth mentioning that the largest protests in the history of the United States happened in the Covid era, with millions of people willing to face clouds of tear gas and streams of pepper spray to exercise their rights to speech, assembly and dissent. Come to think of it, if you were a person concerned with tyrannical state actions, you would also be concerned about the murders and mass denials of freedom to incarcerated people that drove the uprising. Yet in all the videos Wolf has put out issuing her dire warnings about how the United States was turning into a nation of sheeple, I have seen her acknowledge neither the existence of this racial justice reckoning nor the reality that if a Black person had pulled the same stunt that she did at the Blue Bottle or Grand Central Station, they very likely would have ended up face down in cuffs--not because vaccine rules were tyrannical, but because of systemic anti-Black racism in policing, the issue that sparked the protests she has so studiously ignored. I would argue that while Naomi Wolf might not have mentioned Black Lives Matter, she definitely noticed it. Her "lunch counter sit in" at a Blue Bottle Cafe would seem to reveal that. It was definitely noticed by the larger mirror world for which the site of millions of people in the streets protesting racism when they could not go to the gym or to a restaurant was a wrong, a violation of the order of the world, that they could not tolerate. As Klein argues much Mirror World thinking is an attempt for white people to rewrite the history of the present--making them the true victims of repression and the true heroes. The real struggle was not in the streets fighting against police repression but screaming at the hostess at the restaurant asking for proof of vaccination. As much as Klein draws the lines of demarcation between "mirror world" thinking, between conspiracies and critical thought, any such division is going to be an unstable one. In the end it is not just that Naomi Wolf is confused for Naomi Klein but that theories about microchips in vaccines or vaccines rewriting our DNA are confused for criticisms of contemporary surveillance and the pharmaceutical industry. Naomi Klein's Shock Doctrine has been appropriated and reappropriated by everyone from Second Amendment activists arguing about "false flags" to those that argue that global warming will produce a new global surveillance state. Klein's book ultimately is not just about her own struggle with a doppelgänger, but how any critical thinker, anyone on "the left," for lack of a better word, will always confront a doppelgänger. Every critic of the invasion of Iraq has to deal with "truthers" who claim that 9/11 was an inside job, every critic of the failure of the US to respond to the pandemic will ultimately have to deal with claims of microchips and genetic engineering. What starts out as one persons struggle with a very singular condition of mistaken identity ultimately is a story about all of us. We are all in the hall of mirrors now. Klein has also charted something of a path out, by showing the ideologies of individualism, the family, and the race, that distort any awareness of our conditions into its mirror world opposite. Lastly, Klein like Bruce Lee before her knew that you have to smash a few mirrors to escape a hall of mirrors, and this includes, for Klein, giving up on one's own image, one's brand, learning to think and act collectively rather than individually.
Since Japan's pop culture worldwide rising up at the beginning of the 2000s, the number of university students wishing to study it steadily grown, and so go the number of papers on the matter. Nonetheless, research itself in the West has, by all accounts, progressed very little if at all since then, as papers' quality in Japan and in the West varies to an unbelievable extent. Thus, only specialized researched held in Japanese can take those topics on a higher level as it has stood until then.While research on the field reached a stalemate in the West, research regarding "Otaku culture" (オタク文化) in Japan did move fairly further in spite of steady popular opinion. This paper intents to look up at the field's latest papers and essays, and discusses how it evolved discursively and culturally within the Japanese society since forty years, not forgetting the latest 20 years which are often set aside regarding most papers on this subject.With regard to this basis, it has been discussed here the particular case of "yuri" genre within the said "Otaku-culture", a genre which could be mostly described as being a kind of story that tells tight relationship (or perhaps even love relationship) between two female characters in comics, cartoons and novels. It has often be confused with a Japanese counterpart to a LGBT-style lesbian narrative within popular culture, which happens not to be the case in most occasions. One could speak on this matter of an "apparent similarity" on the field of discourse, happening because of a lack of cultural understanding on the raison d'être of the genre within Japanese culture and how it is held and understood since its unveiling in the 90s, and further on the 2000s. I especially wish to point out the fact that emergence of the yuri genre in the 90s and take off of the Otaku culture since the 80s are inseparable incidents, and that yuri itself cannot be explained without discussing Otaku culture, the latter being in fact the condition of possibility for its existence. As many papers in the West regarding yuri and BL (its male counterpart) has been focused on studying them within the discourse field of gender studies, I take account that it results of discursive inducted misguidance because of apparent similarity, while, in fact, one must study the yuri genre not as an isolated genre, but as an extension of the Otaku culture, which can be understand only regarding its story and internal system of values, as the public happen to be mainly the same between products associated to the "Otaku culture" and consumers of the Yuri genre.Regarding this, the paper discusses in its first juncture the Japanese discourse regarding "Otaku culture", its codes and its emergence in the Japanese society. It sticks as much as possible to the Japanese discourse on the subject, and holds up to most of the recognized Japanese writers in this field. It also uses Pierre Bourdieu's idea of "(social) field [champ]" to explain the Otaku culture, and enacts it as a cultural field just like there is a "literature field" . It also criticizes Adorno beliefs regarding mass culture, and discusses that Otaku culture happens to be rather horizontal than vertical in its structure, with massive participation of consumers in the construction process. I happen to discuss also the "Cool Japan" diplomacy of Japan's government, and how Otaku culture understood as subcultural process and Otaku culture understood as political inducted means must be distinguished. I In this regard refer to Miyadai Shinji's account of Otakus (as social phenomenon and specific population within the Japanese society) being discursively "orientalized" in most papers, in the West but in Japan as well, which he calls "Otaku orientalism".The second half of the paper discusses yuri genre as it emerges within the Otaku culture, as well as the Japanese discourse over it. I also discuss the BL genre which happens to be often put in parallel to the yuri genre, and demonstrate that superficial similarities set aside, both public and the genre's narrative happen to be strongly dissimilar. I then discuss the recent evolution of the yuri genre, its extension inside and outside the Otaku cluster, and prospects on its future.I hope thus that, not only regarding studies on the Yuri genre, but also regarding studies on the "Otaku culture" and its field, this paper could be considered as substantial part of the progress on research in the West regarding those topics, especially for people who cannot read Japanese but would nonetheless need to read specialized papers on this matter. As Otaku culture knows limited extension in the West, one must remember that its spread within eastern Asia is important, influencing other Asian countries, and then influencing Japan back – and inasmuch, such a topic cannot be overlooked. ; Depuis l'essor de la pop-culture japonaise, qui connut un retentissement mondial à l'orée des années 2000, le nombre d'étudiant s'intéressant à cette question semble avoir proportionnellement augmenté. Pourtant, la recherche elle-même n'a que peu avancée, car le nombre de ces étudiants continuant en recherche est peu nombreux, et car la documentation trouvable hors du Japon est d'une rare inégalité en terme de qualité.Pourtant au Japon même, ce que certains nomment maintenant la « culture Otaku » (オタク文化) commence à être prise au sérieux par certains essayistes et chercheurs, même si l'opinion publique n'a pas beaucoup changé. Considérant qu'il s'agit de l'ouverture d'un champ d'étude propre à la société japonaise, les études vues de l'étranger concernant le Japon ne sauraient demeurer étrangères à ces aurores.Il a été question dans le mémoire du genre « yuri », qualifiant l'usage dans les récits d'amours homosexuels féminins, sujet qui a déjà été souvent étudié ensemble avec son équivalent de l'homosexualité masculine (« BL »). Pourtant, nous a intéressé ici le fait qu'il ait toujours été abordé dans la documentation occidentale du point de vue de l'étude de genre ou de l'étude de l'orientation sexuelle, non du point de vue de son « champ » culturel d'apparition qui en est sa condition de possibilité, c'est-à-dire la « culture Otaku », et pourquoi il s'y intègre de façon logique et inséparable.La première partie du mémoire parle donc de la « culture Otaku » dans un sens généraliste, et espère représenter une forme de résumé non-exhaustif de l'état de l'art du point de vue japonais, en y intégrant les dernières innovations de la recherche de la décennie 2010 et les évolutions récentes de la société japonaise. Il mobilise les auteurs les plus importants de la critique de cette culture au Japon. En étendant des recherches que l'auteur a mené depuis plusieurs années, la notion bourdieusienne de « champ » est utilisée pour expliquer de façon structurelle la dynamique de la « culture Otaku », et pourquoi le mot de « culture » lui est associé. Il présente aussi une critique du schéma adornien de la culture populaire de masse (nécessairement « verticale ») dans le cas de la culture Otaku, et lui préfère une étude sociologique en partant de Tarde et de la théorie de l'opinion. Il s'agit d'étudier la spécificité culturelle japonaise à ce sujet sans recourir à l'essentialisme, ce que nous avons nommé « l'orientalisme sur les Otakus » (Miyadai Shinji). L'usage depuis quelques années de la pop-culture japonaise à des fins de propagande (« Cool japan ») par le gouvernement japonais fut également examiné. La seconde partie aborde le discours japonais sur l'apparition et l'histoire du « yuri », et l'image qui prédomine à ce sujet. Nous examinons la comparaison souvent faite avec le BL, et pensons prouver que les deux sont parfaitement dissemblables en dehors d'une analogie superficielle.La dernière partie enfin examine l'articulation philosophique et sociale du « yuri » comme part intégrante de la « culture Otaku » japonaise avec ses participants, ceux que j'ai appelés les « consommateur-producteurs », inséparables dans l'évolution qui nous mène à l'état actuel de l'industrie culturelle japonaise. Il examine également les grandes tendances que l'on peut voir tant dans le genre que dans la « culture Otaku » elle-même au cours des décennies 2010, et ce que l'on peut présupposer de l'avenir à ce sujet.Par ce travail, j'espère non seulement désenclaver les études sur le « yuri » par une approche différente de celles ayant prévalu jusqu'alors, mais aussi, en donnant une légitimité scientifique aux études sur la « culture Otaku » que j'ai acquise sous la direction de mes enseignants à l'université de Meiji, de montrer que nous avons affaire à un objet social et culturel proprement japonais qui s'étend aujourd'hui sur d'autres pays d'Asie, lesquels influent en retour le Japon, ce qui exige d'être examiné avec sérieux. ; 2000年代以来、いわゆる「オタク文化」は人気が高まるに連れて、世界中のポップカルチャーに多大なる影響を与えたとされている。かつてはそれを研究すること自体がタブーだった反面、年月を経て現在はポップカルチャーを研究したいという学生の声が益々聞かれることになった。その希望にうまく応えることができないのは、日本の大学であれ欧米の大学であれ同じ状況だと言えるだろう。しかし筆者は日本語の知識が欠けている欧米のほうがよりいっそう研究が停滞しているのではないかという懸念を抱いている。斯くして、日本の中に現れる様々な研究者や評論家、或いは作家の発言を用いて、日本の最先端研究をコーパスとする論文が必要とされているのではないかと、現在考えられる。本論文は確かにその過程の一端として書かれていた面がある。だがそれに留まらず、更に仮説を立てて、新しい視点から「百合」というジャンルの歴史を読む試みとしても執筆された。「百合」とは、すでに古典的と言える熊田一雄の主張よれば、「非レズビアンの立場から書かれた非ポルノの女性同性愛(もしくはそれに近いもの)のストーリー」だとされている。そのせいか、日本と欧米を問わず「同性愛」という点から注目を集めた百合ジャンルは、研究面では概ねジェンダー・スタディーズの視点から研究されており、オタク系文化と切り離された自律的な存在として解釈されていた傾向があるのではないだろうか。それに反して本論文は、百合ジャンルはオタク系文化の一環として研究せざるを得ないと主張しており、両方は表裏一体だという立場から論じている。特に00年代と10年代には、百合ジャンルは裾野を広げてより知られており、オタク系の作品によく現れて消費されているように見える。受容者はほぼ一定と考えられる以上、百合ジャンルについての言説をオタク系文化の視点から検証する必要があるのではないかと考えられる。それを補完するべく、本論文はまずオタク系文化の由来と今までの歴史と通説について論じている。ヒューリスティクスの観点では、ピエール・ブルデューの「界」(Champ)という概念を活用して如何にしていわゆる「オタク系の文化」が文学界と同じく「界」として理解できるのかを検討する。そして、その界に見られる活動と受容者の関与関係が取り上げられる。その一部は「先端研究」とは言えないが、基本知識から百合ジャンルとオタク系文化の繋がりを理解するために必要とされている。そして後半では、如何にして百合ジャンルが歴史的に、そして言説として成立してきたのかを問いただし、オタク系文化との不可欠な繋がりについて論じている。その一環として、BLとの比較を取り上げることにより、BLと百合が似て非なるものであるということも明らかにされている。10年代も忘れずに、ジャンルの進化とあり得る未来についても語れられている。この論文によって、筆者は百合ジャンルだけではなく、ポップカルチャー研究に対して質的な貢献が果たされたものと考える。また、欧米にはオタク系文化の影響はやはり僅かだと見做すべきであるとはいえ、東アジアには影響力は強く、そしてその人気が現在の日本の産業界にも影響を及ぼしている。それを鑑みると、いまやこのような研究には現実的な価値があるとするべきである。
Since Japan's pop culture worldwide rising up at the beginning of the 2000s, the number of university students wishing to study it steadily grown, and so go the number of papers on the matter. Nonetheless, research itself in the West has, by all accounts, progressed very little if at all since then, as papers' quality in Japan and in the West varies to an unbelievable extent. Thus, only specialized researched held in Japanese can take those topics on a higher level as it has stood until then.While research on the field reached a stalemate in the West, research regarding "Otaku culture" (オタク文化) in Japan did move fairly further in spite of steady popular opinion. This paper intents to look up at the field's latest papers and essays, and discusses how it evolved discursively and culturally within the Japanese society since forty years, not forgetting the latest 20 years which are often set aside regarding most papers on this subject.With regard to this basis, it has been discussed here the particular case of "yuri" genre within the said "Otaku-culture", a genre which could be mostly described as being a kind of story that tells tight relationship (or perhaps even love relationship) between two female characters in comics, cartoons and novels. It has often be confused with a Japanese counterpart to a LGBT-style lesbian narrative within popular culture, which happens not to be the case in most occasions. One could speak on this matter of an "apparent similarity" on the field of discourse, happening because of a lack of cultural understanding on the raison d'être of the genre within Japanese culture and how it is held and understood since its unveiling in the 90s, and further on the 2000s. I especially wish to point out the fact that emergence of the yuri genre in the 90s and take off of the Otaku culture since the 80s are inseparable incidents, and that yuri itself cannot be explained without discussing Otaku culture, the latter being in fact the condition of possibility for its existence. As many papers in the West regarding yuri and BL (its male counterpart) has been focused on studying them within the discourse field of gender studies, I take account that it results of discursive inducted misguidance because of apparent similarity, while, in fact, one must study the yuri genre not as an isolated genre, but as an extension of the Otaku culture, which can be understand only regarding its story and internal system of values, as the public happen to be mainly the same between products associated to the "Otaku culture" and consumers of the Yuri genre.Regarding this, the paper discusses in its first juncture the Japanese discourse regarding "Otaku culture", its codes and its emergence in the Japanese society. It sticks as much as possible to the Japanese discourse on the subject, and holds up to most of the recognized Japanese writers in this field. It also uses Pierre Bourdieu's idea of "(social) field [champ]" to explain the Otaku culture, and enacts it as a cultural field just like there is a "literature field" . It also criticizes Adorno beliefs regarding mass culture, and discusses that Otaku culture happens to be rather horizontal than vertical in its structure, with massive participation of consumers in the construction process. I happen to discuss also the "Cool Japan" diplomacy of Japan's government, and how Otaku culture understood as subcultural process and Otaku culture understood as political inducted means must be distinguished. I In this regard refer to Miyadai Shinji's account of Otakus (as social phenomenon and specific population within the Japanese society) being discursively "orientalized" in most papers, in the West but in Japan as well, which he calls "Otaku orientalism".The second half of the paper discusses yuri genre as it emerges within the Otaku culture, as well as the Japanese discourse over it. I also discuss the BL genre which happens to be often put in parallel to the yuri genre, and demonstrate that superficial similarities set aside, both public and the genre's narrative happen to be strongly dissimilar. I then discuss the recent evolution of the yuri genre, its extension inside and outside the Otaku cluster, and prospects on its future.I hope thus that, not only regarding studies on the Yuri genre, but also regarding studies on the "Otaku culture" and its field, this paper could be considered as substantial part of the progress on research in the West regarding those topics, especially for people who cannot read Japanese but would nonetheless need to read specialized papers on this matter. As Otaku culture knows limited extension in the West, one must remember that its spread within eastern Asia is important, influencing other Asian countries, and then influencing Japan back – and inasmuch, such a topic cannot be overlooked. ; Depuis l'essor de la pop-culture japonaise, qui connut un retentissement mondial à l'orée des années 2000, le nombre d'étudiant s'intéressant à cette question semble avoir proportionnellement augmenté. Pourtant, la recherche elle-même n'a que peu avancée, car le nombre de ces étudiants continuant en recherche est peu nombreux, et car la documentation trouvable hors du Japon est d'une rare inégalité en terme de qualité.Pourtant au Japon même, ce que certains nomment maintenant la « culture Otaku » (オタク文化) commence à être prise au sérieux par certains essayistes et chercheurs, même si l'opinion publique n'a pas beaucoup changé. Considérant qu'il s'agit de l'ouverture d'un champ d'étude propre à la société japonaise, les études vues de l'étranger concernant le Japon ne sauraient demeurer étrangères à ces aurores.Il a été question dans le mémoire du genre « yuri », qualifiant l'usage dans les récits d'amours homosexuels féminins, sujet qui a déjà été souvent étudié ensemble avec son équivalent de l'homosexualité masculine (« BL »). Pourtant, nous a intéressé ici le fait qu'il ait toujours été abordé dans la documentation occidentale du point de vue de l'étude de genre ou de l'étude de l'orientation sexuelle, non du point de vue de son « champ » culturel d'apparition qui en est sa condition de possibilité, c'est-à-dire la « culture Otaku », et pourquoi il s'y intègre de façon logique et inséparable.La première partie du mémoire parle donc de la « culture Otaku » dans un sens généraliste, et espère représenter une forme de résumé non-exhaustif de l'état de l'art du point de vue japonais, en y intégrant les dernières innovations de la recherche de la décennie 2010 et les évolutions récentes de la société japonaise. Il mobilise les auteurs les plus importants de la critique de cette culture au Japon. En étendant des recherches que l'auteur a mené depuis plusieurs années, la notion bourdieusienne de « champ » est utilisée pour expliquer de façon structurelle la dynamique de la « culture Otaku », et pourquoi le mot de « culture » lui est associé. Il présente aussi une critique du schéma adornien de la culture populaire de masse (nécessairement « verticale ») dans le cas de la culture Otaku, et lui préfère une étude sociologique en partant de Tarde et de la théorie de l'opinion. Il s'agit d'étudier la spécificité culturelle japonaise à ce sujet sans recourir à l'essentialisme, ce que nous avons nommé « l'orientalisme sur les Otakus » (Miyadai Shinji). L'usage depuis quelques années de la pop-culture japonaise à des fins de propagande (« Cool japan ») par le gouvernement japonais fut également examiné. La seconde partie aborde le discours japonais sur l'apparition et l'histoire du « yuri », et l'image qui prédomine à ce sujet. Nous examinons la comparaison souvent faite avec le BL, et pensons prouver que les deux sont parfaitement dissemblables en dehors d'une analogie superficielle.La dernière partie enfin examine l'articulation philosophique et sociale du « yuri » comme part intégrante de la « culture Otaku » japonaise avec ses participants, ceux que j'ai appelés les « consommateur-producteurs », inséparables dans l'évolution qui nous mène à l'état actuel de l'industrie culturelle japonaise. Il examine également les grandes tendances que l'on peut voir tant dans le genre que dans la « culture Otaku » elle-même au cours des décennies 2010, et ce que l'on peut présupposer de l'avenir à ce sujet.Par ce travail, j'espère non seulement désenclaver les études sur le « yuri » par une approche différente de celles ayant prévalu jusqu'alors, mais aussi, en donnant une légitimité scientifique aux études sur la « culture Otaku » que j'ai acquise sous la direction de mes enseignants à l'université de Meiji, de montrer que nous avons affaire à un objet social et culturel proprement japonais qui s'étend aujourd'hui sur d'autres pays d'Asie, lesquels influent en retour le Japon, ce qui exige d'être examiné avec sérieux. ; 2000年代以来、いわゆる「オタク文化」は人気が高まるに連れて、世界中のポップカルチャーに多大なる影響を与えたとされている。かつてはそれを研究すること自体がタブーだった反面、年月を経て現在はポップカルチャーを研究したいという学生の声が益々聞かれることになった。その希望にうまく応えることができないのは、日本の大学であれ欧米の大学であれ同じ状況だと言えるだろう。しかし筆者は日本語の知識が欠けている欧米のほうがよりいっそう研究が停滞しているのではないかという懸念を抱いている。斯くして、日本の中に現れる様々な研究者や評論家、或いは作家の発言を用いて、日本の最先端研究をコーパスとする論文が必要とされているのではないかと、現在考えられる。本論文は確かにその過程の一端として書かれていた面がある。だがそれに留まらず、更に仮説を立てて、新しい視点から「百合」というジャンルの歴史を読む試みとしても執筆された。「百合」とは、すでに古典的と言える熊田一雄の主張よれば、「非レズビアンの立場から書かれた非ポルノの女性同性愛(もしくはそれに近いもの)のストーリー」だとされている。そのせいか、日本と欧米を問わず「同性愛」という点から注目を集めた百合ジャンルは、研究面では概ねジェンダー・スタディーズの視点から研究されており、オタク系文化と切り離された自律的な存在として解釈されていた傾向があるのではないだろうか。それに反して本論文は、百合ジャンルはオタク系文化の一環として研究せざるを得ないと主張しており、両方は表裏一体だという立場から論じている。特に00年代と10年代には、百合ジャンルは裾野を広げてより知られており、オタク系の作品によく現れて消費されているように見える。受容者はほぼ一定と考えられる以上、百合ジャンルについての言説をオタク系文化の視点から検証する必要があるのではないかと考えられる。それを補完するべく、本論文はまずオタク系文化の由来と今までの歴史と通説について論じている。ヒューリスティクスの観点では、ピエール・ブルデューの「界」(Champ)という概念を活用して如何にしていわゆる「オタク系の文化」が文学界と同じく「界」として理解できるのかを検討する。そして、その界に見られる活動と受容者の関与関係が取り上げられる。その一部は「先端研究」とは言えないが、基本知識から百合ジャンルとオタク系文化の繋がりを理解するために必要とされている。そして後半では、如何にして百合ジャンルが歴史的に、そして言説として成立してきたのかを問いただし、オタク系文化との不可欠な繋がりについて論じている。その一環として、BLとの比較を取り上げることにより、BLと百合が似て非なるものであるということも明らかにされている。10年代も忘れずに、ジャンルの進化とあり得る未来についても語れられている。この論文によって、筆者は百合ジャンルだけではなく、ポップカルチャー研究に対して質的な貢献が果たされたものと考える。また、欧米にはオタク系文化の影響はやはり僅かだと見做すべきであるとはいえ、東アジアには影響力は強く、そしてその人気が現在の日本の産業界にも影響を及ぼしている。それを鑑みると、いまやこのような研究には現実的な価値があるとするべきである。
İslamcılık ve demokrasi arasındaki ilişki, İslamcılığın 150 yıllık tarihi boyunca çeşitli biçimlerde gelişmiştir. Aslında İslamcılık dendiğinde tekil bir hareket söz konusu değildir. Türkiye'de İslamcılığın genel olarak beş farklı döneminde söz edilebilir. Dönemlere göre farklı nitelikler arz eden İslamcılık, 1970 sonrasında önemli bir değişim geçirmiş ve önceki dönemlerden siyasallık vurgusu ile ayrışmıştır. Yaşanan bu değişim, İslamcılığın tarihsel sürecinde ele aldığı pek çok konuya da farklı bir bakış açısı getirmiştir. Devlet, toplum, ekonomi, siyaset vs. pek çok konu, 1970 sonrasında oldukça farklı bir çerçevede değerlendirilmiştir. Demokrasi konusu bu süreçte önceki İslamcılardan farklı bir çerçevede ele alınmış ve demokratik yönetimler, Allah'ın egemenliğini insana veren bir şirk rejimleri olarak tanımlamaya başlanmıştır. Ancak süreç içerisinde demokrasiye ilişkin bakış açısı değişmeye başlamıştır. Bugün İslamcıların demokrasiye bakışlarında önemli bir değişim söz konusudur. 1997 de gerçekleşen 28 Şubat darbesi ve akabinde Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin iktidara gelmesi, İslamcılar ile demokrasi arasında sıcak bir ilişkinin kurulmasına sebep olmuş ve bugün İslamcılar adeta demokrasiyi sahiplenmeye başlamışlardır. Bu noktada çalışma, yaşanan bu büyük değişimi anlamaya ve bu değişime neden olan faktörleri irdelemeyi hedeflemektedir. Görülen en büyük değişim ise demokrasiyi anlama biçiminde yatmaktadır. İslamcılar, demokrasi konusunu iki biçimde algılamıştır: Birincisi bir rejim olarak demokrasi, ikincisi ise bir yönetim mekanizması olarak demokrasi. Yaşanan bu algı değişimi, İslamcıların demokrasiyle kurduğu ilişkinin bugünkü noktaya gelmesini anlaşılabilir kılmaktadır ; The relation between Islamism and democracy has improved various forms since 150 years. Indeed, there is no unique Islamism or Islamist movement. Many different movements from each other define under the concept of Islamism. Islamism in Turkey can separate five periods in general. The first period is the late Ottoman era: between 1850 and 1924. This period also called Ottoman's Islamism. The second period starts with the foundation of Republic of Turkey and finishes in 1950. We can say for this period that interregnum of Islamism. The third period of Islamism in Turkey is the years between 1950 and 1970. In these years, Islamism had owned rightist, statist, and nationalist reflexes. The fourth period of Islamism is the years between 1970 and 1997. This period's Islamism can be named pure Islamism or political Islamism and thus it has a powerful political emphasis. The fifth and last period of Islamism has started with the February 28 coup in 1997 and it still goes on. Islamism, exhibiting different characteristics according to the period, has undergone significant changes after 1970. Different from its previous period, Islamism has turned into a movement highlighting tawhid and emphasizing political dimensions. This changing started along with translating some texts from Islamic movements' and their leaders in other countries like Egypt and Pakistan to Turkish in 1960s and 1970s. Islamists has brought different perspectives in a lot of topics such as state, society, economy, politics etc. These issues have been evaluated in a quite different context of post-1970. For instance, the perception of state has undergone a radically change during this period. Previous Islamists was owned the state. But for the latter Islamist, state is defined as a disbelievers (kafir) formation which should be islamization. An Islamic state definition is made and it was described in detail that how it should be. With state issues, democracy issues also were discussed in a different context from the previous Islamists in the process and democratic governments have begun to describe as a shirk regime (polytheism) that the sovereignty belongs to Allah gives people. But the outlook for democracy has started to change in the process. In fact, discussions about democracy between Islamists have shaped in two different definitions. The first group's definition of democracy is a way of life or an ideology or a philosophy of life. The Group who see democracy as incompatible with Islam prefers this definitions. The second definition is that democracy is a management mechanism independent from ideology. According to this approach, democracy is a tool that can be used as a means to an Islamic government. Especially after 1980s, this second definition related to democracy began to embrace in Islamists. In fact, democracy is quite a controversial issue in itself. There is no only one definition of democracy. If we seek the literature of democracy, we can see a lot of its definitions, models and applications. Moreover, current The relation between Islamism and democracy has improved various forms since 150 years. Indeed, there is no unique Islamism or Islamist movement. Many different movements from each other define under the concept of Islamism. Islamism in Turkey can separate five periods in general. The first period is the late Ottoman era: between 1850 and 1924. This period also called Ottoman's Islamism. The second period starts with the foundation of Republic of Turkey and finishes in 1950. We can say for this period that interregnum of Islamism. The third period of Islamism in Turkey is the years between 1950 and 1970. In these years, Islamism had owned rightist, statist, and nationalist reflexes. The fourth period of Islamism is the years between 1970 and 1997. This period's Islamism can be named pure Islamism or political Islamism and thus it has a powerful political emphasis. The fifth and last period of Islamism has started with the February 28 coup in 1997 and it still goes on. Islamism, exhibiting different characteristics according to the period, has undergone significant changes after 1970. Different from its previous period, Islamism has turned into a movement highlighting tawhid and emphasizing political dimensions. This changing started along with translating some texts from Islamic movements' and their leaders in other countries like Egypt and Pakistan to Turkish in 1960s and 1970s. Islamists has brought different perspectives in a lot of topics such as state, society, economy, politics etc. These issues have been evaluated in a quite different context of post-1970. For instance, the perception of state has undergone a radically change during this period. Previous Islamists was owned the state. But for the latter Islamist, state is defined as a disbelievers (kafir) formation which should be islamization. An Islamic state definition is made and it was described in detail that how it should be. With state issues, democracy issues also were discussed in a different context from the previous Islamists in the process and democratic governments have begun to describe as a shirk regime (polytheism) that the sovereignty belongs to Allah gives people. But the outlook for democracy has started to change in the process. In fact, discussions about democracy between Islamists have shaped in two different definitions. The first group's definition of democracy is a way of life or an ideology or a philosophy of life. The Group who see democracy as incompatible with Islam prefers this definitions. The second definition is that democracy is a management mechanism independent from ideology. According to this approach, democracy is a tool that can be used as a means to an Islamic government. Especially after 1980s, this second definition related to democracy began to embrace in Islamists. In fact, democracy is quite a controversial issue in itself. There is no only one definition of democracy. If we seek the literature of democracy, we can see a lot of its definitions, models and applications. Moreover, current The relation between Islamism and democracy has improved various forms since 150 years. Indeed, there is no unique Islamism or Islamist movement. Many different movements from each other define under the concept of Islamism. Islamism in Turkey can separate five periods in general. The first period is the late Ottoman era: between 1850 and 1924. This period also called Ottoman's Islamism. The second period starts with the foundation of Republic of Turkey and finishes in 1950. We can say for this period that interregnum of Islamism. The third period of Islamism in Turkey is the years between 1950 and 1970. In these years, Islamism had owned rightist, statist, and nationalist reflexes. The fourth period of Islamism is the years between 1970 and 1997. This period's Islamism can be named pure Islamism or political Islamism and thus it has a powerful political emphasis. The fifth and last period of Islamism has started with the February 28 coup in 1997 and it still goes on. Islamism, exhibiting different characteristics according to the period, has undergone significant changes after 1970. Different from its previous period, Islamism has turned into a movement highlighting tawhid and emphasizing political dimensions. This changing started along with translating some texts from Islamic movements' and their leaders in other countries like Egypt and Pakistan to Turkish in 1960s and 1970s. Islamists has brought different perspectives in a lot of topics such as state, society, economy, politics etc. These issues have been evaluated in a quite different context of post-1970. For instance, the perception of state has undergone a radically change during this period. Previous Islamists was owned the state. But for the latter Islamist, state is defined as a disbelievers (kafir) formation which should be islamization. An Islamic state definition is made and it was described in detail that how it should be. With state issues, democracy issues also were discussed in a different context from the previous Islamists in the process and democratic governments have begun to describe as a shirk regime (polytheism) that the sovereignty belongs to Allah gives people. But the outlook for democracy has started to change in the process. In fact, discussions about democracy between Islamists have shaped in two different definitions. The first group's definition of democracy is a way of life or an ideology or a philosophy of life. The Group who see democracy as incompatible with Islam prefers this definitions. The second definition is that democracy is a management mechanism independent from ideology. According to this approach, democracy is a tool that can be used as a means to an Islamic government. Especially after 1980s, this second definition related to democracy began to embrace in Islamists. In fact, democracy is quite a controversial issue in itself. There is no only one definition of democracy. If we seek the literature of democracy, we can see a lot of its definitions, models and applications. Moreover, current The relation between Islamism and democracy has improved various forms since 150 years. Indeed, there is no unique Islamism or Islamist movement. Many different movements from each other define under the concept of Islamism. Islamism in Turkey can separate five periods in general. The first period is the late Ottoman era: between 1850 and 1924. This period also called Ottoman's Islamism. The second period starts with the foundation of Republic of Turkey and finishes in 1950. We can say for this period that interregnum of Islamism. The third period of Islamism in Turkey is the years between 1950 and 1970. In these years, Islamism had owned rightist, statist, and nationalist reflexes. The fourth period of Islamism is the years between 1970 and 1997. This period's Islamism can be named pure Islamism or political Islamism and thus it has a powerful political emphasis. The fifth and last period of Islamism has started with the February 28 coup in 1997 and it still goes on. Islamism, exhibiting different characteristics according to the period, has undergone significant changes after 1970. Different from its previous period, Islamism has turned into a movement highlighting tawhid and emphasizing political dimensions. This changing started along with translating some texts from Islamic movements' and their leaders in other countries like Egypt and Pakistan to Turkish in 1960s and 1970s. Islamists has brought different perspectives in a lot of topics such as state, society, economy, politics etc. These issues have been evaluated in a quite different context of post-1970. For instance, the perception of state has undergone a radically change during this period. Previous Islamists was owned the state. But for the latter Islamist, state is defined as a disbelievers (kafir) formation which should be islamization. An Islamic state definition is made and it was described in detail that how it should be. With state issues, democracy issues also were discussed in a different context from the previous Islamists in the process and democratic governments have begun to describe as a shirk regime (polytheism) that the sovereignty belongs to Allah gives people. But the outlook for democracy has started to change in the process. In fact, discussions about democracy between Islamists have shaped in two different definitions. The first group's definition of democracy is a way of life or an ideology or a philosophy of life. The Group who see democracy as incompatible with Islam prefers this definitions. The second definition is that democracy is a management mechanism independent from ideology. According to this approach, democracy is a tool that can be used as a means to an Islamic government. Especially after 1980s, this second definition related to democracy began to embrace in Islamists. In fact, democracy is quite a controversial issue in itself. There is no only one definition of democracy. If we seek the literature of democracy, we can see a lot of its definitions, models and applications. Moreover, current practices related to democracy have criticized and it has found a widespread debate in the search for new models recently. But for Islamists, these broad debates about democracy literature have taken into brackets and neglected. They have been moving out only these two definitions of democracy. The Islamists view for democracy can be summarized in three manners from the 1970s until today. On first manner, democracy takes away the sovereignty of God and gives to human. For Islam, this means polytheism that is, to ascribe partners to Allah. So, from this perspective, democracy is full of opposite of Islam and a Muslim cannot give confirmation to democracy. The Second manner refers to a point of view not as hard as the previous approach to democracy. They do not believe in democracy as a principle or as an ideal form of government. But they think that democracy is a tool for reaching the ideal form of Islamic rule. The third approach is ownership of democracy but this situation doesn't reflect to Islamist discourse clearly. This discourse of democracy has constituted after February 28 process to struggle for existence. Today, there is a significant change the perception of democracy in Islamists. February 28 coup and the subsequently coming to power of the Justice and Development Party led to the establishment of a warm relationship between democracy and Islamists. Islamists have begun to embrace nearly democracy today. After the coup of February 28, democracy has been an existential ground for Islamists. From this point, the coup did not reduce the belief in democracy for Islamist; on the contrary, it increased. However, this ownership to democracy begun to bring some important problems for Islamist. Islamists have begun to lose their very lively thought climate especially in 1990s and they have faced with the danger of losing their claims to offer an alternative from their original source. At this point, the article aims to understand chancing in Islamists in particular of democracy. it appears that the biggest change lies on to understand of democracy.
El proyecto europeo de la posguerra es inédito en la historia universal. Descansa sobre dos partes principales: la construcción institucional y la idea de Europa. La construcción institucional supone un complejo entramado jurídico y político. Por ejemplo, el Parlamento Europeo, la Comisión Europea, el Tribunal de Justicia o la moneda común (Euro) reflejan esa construcción (1). Por otro lado, la idea de Europa descansa en la posibilidad de articular un conjunto de modus vivendi que no reflejen solo ámbitos de convivencia sino de florecimiento. En parte, la moderna idea de Europa descansa en los escritos de Sir Isaiah Berlín y, contemporáneamente, en el escepticismo post-iluminista de John Gray.¿Cuándo comienza el milagro europeo? ¿Por qué Europa en algún momento de la historia consolidó un proceso de desarrollo estable en el mediano y largo plazo? Un estudio realizado por distintos autores para el Banco Mundial analiza por qué algunas naciones han podido desarrollarse y otras no, introduciendo brevemente el alcance histórico del "milagro europeo". Los países se desarrollan por una complementación entre variables geográficas, institucionales y comerciales: "In an authoritative study on the long-run geographic determinants of development, social ecologist Jared Diamond (1997) argues that Eurasia had large geographical advantages over the Americas and Africa, and that these lie at the heart of current income disparities. He argues that since plant and animal species spread most effectively within ecological zones, the east-west orientation of the Eurasian landmass made it easier to diffuse early human technologies across the continent. As a result, Eurasia enjoyed a larger diversity of plant and animal species, and thus easier domestication of useful species, than did societies in America and Africa—continents that are oriented north-south. High-productivity agriculture led to large, dense, stratified societies, with subsequent advances in technology (weaponry, oceangoing ships) and political organization. Another important causal factor widely studied in economic history is international trade, and hence access to sea-based trade and proximity to export markets.Recent econometric and case studies have shown that even when controlling for historical endogeneity, institutions remain "deep" causal factors, while openness and geography operates at best through them (Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson 2001; Rodrik 2003b; Rodrik, Subramanian, and Trebbi 2002)."(2) La posición geográfica revela otra cuestión: en parte, el milagro europeo se explica porque la ubicación este-oeste del continente permitía a las personas comparar el desempeño de otros y copiar aquello que funcionaba y descartar las experiencias fallidas. Particularmente, la posibilidad de comparar se daba en la utilización de tecnología agrícola. Sin embargo, la geografía europea generaba los incentivos para la aparición de otra variable central: la competencia. "Each factor can potentially reveal valuable insights about the true causes of countries' development successes and failures. For instance, Western Europe benefited both from the geographical advantages of east-west continental orientation discussed by Diamond (1997), and from being predominantly a coastal region in the temperate ecozone (Gallup, Sachs, and Mellinger 1999). All of this made land scarce and valuable (Herbst 2000).Additionally, rugged mountainous relief effectively separated Western Europe into a system of "competing jurisdictions of decentralized power," constantly warring with one another, none being able to completely defeat and control the others (Landes 1998). These factors raised returns to innovation, discovery, and adoption of new warfare techniques, which later gave Europeans first-mover advantage over other parts of the world."(3)El punto desarrollado es introductorio pero central para comenzar a comprender el significado y alcance del milagro europeo. La idea de Europa contemporánea es consecuencia de un lento proceso de descubrimiento que hizo posible consolidar un capital humano, social e institucional inédito en la historia de la humanidad. El liberalismo es la filosofía política y ética donde descansa el proyecto europeo. Europa como idea y el liberalismo como filosofía política están histórica y analíticamente relacionados. ¿Cuando surgió el liberalismo? ¿En la ciudades italianas (Génova, Venecia o Florencia) en algún momento del siglo XV? ¿En el largo trayecto histórico que va desde la Carta Magna (1216) hasta el iluminismo escocés de Smith, Hume, Hutcheson o Ferguson (1700's), pasando por la "revolución gloriosa" (1688) y los pesos y contrapesos implementados a los Estuardo? ¿En los Países Bajos, donde la aparición del crédito y la moneda generó los primeros mercados de capitales institucionalizados? ¿En la antigua Grecia, donde la filosofía sistematiza el sentido de la individualidad? ¿En la escuela de Salamanca (1600's), donde los escolásticos tardíos reconcilian la fe religiosa y el ganar dinero como virtud? Finalmente, ¿Se consolida el liberalismo en la inédita experiencia contemporánea de las socialdemocracias escandinavas, donde la igualdad y la libertad han encontrado una manera virtuosa para interactuar?Es imposible determinarlo, no solo por razones de verificaron histórica sino porque el liberalismo es una concepción ética y política plural en tiempo, espacio y alcance. Es decir, asume un individualismo metodológico y construye modus vivendi donde la principal filosofía (aunque no la única) consiste en respetar las distintas formas de prosperar que construyen las personas, con la salvedad de no amenazar los distintos (y a veces opuestos) modus vivendi de terceros.El proyecto europeo ha contribuido a reconciliar la tradición de la libertad y la tradición de la igualdad. En parte, esta reconciliación entre igualdad y libertad ha comenzado a hospedarse en la nueva idea de Europa, que va desde el tratado de Roma de 1957 hasta la dinámica ampliación de la Unión, desde los 6 a los 12, de éstos a los 15 y de los 15 a los 27. La nueva Europa descansa en un proyecto inédito en la historia de la humanidad: el proyecto de la creciente convivencia no solo de distintos modus vivendi sino, en algunos casos, de modos opuestos de pensar y vivir una buena vida. El paradigma del proyecto europeo es particularmente liberal porque para consolidarse aspira a la creciente diversidad de sus partes. Es decir, su idea temporaria de todo es superior a la suma de sus partes en tanto descansa en la diversidad creciente de esas partes para consolidar una idea de todo plural, tolerante y pujante. Así, cuantos más modus vivendi se incorporan a este nuevo proyecto europeo, más consolidada se encuentra la idea de Europa. Mientras más diversos son esos modus vivendi, mas consolidado se encuentra aquello que John Gray ha denominado Liberal Project. (4) Esta idea del nuevo proyecto europeo que incipientemente se consolida en la Europa de los 27 refleja dos supuestos metodológicos fuertes. Hay una definición filosófica del proyecto que delimita su alcance y, al hacerlo, asume que el liberal Project carece de un telos universal pero, a la vez, define como valor a ser respetado (universalmente) el modus vivendi europeo de la existencia de derechos en el otro, tanto en su proyecto personal y grupal. Siguiendo a Gray, vemos que el proyecto europeo termina como aspiración política en las fronteras geográficas de la Unión, pero prosigue como idea mas allá de toda geografía, porque (con Berlin y Gray) ha aceptado tácitamente que no hay en él búsqueda de universalidad sino una búsqueda de consolidar buenas formas de vida particular. En palabras de Gray: "El Estado liberal se originó en la búsqueda de un modus vivendi. Los regímenes liberales contemporáneos son floraciones tardías de un proyecto de tolerancia que se inició en Europa en el siglo XVI. La tarea que heredamos consiste en reacondicionar la tolerancia liberal para que pueda guiarnos en la búsqueda de un modus vivendi en un mundo más plural. La tolerancia liberal ha contribuido inconmensurablemente al bienestar humano. No estando en parte alguna tan profundamente arraigada como para darla por descontada, es un logro cuyo valor no podría ser más alto. No podemos prescindir de ese ideal tardomoderno, pero tampoco puede ser nuestra guía en las circunstancias tardomodernas actuales porque el ideal de tolerancia que hemos heredado encarna dos filosofías incompatibles. Vista desde un ángulo, la tolerancia liberal es el ideal de un consenso racional sobre el mejor modo de vida posible. Desde el otro, es la creencia en que los seres humanos pueden florecer en muchas formas de vida. Si el liberalismo tiene un futuro, este reside en el abandono de la búsqueda de un consenso racional sobre el mejor modo de vida posible…" (5)Como sostiene el economista y filósofo político austriaco Friedrich Hayek, las instituciones más sólidas se construyen a través de un proceso de orden espontáneo. Es decir, a través de la interacción de personas que buscando un limitado fin en T1 alcanzan, sin quererlo, un objetivo mas amplio en T2, T3, Tn debido a la sistematización de determinados intercambios que, al haber sido crecientemente aceptados por su eficiencia, devienen normas informales y eventualmente formales (6).La construcción del proyecto europeo recupera para la filosofía política contemporánea esta concepción hayekeana: sin buscarlo, el acuerdo formal de Roma de 1957 comenzó un derrotero que culminaría (momentáneamente) con una idea de Europa, donde 27 países y naciones se complementan en una creciente armonía. Como marcamos, la principal idea sobre la que descansa el proyecto europeo es que distintas partes, con diversas expresiones inconmensurables, se suman y son más grandes que un hipotético todo. A su vez, este hipotético todo deviene inconmensurable, ya que la complementación armónica de partes (en algunos casos sumables y en otros no) da como resultado un todo articulado pero de difícil definición. Así, el orden espontáneo europeo es un ámbito de consenso creciente. Un ámbito del consenso se fortalece y enriquece cuando sus partes desarrollan sus potencialidades en un marco de respeto al desarrollo de las (distintas) potencialidades de los otros. Adquiere aquí una especial significación la existencia de un espacio público que no solo posee los mecanismos institucionales para respetar los derechos del otro sino también posee los valores, ideas y creencias morales como para respetar lo inconmensurable en ese otro. Aquí radica la importancia del "Value Pluralism" articulado por Sir Isaiah Berlin. Para Berlin "…pluralism (is) the recognition of an indefinite variety of cultures and systems of values, all equally ultimate, and incommensurable with one another, so that the belief in a universally valid path to human fulfillment is rendered incoherent…' …The object of this investigation is the almost endless plurality of total views of the world, and this precludes his espousing any exclusive vision of man and his condition…"(7). Es posible pensar que en el inarticulado programa de investigación de Sir Isaiah Berlin descansa un orden espontáneo para una idea de Europa. En un sentido analítico, Berlin toma el orden espontáneo de Hayek y lo introduce en el milagro europeo. Paso seguido, Gray asume el 'value-pluralism' de Berlin para definir los límites del Liberal Project. Al hacerlo, no solo sistematiza el liberal Project sino el papel que para su consolidación tiene el nuevo proyecto europeo. Es decir, los limites que supone la idea de Europa para el liberalismo no es para Gray una derrota analítica debido a la imposibilidad de aspirar a la universalidad. En cambio, es donde el liberalismo se asienta y convive con distintos modus vivendi dentro y fuera de su ámbito de influencia. Al hacerlo, demuestra su fortaleza y vitalidad. Cuando, siguiendo a Gray, el liberalismo redescubre sus límites no está necesariamente anunciando su decadencia. Por el contrario, anuncia y expresa los buenos valores (la buena vida) que tiene para ofrecer. El proyecto europeo expresa parte de ese modus vivendi.(1) Una Buena síntesis de las instituciones formales de la Unión Europea se encuentra enhttp://europa.eu/about-eu/institutions-bodies/index_en.htm(2) "Economic Growth in the 1990s: Learning from a Decade of Reform", versión online http://www1.worldbank.org/prem/lessons1990s/. Ver http://www1.worldbank.org/prem/lessons1990s/chaps/Cnote1_EconomicGrowth.pdf, Country Note 1, Página 58. A su vez, ver el trabajo de Kenneth Pomeranz, "The Great Divergence: Europe, China, and the Making of the Modern World Economy", donde el autor sostiene que Europa Occidental no solo supone una geografía sino una construcción social, política y económica: "It should be noted here that "western Europe," for most authors, is a social, economic, and political construct, not an actual geographic entity: Ireland, southern Italy, and most of Iberia, for instance, did not have much of the economic development usually held to be characteristically European or western European. I will generally use the term in a geographical sense, while pointing out that the areas often taken to stand for "Europe" in these comparisons (e.g., the southern Netherlands, or northern England), might be better compared, in both size and economic characteristics, with such units as China's Jiangsu province, rather than with entire subcontinents such as China or India". Princeton University Press. 2000. Pagina 3.(3)http://www1.worldbank.org/prem/lessons1990s/chaps/Cnote1_EconomicGrowth.pdf Obra citada, pagina 59.(4) Es necesario remarcar que, como mencionaremos mas adelante, Gray le da al concepto de Liberal Project una connotación analítica e histórica negativa. Gray desarrolla ampliamente esta concepción en un programa de investigación que puede tener su inicio a principios de los 80'. Por ejemplo, ver "Liberalisms: Essays in Political Philosophy" (1989) y en "Post Liberalism: Studies in Political Thought" (1993), ambos publicados por Routledge. La filosofía política de John Gray y su relación con el proyecto europeo y la idea de Europa será desarrollada en posteriores trabajos.(5) Gray, John (2001): "Las dos caras del liberalismo. Una nueva interpretación de la tolerancia liberal". Paidos. Buenos Aires-Argentina. Pagina 11(6) La idea de orden espontáneo recorre gran parte de la obra de Hayek. Sin embargo, no se encuentra sistematizada en un texto en particular. Es posible pensar que un trabajo como "The Sensory Order" revela una incipiente articulación en los primeros años de elaboración científica del autor (este trabajo se encuentra en el campo de la psicología). Mas adelante, el joven economista Hayek deja paso al maduro filósofo político. Una versión de esta madurez se encuentra en The Constitution of Liberty (1960), publicado por University of Chicago Press. En 1974 gana el Premio Nobel en Economía por sus estudios sobre los ciclos económicos y el papel de los precios como información necesaria para la asignación eficiente de recursos (ver http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/economics/laureates/1974/press.html). La obra de Hayek es profusa en cuanto a su alcance (economía, filosofía, teoría del conocimiento, filosofía política, historia, psicología) y llega hasta el final de su vida (1899-1992).(7) Berlin, Isaiah: "The Proper Study of Mankind. An Anthology of Essays". Introducción. Página XXX y XXXIV. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. New York. 1997 *Profesor Depto. Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.Master en Filosofía Política, London School of Economics and Political Science.
La ricerca si propone di definire le linee guida per la stesura di un Piano che si occupi di qualità della vita e di benessere. Il richiamo alla qualità e al benessere è positivamente innovativo, in quanto impone agli organi decisionali di sintonizzarsi con la soggettività attiva dei cittadini e, contemporaneamente, rende evidente la necessità di un approccio più ampio e trasversale al tema della città e di una più stretta relazione dei tecnici/esperti con i responsabili degli organismi politicoamministrativi. La ricerca vuole indagare i limiti dell'urbanistica moderna di fronte alla complessità di bisogni e di nuove necessità espresse dalle popolazioni urbane contemporanee. La domanda dei servizi è notevolmente cambiata rispetto a quella degli anni Sessanta, oltre che sul piano quantitativo anche e soprattutto sul piano qualitativo, a causa degli intervenuti cambiamenti sociali che hanno trasformato la città moderna non solo dal punto di vista strutturale ma anche dal punto di vista culturale: l'intermittenza della cittadinanza, per cui le città sono sempre più vissute e godute da cittadini del mondo (turisti e/o visitatori, temporaneamente presenti) e da cittadini diffusi (suburbani, provinciali, metropolitani); la radicale trasformazione della struttura familiare, per cui la famiglia-tipo costituita da una coppia con figli, solido riferimento per l'economia e la politica, è oggi minoritaria; l'irregolarità e flessibilità dei calendari, delle agende e dei ritmi di vita della popolazione attiva; la mobilità sociale, per cui gli individui hanno traiettorie di vita e pratiche quotidiane meno determinate dalle loro origini sociali di quanto avveniva nel passato; l'elevazione del livello di istruzione e quindi l'incremento della domanda di cultura; la crescita della popolazione anziana e la forte individualizzazione sociale hanno generato una domanda di città espressa dalla gente estremamente variegata ed eterogenea, frammentata e volatile, e per alcuni aspetti assolutamente nuova. Accanto a vecchie e consolidate richieste – la città efficiente, funzionale, produttiva, accessibile a tutti – sorgono nuove domande, ideali e bisogni che hanno come oggetto la bellezza, la varietà, la fruibilità, la sicurezza, la capacità di stupire e divertire, la sostenibilità, la ricerca di nuove identità, domande che esprimono il desiderio di vivere e di godere la città, di stare bene in città, domande che non possono essere più soddisfatte attraverso un'idea di welfare semplicemente basata sull'istruzione, la sanità, il sistema pensionistico e l'assistenza sociale. La città moderna ovvero l'idea moderna della città, organizzata solo sui concetti di ordine, regolarità, pulizia, uguaglianza e buon governo, è stata consegnata alla storia passata trasformandosi ora in qualcosa di assai diverso che facciamo fatica a rappresentare, a descrivere, a raccontare. La città contemporanea può essere rappresentata in molteplici modi, sia dal punto di vista urbanistico che dal punto di vista sociale: nella letteratura recente è evidente la difficoltà di definire e di racchiudere entro limiti certi l'oggetto "città" e la mancanza di un convincimento forte nell'interpretazione delle trasformazioni politiche, economiche e sociali che hanno investito la società e il mondo nel secolo scorso. La città contemporanea, al di là degli ambiti amministrativi, delle espansioni territoriali e degli assetti urbanistici, delle infrastrutture, della tecnologia, del funzionalismo e dei mercati globali, è anche luogo delle relazioni umane, rappresentazione dei rapporti tra gli individui e dello spazio urbano in cui queste relazioni si muovono. La città è sia concentrazione fisica di persone e di edifici, ma anche varietà di usi e di gruppi, densità di rapporti sociali; è il luogo in cui avvengono i processi di coesione o di esclusione sociale, luogo delle norme culturali che regolano i comportamenti, dell'identità che si esprime materialmente e simbolicamente nello spazio pubblico della vita cittadina. Per studiare la città contemporanea è necessario utilizzare un approccio nuovo, fatto di contaminazioni e saperi trasversali forniti da altre discipline, come la sociologia e le scienze umane, che pure contribuiscono a costruire l'immagine comunemente percepita della città e del territorio, del paesaggio e dell'ambiente. La rappresentazione del sociale urbano varia in base all'idea di cosa è, in un dato momento storico e in un dato contesto, una situazione di benessere delle persone. L'urbanistica moderna mirava al massimo benessere del singolo e della collettività e a modellarsi sulle "effettive necessità delle persone": nei vecchi manuali di urbanistica compare come appendice al piano regolatore il "Piano dei servizi", che comprende i servizi distribuiti sul territorio circostante, una sorta di "piano regolatore sociale", per evitare quartieri separati per fasce di popolazione o per classi. Nella città contemporanea la globalizzazione, le nuove forme di marginalizzazione e di esclusione, l'avvento della cosiddetta "new economy", la ridefinizione della base produttiva e del mercato del lavoro urbani sono espressione di una complessità sociale che può essere definita sulla base delle transazioni e gli scambi simbolici piuttosto che sui processi di industrializzazione e di modernizzazione verso cui era orientata la città storica, definita moderna. Tutto ciò costituisce quel complesso di questioni che attualmente viene definito "nuovo welfare", in contrapposizione a quello essenzialmente basato sull'istruzione, sulla sanità, sul sistema pensionistico e sull'assistenza sociale. La ricerca ha quindi analizzato gli strumenti tradizionali della pianificazione e programmazione territoriale, nella loro dimensione operativa e istituzionale: la destinazione principale di tali strumenti consiste nella classificazione e nella sistemazione dei servizi e dei contenitori urbanistici. E' chiaro, tuttavia, che per poter rispondere alla molteplice complessità di domande, bisogni e desideri espressi dalla società contemporanea le dotazioni effettive per "fare città" devono necessariamente superare i concetti di "standard" e di "zonizzazione", che risultano essere troppo rigidi e quindi incapaci di adattarsi all'evoluzione di una domanda crescente di qualità e di servizi e allo stesso tempo inadeguati nella gestione del rapporto tra lo spazio domestico e lo spazio collettivo. In questo senso è rilevante il rapporto tra le tipologie abitative e la morfologia urbana e quindi anche l'ambiente intorno alla casa, che stabilisce il rapporto "dalla casa alla città", perché è in questa dualità che si definisce il rapporto tra spazi privati e spazi pubblici e si contestualizzano i temi della strada, dei negozi, dei luoghi di incontro, degli accessi. Dopo la convergenza dalla scala urbana alla scala edilizia si passa quindi dalla scala edilizia a quella urbana, dal momento che il criterio del benessere attraversa le diverse scale dello spazio abitabile. Non solo, nei sistemi territoriali in cui si è raggiunto un benessere diffuso ed un alto livello di sviluppo economico è emersa la consapevolezza che il concetto stesso di benessere sia non più legato esclusivamente alla capacità di reddito collettiva e/o individuale: oggi la qualità della vita si misura in termini di qualità ambientale e sociale. Ecco dunque la necessità di uno strumento di conoscenza della città contemporanea, da allegare al Piano, in cui vengano definiti i criteri da osservare nella progettazione dello spazio urbano al fine di determinare la qualità e il benessere dell'ambiente costruito, inteso come benessere generalizzato, nel suo significato di "qualità dello star bene". E' evidente che per raggiungere tale livello di qualità e benessere è necessario provvedere al soddisfacimento da una parte degli aspetti macroscopici del funzionamento sociale e del tenore di vita attraverso gli indicatori di reddito, occupazione, povertà, criminalità, abitazione, istruzione, etc.; dall'altra dei bisogni primari, elementari e di base, e di quelli secondari, culturali e quindi mutevoli, trapassando dal welfare state allo star bene o well being personale, alla wellness in senso olistico, tutte espressioni di un desiderio di bellezza mentale e fisica e di un nuovo rapporto del corpo con l'ambiente, quindi manifestazione concreta di un'esigenza di ben-essere individuale e collettivo. Ed è questa esigenza, nuova e difficile, che crea la diffusa sensazione dell'inizio di una nuova stagione urbana, molto più di quanto facciano pensare le stesse modifiche fisiche della città. ; The research aims to define guidelines for the preparation of a plan that deals with quality of life and well-being. The reference to the quality and well-being is positively innovative, because imposes to organs of the government to relate with the subjectivity of active citizens and, at the same time, makes clear the need for a broader and transversal approach to the city and a more close relationship of technicians/experts with the leaders of political and administrative bodies. The research investigates the limits of modern town-planning theory in front of the complexity of new needs expressed by contemporary urban populations. The demand for services has changed significantly compared to that one of the Sixties, not only on the quantity but also and especially in terms of quality, because of the social changes that have transformed the modern city, from the point of view of the structure and the cultural request: the intermittent citizenship, so cities are increasingly experienced and enjoyed by citizens of the world (tourists and/or visitors, temporarily present) and popular citizens (suburban, provincial, metropolitan); radical transformation of the family structure, so the family-type consisting of a couple with children, solid benchmark for the economy and politics, is now minority; the irregularity and flexibility of calendars, diaries and rhythms of life of the population active, and social mobility, so individuals have trajectories of life and daily practices less determined by their social origins of what happened in the past; the elevation of the level of education and thus the increase in demand for culture; the growth of elderly population and the strong social individualism have generated a demand for the city expressed by the people extremely varied and diverse, fragmented and volatile, and in some aspects quite new. Close to old and consolidated requests - the city efficient, functional, productive, accessible to all - there are new questions, ideals and needs such as beauty, variety, usability, security, the ability to amaze and entertain, sustainability, the search for new identities, questions that express a desire to live and enjoy the city, to fell good into the city, questions that can no longer be satisfied through a welfare simply based on education, health, pension system and social security. The modern city or the modern idea of the city, based only on the concepts of order, regularity, cleaning, equality and good governance was handed over to the past history turning into something very different hard to represent, describe, tell. The contemporary city can be represented in many different ways, both on town-planning way and social way: in the recent literature there is the obvious difficulty of defining and enclose within certain limits the subject "city" and the lack of a strong belief in the interpretation of political, economic and social transformations that have invested society and the world in the last century. The contemporary city, beyond the administrative areas, territorial expansion and urban structures, infrastructure, technology, functionalism and global markets, is also a place of human relations, representation of the relationship between individuals and urban spaces where these relationship move. The city is both physical concentration of people and buildings, but also variety of uses and groups, it's the place of dense social relations where processes of cohesion or social exclusion occur, a place of cultural norms that govern behaviour and identity, expressed physically and symbolically through public spaces of city life. It's necessary a new approach to study the contemporary city, made up of cross-contamination and knowledge provided by other disciplines such as sociology and human sciences, which help to build the image commonly known of the city and the territory, landscape and environment. The representation of the urban social life varies according to what it is considered, in a specific historic moment and in a given context, a situation of well-being. The modern town-planning aimed at maximum level of well-being for individuals and communities, modelling on "real needs of people": in the old urban systems manuals appears a "Plan of services" as an appendix to the master plan, which includes services distributed on the surrounding areas, a sort of "social master plan" to avoid neighborhoods separated by segments of population or classes. In the contemporary city globalization, new forms of marginalization and exclusion, the advent of the so-called "new economy", the re-definition of the production base and the labour market are urban expression of a social complexity that can be defined trough transactions and symbolic exchanges, rather than trough processes of industrialization and modernization towards which the historic city, adopted modern, was oriented. All of this questions are the expression of that complex of matters which are currently described as "the new welfare", opposed to the one essentially based on education, on health, on the pension system and on social assistances. The research has therefore examined the traditional tools of town-planning and territorial programming in their operational and institutional dimension: the main destination of these instruments is the classification and accommodation of services and urban containers. It's evident, however, that in order to answer to the many questions of complexity, needs and desires expressed by contemporary society the actual allocations to "make city" must necessarily overcome the concepts of "standards" and "zoning" that are too rigid and unable to adapt to a growing demand for quality and services and at the same time inadequate to manage the relationship between collective space and domestic space. In this sense it is important to consider the relationship between housing types and urban morphology and hence the environment around the house, which establishes the relationship "from the house to the city" because it is in this duality that it is possible to define the relationship between private domestic spaces and public spaces and contextualize questions of roads, shops, meeting places, accesses. After the convergence from the wide urban scale construction to the architectural scale, the attention moves from the architectural scale to the scale of urban constructions, since the criterion of well-being goes through the different scales of habitable space. Moreover, in territorial systems with a widespread well-being and a high level of economic development there's an emerging awareness that the very concept of well-being is no longer linked only to the ability of collective and/or individual income: today the quality of life is measured in terms of environmental quality and social inclusion. Thus the need of an instrument of knowledge of the contemporary city to be attached to the Plan, containing criteria to be observed in the design of urban spaces in order to determine the quality and well-being, in the meaning of "quality of feeling good", of urban environment. Obviously, to reach quality and well-being it is necessary to satisfy macroscopic aspects of social functioning and living standards, through the indicators of income, employment, poverty, crime, housing, education, etc., and also first needs, basic and elementary, and secondary, cultural and changing, moving through the welfare state to a general feeling of well-being, to wellness in a holistic sense, all expressions of a desire for mental and physical beauty and a new relationship of the body with the environment, then real expression of a need for an individual and collective wellbeing. And it is this need, new and difficult, which creates the widespread feeling of a starting new urban season, much more than physical changes of the city could represent.
Until recently, child development was accepted as the perspective through which children were understood and socialization the primary way in which sociologists thought about children. An increasing number of scholars now view childhood as socially constructed and children as actors in their own social worlds rather than simply as incomplete persons who are in the process of becoming adults. Courses using this perspective explore social constructions of childhood held by adults and embodied in institutions through time and across places, and how biology, gender, social class, and social location affect the everyday lives of children in families, schools, and other social contexts.Author recommendsJohnson, Heather Beth 2001. 'From the Chicago School to the New Sociology of Children: The Sociology of Children and Childhood in the United States, 1900–1999.'Advances in Life Course Research (Children in the Millennium: Where Have We Come From, Where Are We Going?) 6: 53–93.This article reviews the place of children in sociological research during the 20th century. Children were of interest as objects of socialization and when they engaged in deviant behavior, although they were largely ignored as unworthy of serious sociological attention until the last two decades of the century. Debates among recent scholars about what stance should be taken toward children in the 'new' sociology of childhood are outlined.Waksler, Frances Chaput (Ed.) 1991. Studying the Social Worlds of Children: Sociological Readings New York, NY: Falmer Press.In this classic collection, including several chapters by the editor, Waksler pulled together articles that provides evidence that sociologists' underestimate the capacity of children to make sense of their worlds and to act on them. Both theoretical statements and empirical research are included, as is a chapter that is the precursor to Waksler's book, The Hard Times of Childhood and Children's Strategies for Dealing with Them (1996, New York, NY: Falmer Press).Small, Meredith F. 2001. Kids: How Biology and Culture Shape the Way We Raise Our Children. New York, NY: Doubleday.Small, an anthropologist intrigued with 'ethnopediatrics', brings together scientific research on the capacities of infants and children and evidence of the way childhood is organized in various societies.Zelizer, Viviana A. 1985. Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children. New York, NY: Basic Books.This classic work in economic sociology provides a wealth of detail about how children's lives in the USA were affected by their changing value/social construction, especially in the early 20th century. Many current institutions and beliefs, which are now taken for granted, were developed during this period, for better or worse.Lareau, Annette 2003. Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Findings from Lareau's extensive, ethnographic research on differences between the everyday family lives of middle‐class and working‐class children are reported in this book. The results of her analysis make clear that adults' social constructions of children shape the experience of childhood and that even within one society there can be systematic variation in the social construction of children that results in marked differences in children's everyday lives.Corsaro, William A. 2005. The Sociology of Childhood, 2nd edn. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.Corsaro has been conducting ethnographic research with preschool children in various forms of care and reporting on it for more than 25 years. His textbook focuses primarily on preschool children and how they interact with one another to form their own peer cultures. The book includes many episodes of interaction among children that ground his arguments.Adler, Patricia and Peter Adler 1998. Peer Power: Preadolescent Culture and Identity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.This book presents findings from the Adlers' study of peer culture among elementary school‐aged children in a Colorado community. The importance of friendship and popularity to the children is examined, particularly in school, as well as the significance for children of extracurricular activities.Mayall, Berry 2002. Towards a Sociology for Childhood: Thinking from Children's Lives. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press.Mayall brings together data from the four research projects she conducted with colleagues in Great Britain in the 1990s to write an overview of what she learned about doing research with children and from listening to their points of view. The book includes children's assessments of their lives and relationships.Lee, Nick 2001. Childhood and Society: Growing up in an Age of Uncertainty. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press.Lee focuses on childhood as an institution in the late 20th century and explores the ambiguity of contrasting the social construction of adults as 'human beings' with the social construction of children as 'human becomings'. His perspective is both macro and global and includes information about how decisions made by such institutions as the United Nations and the World Bank affect children in various countries.Online materials http://www.childtrends.org/ Child Trends is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that collects and analyzes data; conducts, synthesizes, and disseminates research; designs and evaluates programs; and develops and tests promising approaches to research in the field. For researchers and educators, this Web site includes a link to research that provides the latest data and information for developing, evaluating, and guiding effective programs and research relevant to the overall health and well‐being of children and youth (http://www.childtrendsdatabank.org/) and includes key indicators of child well‐being. http://www.aecf.org/MajorInitiatives/KIDSCOUNT.aspx Kids Count is a national and state‐by‐state effort to track the status of children in the USA by providing policy‐makers and citizens with benchmarks of child well‐being. The Social Science Data Analysis Network (SSDAN) is working with professors to introduce Kids Count data into social science courses through course modules, exercises, and access to other data available on their Web site (http://www.ssdan.net/kidscount/). http://www.hull.ac.uk/children5to16programme/intro.htm The Economic and Social Research Council Research Programme on Children 5–16: Growing into the 21st century, under the direction of Alan Prout from 1995–2000, funded 22 different research projects that examined children's lives by treating children as social actors. The Web site includes a description of the programme, research findings, and an extensive bibliography. http://www.childstats.gov/ The Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics is a working group of federal agencies that collects, analyzes, and reports data on issues related to children and families. The forum's annual report, America's Children: Key National Indicators of Well‐Being, provides a summary of national indicators of child well‐being and monitors changes in these indicators over time. http://www.unicef.org/ The UNICEF Web site focuses on the well‐being of children in countries around the world, particularly on their health and their mothers' ability to provide for them.Sample syllabus Course Outline and Reading Assignments 1 Recognizing the capacities of newborn children Meredith F. Small, Chapter 1, Kids' World, and Chapter 2, The Evolution of Childhood, in Kids: How Biology and Culture Shape the Way We Raise Our Kids. 2 Social construction of childhood in different times and places a Children's place in the past Coldrey, Barry M. 1999. '"... a Place to Which Idle Vagrants May Be Sent": The First Phase of Child Migration during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.'Childhood and Society 13: 32–47.deMause, Lloyd 1974. 'Infanticide and the Death Wishes toward Children;''Abandonment, Nursing, and Swaddling.' Pp. 25–39 in The History of Childhood. New York, NY: Harper and Row. b Children's place in other societies Schildkrout, Enid 2002 [1978]. 'Age and Gender in Hausa Society: Socio‐Economic Roles of Children in Urban Kano.'Childhood 9 (3): 344–68. c Changing value of children in American society in the 20th century Zelizer, Viviana 1985. Selected chapters from Pricing the Priceless Child. d Children's place in American society in the 21st century Zelizer, Viviana 2002. 'Kids and Commerce.'Childhood 9 (4): 375–96.Cook, Daniel Thomas 2000. 'Childhood is Killing "Our" Children: Some Thoughts on the Columbine High School Shootings and the Agentive Child.'Childhood 7: 107–17. 3 The 'new' sociology of childhood: Agency and competence Waksler, Frances Chaput 1986. 'Studying Children: Phenomenological Insights.'Human Studies 9 (1): 71–82.Alanen, Leena 1988. 'Rethinking Childhood.'Acta Sociologica 31 (1): 53– 67.Matthews, Sarah H, 2007. 'A Window on the "New" Sociology of Childhood.' Sociology Compass: http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/sociology/section_home?section=soco‐social‐psychology (doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00001.x) 4 Collecting data from and about children Christensen, Pia Haudrup 2004. 'Children's Participation in Ethnographic Research: Issues of Power and Representation.'Children and Society 18: 165–76.Davis, John M. 1998. 'Understanding the Meanings of Children: A Reflexive Process.'Childhood and Society 12: 325–35. 5 Inside the black box of early childhood socialization Clawson, Dan and Naomi Gerstel 2002. 'Caring for our Young: Child Care in Europe and the United States.'Contexts 1 (4): 28–35.Corsaro, William 1979. '"We're Friends, Right?" Children's Use of Access Rituals in a Nursery School.'Language in Society 8: 315–36.Corsaro, William and L. Molinari 1990. 'From seggiolini to discussione: The Generation and Extension of Peer Culture among Italian Preschool Children.'International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 3: 213–30. 6 Children's participation in everyday life a FamilyLareau, Annette 2002. 'Invisible Inequality: Social Class and Childrearing in Black and White Families.'American Sociological Review 67: 747–76.Dodson, Lisa and Jillian Dickert 2004. 'Girls' Family Labor in Low‐Income Households: A Decade of Qualitative Research.'Journal of Marriage and Family 66: 318–32.Nettleton, Sarah 2001. 'Losing a Home through Mortgage Repossession: The Views of Children.'Children and Society 15: 82–94. b School Sherman, Ann 1997. 'Five‐year‐olds' Perceptions of Why We Go to School.'Childhood and Society 11: 117–27.Adler, Patricia A., Steven J. Kless, and Peter Adler 1992. 'Socialization to Gender Roles: Popularity among Elementary School Boys and Girls.'Sociology of Education 65: 169–87.Adler, Patricia A. and Peter Adler 1995. 'Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in Preadolescent Cliques.'Social Psychology Quarterly 58 (3): 145–62. c 'Free' time Lareau, Annette 2000. 'Social Class and the Daily Lives of Children: A Study from the United States.'Childhood 7 (2): 155–71.Rasmussen, Kim 2004 'Places for Children – Children's Places.'Childhood 2004: 155–73. 7 Children's rights/parental rights Smith, Anne B. and Nicola J. Taylor 2003. 'Rethinking Children's Involvement in Decision‐Making After Parental Separation.'Childhood 10 (2): 201–16.Van Krieken, Robert 1999. 'The "Stolen Generations" and Cultural Genocide: The Forced Removal of Australian Indigenous Children form Their Families and Its Implications for the Sociology of Childhood.'Childhood 6 (3): 297–311. 8 Current global issues a UN rights of the child Jans, Marc 2004. 'Children as Citizens: Towards a Contemporary Notion of Child Participation.'Childhood 11 (1): 27–44.Roche, Jeremy 1999. 'Children: Rights, Participation and Citizenship.'Childhood 6 (4): 475–93. b Children's place in the 21st century Penn, Helen 2002. 'The World Bank's View of Early Childhood.'Childhood 9 (1): 118–32.Bey, Marguerite 2003. 'The Mexican Child: From Work with the Family to Paid Employment.'Childhood 10 (3): 287–99.Aptekar, Lewis and Behailu Abebe 1997. 'Conflict in the Neighborhood: Street and Working Children in the Public Space.'Childhood 4: 477–90.Films and videosA Baby's World A Whole New World (ages newborn to 1 year) The Language of Being (ages 1–2 years) Reason and Relationships (ages 2–3 years)This series of videos, each approximately 1‐hour in length, summarizes and illustrates evidence of the remarkable and often misinterpreted capacities of infants and toddlers.The Orphan TrainsThis video is a good companion to Viviana Zelizer's book Pricing the Priceless Child. In addition to depicting conditions for some urban children in US cities in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, interviews in old age with the last children who were shipped West in the 1920s highlight the vulnerability of children in societies that are unprepared to take responsibility for them when their parents are unable to provide care.Michael Apted's 7 Up through 49 UpThis documentary film series, which began in 1964 with 14 7‐year‐olds whom Apted has since revisited every 7 years to produce a new film, raises questions about the relationship between childhood and adulthood.Project ideas1. This assignment is intended to make students aware of the presence (or absence) of children in their daily rounds – when, where and under what conditions they share space with children.Choose two days on which your daily schedule is different (e.g., a weekday and a weekend day) and record every instance in which you come in contact with children. Do not go out of your way to encounter children. Just go about your daily rounds. Record the time, place (including who is present if it is not obvious), age of children, your relationship to the children, and what you and the children are doing. Include children whom you know well, children with whom you are acquainted, and children who are strangers. Concentrate especially on the last category because it is the one that you probably attend to least in your daily rounds. Also be sure to indicate what your role in each setting is. Once you have collected these data, write a summary of your contact with children in your daily life. What children do you encounter, how often, under what conditions? What is your relationship to the children in your life?2. This assignment is intended to explore how children are constrained by adult rules and power.Observe children in an 'adult' setting and identify adults' rules for children in that setting. Justify the choice of setting as 'adult', e.g., children are not 'supposed' to be there (a bar/pub), children are a disturbance (an exclusive expensive restaurant). Consider both adults' rules for children's behavior in the setting and children's options and resources. Address the questions: Where do children fit in adult worlds? What roles are they expected to play?3. This assignment is used in conjunction with Annette Lareau's work on differences in the way working and middle class children are treated by adults.Students choose two school districts whose borders correspond to a community and that have widely different percentages of children who passed the fourth‐grade proficiency test in a specified year. In Ohio, this information is available on the website of the Department of Education. Students then retrieve demographic data from the Web site of the US Census about the two school districts/communities, including but not limited to:
Proportion of School Age Children = Percentage of population age 5–17 Community Stability = Percent of rental occupied housing units Community Education Level = Percentage of population aged 25 and over with Bachelor's Degree or higher Community Income Level = Median family income Poverty Level = Percent of families below poverty level
In a paper, students summarize and interpret the findings. In addition, put the data from all the districts/communities into one table with the percentages of students who passed the exam in the first column in descending order.
The proposed tobacco settlement agreement, as negotiated by some state attorneys general and the tobacco industry that was made public on June 20, 1997 (Appendix F), raises a complex array of public health, public policy, legal and economic issues. It was intended to be a blueprint for national tobacco control legislation that would end the most important litigation current and potential against the tobacco industry. As with most complex legislation, the deal, after it was announced, underwent a great deal of scrutiny and criticism. Many public health and policy groups analyzed the deal in whole or in part in order to provide guidance for those who wished to distill the essential elements and implications of the deal. While many have pronounced the original deal 'dead' as a result of this criticism, it remains the fundamental framework around which most proposals for federal legislation on tobacco has been based. As a result, a careful analysis of the terms and implications of the original June 20 deal remains a worthwhile effort. This report seeks to provide policy makers and advocates with a context and analysis of the most important aspects of the deal through a series of briefing papers, which can be read independently or collectively. Each paper addresses one aspect of the deal. The papers are organized according to general topics: political issues related to the deal, financial and tax aspects of the deal, regulatory implications of the deal, and civil liability controls in the deal. For those who desire a more technical approach to the issues, we have included five technical appendices to provide additional support regarding the economic analysis of the deal, the economic analysis of the lookback provision, the political analysis of the deal, and the public health analysis of the deal, the legal analysis of the deal. To the extent that the deal is reflected in any legislative proposals that emerge, this analysis will be relevant to that legislation. In the months leading up to the publication of the deal, many commentators discussed the relative merits of entering into a negotiated resolution of the tobacco litigation. The advocates of the deal pointed to the ability to obtain specific relief, the advantages of having a national tobacco policy, and the elimination of the risks to continuing the litigation. Critics of the deal-making process were concerned that making a deal would: guarantee tobacco industry profitability; require Congressional action, which in turn would provide weak proposals because of the influence the tobacco lobby in national politics; preempt stronger state and local regulatory efforts to control tobacco; and preclude broad based public health efforts to control tobacco in the future. Many commentators have described the deal as one in which the tobacco industry accepts strong restrictions in exchange for some limitation of liability. Our analysis reaches just the opposite conclusion: A close reading of the deal reveals that the benefits to the tobacco industry are concrete and substantial whereas the public health benefits are less clear. The Funding Provisions of the Deal Are Inadequate The money in the deal is large in absolute terms but small when compared to the damage done by tobacco products. Even if one takes the more limited view of the deal that its purpose is only to reimburse the states for future Medicaid expenses plus fund the specified public health programs, the payments are not high enough to cover these limited costs. If the deal is designed to reimburse society for all damage done by tobacco, it provides less than 10 cents on the dollar. The financial portions of the deal are structured in such a manner that they will guarantee industry profits. The Taxpayers will Absorb a Substantial Fraction of the Nominal Costs to the Industry All payments by the tobacco industry, including those made 'in lieu of' punitive damages, are tax deductible, which results in a decrease in the impact of the deal on the industry and a cost shifting to American taxpayers. Taxpayers will absorb 30-40% of the cost of the deal, which will need to be recovered through increased taxes or spending cuts. The tax subsidy provided to the tobacco industry by the deal, amounting to about $4 billion a year, dwarfs both the current tobacco price support program and the funds that the deal makes available for public health programs. The Industry Will be Protected from Litigation The civil liability protections will strongly protect the tobacco industry. The deal eliminates large-scale suits that are most threatening to the industry and only allows individual cases, which the industry has been successful in defeating. In addition, the deal changes the rules of evidence and civil procedure in ways that will make it more difficult for people with cancer, heart disease, and other smoking-induced problems to win their individual cases. The deal provides the industry financial security by capping exposure. These limitations on litigation will effectively preclude injured smokers from receiving just compensation and perhaps limit future criminal and civil enforcement actions against the tobacco companies. Moreover, the caps eliminate the incentives the civil justice system to improve corporate behavior, by reducing the threat that the tobacco companies will be held fully accountable for their actions. Under the terms of the deal, the industry will avoid about $150-$200 billion in liability at a cost of $6-$7 billion. Eliminating Litigation Will Eliminate a Valuable Public Health Tool The current litigation against the tobacco industry has a discernible benefit to the public health community which will be eliminated should the litigation cease. For example, the litigation provides a ready means to educate the public about the dangers of smoking and misbehavior of the tobacco industry. Without the prosecution of the current lawsuits, a valuable health education opportunity will be lost. In addition, the litigation which the deal seeks to resolve is based upon the enforcement of laws which serve public health interests, such as consumer protection and anti-trust laws. The deal restricts use of these laws in against the tobacco industry. Losing both a timely health education opportunity and the right to fully utilize consumer protection and related laws against the tobacco industry limits the public health tools to combat death and disease related to tobacco. The public health community has an interest in preserving the right to litigation to obtain social justice. The deal compromises the rights of individuals and institutions to sue the tobacco industry without fair compensation. Similarly, the public health community has an interest in fairly allocating the damages related to a particular harm. Societal resources which are currently being expended to remedy the harms related to tobacco could be re-allocated to serve other public health interests. The litigation provides a valuable tool to force the tobacco companies to pay for the damages related to tobacco, leaving societal resources to address other public health problems. The absence of litigation will remove one tool the public health community can use to force the tobacco companies to internalize the costs of the damage tobacco does. The Deal Requires Congress to Preempt Laws in Every State The essential principle behind the deal was the willingness of the Attorneys General, private lawyers, and health officials who negotiated the deal to support substantial limitations on liability of the tobacco industry for its past and future behavior. The deal not only 'legislatively settles' the Medicaid lawsuits brought by the Attorneys General, but also effectively ends most other forms of litigation against the tobacco industry. Since most of this litigation is being brought under state (as opposed to federal) consumer protection, fraud, anti-trust, and other laws, granting the tobacco industry the immunity it seeks will require Congress to preempt these laws in every state and the District of Columbia. In addition to preempting these laws, the deal preempts existing state authority to require ingredient disclosure and may increase the strength of tobacco industry claims that local and state restrictions on tobacco industry marketing practices are illegal. Regulatory Controls are Unnecessary and Insufficient The details of the regulatory provisions in the deal favor the tobacco industry. Rather than recognizing that there are many agencies with jurisdiction over tobacco, the deal concentrates almost exclusively on the federal Food and Drug Administration (FDA). The deal also ignores the fact that most progress in tobacco use has been made at the local and state level. The FDA currently has jurisdiction over tobacco products and is executing its regulatory authority pursuant to its jurisdiction. The few provisions in the deal which are not currently a part of FDA regulations could become so even without the deal, or like the current advertising restrictions, be regulated by another agency. Furthermore, the expectations regarding the benefits attendant with many of the regulatory changes should be small. Even with the advertising restrictions in place, the tobacco industry will still find successful ways to market their products, and tobacco imagery will be ubiquitous. Similarly, the proposed regulations regarding tobacco warnings and restrictions on youth access add little new authority. The deal would essentially codify the law as it currently exists, except that it would also place limitations on future FDA authority. Although the codification of FDA authority may be desirable, the deal would add intensive rollback FDA authority by requiring the FDA to meet additional regulatory hurdles before it can regulate tobacco constituents and restricting how and when it can regulate nicotine. These hurdles will preclude much of the potential for true regulatory reform. Similarly, the secondhand tobacco smoke provisions in the deal represent a rollback of the current ability of the Department of Labor to regulate broadly. The secondhand smoke provisions within the deal accept industry claims that smokefree workplace laws would harm the hospitality industry, which is not true. The Lookback Provision Is Inadequate There are provisions in the deal designed to penalize the industry for not meeting specific targeted reductions in youth smoking. The lookback provision is a good example of how the technical details of the deal have important impacts that are not evident. The lookback provision ties goals in reducing teen smoking to the percentage of teens who are daily smokers. While 75% of smokers have their first cigarette by age 14, 75% do not become daily smokers until they reach age 18 (the cutoff for calculating the lookback penalty). Epidemiological evidence indicates that nicotine is as addictive as cocaine heroin and opiates. Symptoms of addiction begin before the onset of daily smoking. Limiting the measure of youth smoking to daily smokers will allow the tobacco industry to comply with the lookback provision by simply marketing in a way that leads children to begin smoking two years older than they do now; it will continue to recruit new adult smokers by addicting them as youths. By increasing the age of initiation by two years, the transition of most smokers to daily smoking in new smokers will occur after their eighteenth birthday. In addition, the penalty is too small to provide an effective economic incentive for the industry to reduce youth smoking; if the industry were to simply continue its current recruiting of teens, the after-tax cost of the lookback provision would be about a nickel a pack. Furthermore, the penalties are pooled among the industry, which decreases the pressure any one company will have to reform its behavior. The Deal Preserves the Oligopoly Structure of the Industry Throughout the deal there are a number of provisions which increase barriers to market entry and preserve the current profit structure. These provisions will encourage anti-competitive behavior and eliminate any incentive to innovate toward safer products. Furthermore, by closing the market, new companies will find it more difficult to compete. This situation will further guarantee excess profits for the existing companies. The Deal does not Provide for Full Disclosure of Tobacco Industry Wrongdoing One of the most important aspects of the current litigation is the ongoing disclosure of industry wrongdoing. The document disclosure provisions of the deal are weak and would permit the industry to continue to withhold privileged documents, which many believe are the most damaging to the industry. The deal may not be necessary to secure disclosure of these documents, because the Congress has subpoenaed and disclosed some tobacco industry documents, and more are emerging through litigation. Between further Congressional action and the litigation there is likely to be a continuous release of documents without a need for the deal. There are No Barriers Other than a Lack of Political Will to Adopting the Beneficial Provisions of the Deal Tobacco control advocates have successfully enacted legislation that meets many of the goals of the deal at the state and local level without compromise with the tobacco industry. The federal government could do the same. For example, the public health measures of the deal could be enacted and the funds for these programs appropriated out of the general fund or through an increase in the tobacco excise tax. Congress can give the FDA and Department of Labor more direct authority over tobacco products, and it could ensure full funding for their programs. Plaintiffs can enter (and Mississippi, Florida, Texas, San Francisco, and a plaintiffs' class of non-smoking flight attendants have entered) into individual legal settlements with the tobacco industry. The Deal is Silent on International Issues The deal ignores the implications that U.S. tobacco control policy has on international tobacco control efforts. The precedents established by the deal are particularly important because litigation against the tobacco industry is beginning in other countries. The limitations on liability in the deal may compromise the ability of other countries to recover the cost of tobacco-induced illness. The Deal is Based on Several Premises that are no Longer True The original premise behind the deal was that if the Attorneys General, public health advocates, and the tobacco industry could come to an agreement that all found acceptable, such legislation would be enacted into law rapidly. Some public health advocates argued that such a compromise was necessary and appropriate because the power of the tobacco industry in Congress was such that industry acceptance was necessary in order to get legislation enacted. Legislation was seen as necessary because the tobacco industry had never lost nor settled any health-oriented lawsuits against it. Because of this, rather than risking everything in Court, the Attorneys General and other decided that it was better to gain a partial victory in Congress. Since then, the terms of the deal have been declared unacceptable by all elements of the public health community, so the original premise of going to Congress with a partnership between public health and tobacco forces no longer holds. The tobacco industry has maintained that the deal should be enacted as negotiated and has dramatically increased its campaign contributions and lobbying activities in order to see the deal enacted. Tobacco executives have testified in Congress that a grant of immunity for the industry is a condition of industry support for federal tobacco legislation. Public health groups are divided about the wisdom of trading some form of immunity for the tobacco industry in exchange for public policy changes that some believe will reduce tobacco control. Even the forces in the health community who are willing to entertain such a trade, however, have rejected the deal as originally negotiated. As a result, they are now in the position of going into Congress opposed to the tobacco industry, the very situation that the deal was supposed to avoid. Finally, the belief that the tobacco industry would never settle or lose heath-related lawsuits has changed. The industry settled the Mississippi, Florida, and Texas Medicaid suits on favorable public health terms, as well as a case brought by San Francisco over the Joe Camel advertising character and a class action suit on secondhand smoke brought by flight attendants. The industry has also lost several cases brought by individuals. It will be difficult for the industry to return to a no-settlement strategy, particularly in light of documents and other information that have come out of the litigation process and Congressional hearings to date.
IX. JAHRGANG, 1904 Oberösterreichische Bauzeitung (-) IX. Jahrgang, 1904 (IX. JG., 1904) ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Inhaltsverzeichnis. ( - ) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 1. Linz, 1. Jänner 1904. (Nr. 1. Linz, 1. Jänner 1904.) ([1]) Inhalt. ([1]) Eine eigentümliche Grundrisslösung. ([1]) [Plan]: ([1]) Adaptierungs-Arbeiten im k. k. Post- und Telegraphen-Direktionsgebäude in Linz. ([1]) Internationale Bauaustellung in Wien 1904. (2) Die Vorteile der Sauggasanlagen. (2) [2 Abb.]: (3) Ueber Akustik in Theater und Konzertsälen. (4) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. (6) Lokale Baunotizen. (6) Umlegung der Kremstalbahn. Bauherstellungen in der Landes-Gebäranstalt. Erfindung. (6) Zum Kirchenbau in Kleinmünchen. (6) Strassenbau. Bau eines Badebassins. Kirchhofbau. Vergebung der Bauarbeiten zum Kasernenbau in Steyr. (7) Patentliste. Aus der Fachliteratur. Stand und Geschäftsergebnisse der in der Bauindustrie und Industrie der Steine und Erden tätigen Aktiengesellschaften Oesterreich-Ungarns. Briefkasten. (7) Werbung (7) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (2)Anmeldung für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (8) Sonstiges (190) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 2. Linz, 15. Jänner 1904. (Nr. 2. Linz, 15. Jänner 1904.) ([9]) Unsere Wohnungen als Krankheitsherde. ([9]) Erfahrungen mit neuen Arten der Strassenbefestigung. (10) Ueber die Befestigung der Fahrdämme. (11) Bürgersteige. (12) Die Promenaden. Reitwege. Radfahrwege. Der Stassenbahnkörper. (13) Die Druckfestigkeit von Backsteinmauerwerk. (13) [Tabelle]: Als mittlere Bruchlasten bei solchen Pfeilern, die mit Sorgfalt aufgeführt waren, ergaben sich die Ergebnisse nachstehender Tabelle: (13) Brandschäden durch elektrische Anlagen. (14) Lokale Baunotizen. (15) Bauaussichten 1904. Vergebung der Arbeiten und Lieferungen für den städtischen Haushalt 1904. Bau einer Betonbrücke. Bildhauer-Atelier F. Stark. Pumpenanlage. Rekonstruktion eines Elektrizitätswerkes. Baunachrichten aus Tirol. (15) Patentliste. (15) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (16) Werbung (16) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 3. Linz, 1. Februar 1904. (Nr. 3. Linz, 1. Februar 1904.) ([17]) Inhalt. ([17]) Bau-Vandalismus. ([17]) Enquete über das Schätzungswesen von Realitäten. (19) Acetylen als Beleuchtungsmittel für kleinere Städte. (19) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. (21) Lokale Baunotizen. (21) Eisenbahnbau. Eisenkonstruktions-Arbeiten. Villenbauten. Strassenreinigung. Schulhausbau. - Amtsgebäude. (21) Donau-Regulierungsarbeiten in den Jahren 1904 bis 1911. (21) Korpskommando-Gebäude. - Grundpreise. Schulbau. Zur Konkurrenzreiterei. (22) Patentliste. (22) Aus der Fachliteratur. Das Beizen und Färben des Holzes. Wilhelm Zimmermann (22) Briefkasten. (23) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (23) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (24) Werbung (24) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 4. Linz, 15. Februar 1904. (Nr. 4. Linz, 15. Februar 1904.) ([25]) Projekt zu einer Markthalle. ([25]) [2 Pläne]: (1)Ansicht. (2)Grundriss. ([25]) Protokoll der am 24. Jänner 1904 im Gasthofe "zur Austria" in Linz, Harrachstrasse, abgehaltenen Generalversammlung des Vereines der Baumeister in Oberösterreich. (26) Das neue Polizeigebäude in Wien. (27) Feuergefährlichkeit der Dachwohnungen. (28) Leistungen des amerikanischen Arbeiters und die Bemessung der Lohnsätze. (29) Lokale Baunotizen. (30) Schulbau. Kanalbau. Flussregulierungen. Brückenkonstruktion. Naubau. (30) Bauaussichten. Brückenbestellungen für die Pyhrnbahn. Das Hausieren mit Bauprojekten. (31) Aus der Fachliteratur. Hie Europa - hie Amerika! Jul. H. West. (31) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (2)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (31) Briefkasten. (32) Werbung (32) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 5. Linz, 1. März 1904. (Nr. 5. Linz, 1. März 1904.) ([33]) Versuch an einem Theatermodelle und Massregeln zum Schutze des Publikums bei Theaterbränden. ([33]) [2 Pläne]: (1)Grundriss des Theatermodelles. (2)Längsschnitt durch das Ringtheater in Wien. ([33]) Einiges über die Bedeutung des historischen Stiles. (35) Inhalt. (37) Lokale Baunotizen. (37) Wandverkleidung mit Asbest-Zement-Schiefer-Platten. Umgestaltung einer Hausfassade. Auszeichnung. Vorkonzession. Wasserleitung. Flexenstrasse. Bau der Innbrücke. Wasserleitung. Steuerbefreiung. - Wasserleitung. Zugbeförderungs-Anlage. (37) Patentliste (38) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (2)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (38) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (39) Werbung (40) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 6. Linz, 15. März 1904. (Nr. 6. Linz, 15. März 1904.) ([41]) Inhalt. ([41]) Zu Beginn der Bausaison. ([41]) Bauerhaltung in Italien. ([41]) Versuche an einem Theatermodelle und Massregeln zum Schutze des Publikums bei Theaterbränden. (43) Geschichte der Grundsteinlegung eines Gebäudes. (45) Lokale Baunotizen. (46) Elektrizitätswerk in Bad Hall. Elektrizitätswerk in Ischl. Brückenbau bei Gmunden. Hausbau. Schulbau in Ebelsberg. Zum Bau des städtischen Gymnasiums in Wels. Brückenbau in Grein. Bau von Familienhäusern. (46) Aus Tirol und Vorarlberg (46) Strassenbauten. (47) Patentliste. Aus der Fachliteratur. "Neueste Erfindungen in Bild und Wort". Briefkasten. (47) Werbung (47) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke. Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (48) Werbung (48) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 7. Linz, 1. April 1904. (Nr. 7. Linz, 1. April 1904.) ([49]) Projekt für ein Geschäfts- und Wohnhaus in Salzburg. ([49]) [3 Pläne]: (1)[Ansicht] (2)Parterre [Grundriss] (3)1. Stock [Grundriss] ([49]) Bauerhaltung in Italien. II. (50) Unser Submissionswesen. (51) Geschichte der Grundsteinlegung eines Gebäudes. (53) Inhalt. (54) Lokale Baunotizen. (54) Die Wünsche der Baumeister. Schlosserarbeiten. Parzellierung. Errichten wir Einzelnwohnungen. Neubau. Zum Kasernenbau in Steyr. Villenbauten. Bau eines Postgebäudes in Innsbruck. (54) Patentliste (54) Briefkasten. (55) Werbung (55) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (55) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (56) Werbung (56) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 8. Linz, 15. April 1904. (Nr. 8. Linz, 15. April 1904.) ([57]) Inhalt. ([57]) Die Konkurrenzreiterei im Baufache. ([57]) Die Ausgrabung der römischen Lagerstadt "Aquincum" bei Budapest. ([57]) Ueber Fassaden-Farbe. (58) Die Grundprinzipien des modernen Stiles. (59) Bauleitung und Baumaterial. (60) Lokale Baunotizen. (62) Zur Beilage I. Fensterverschluss. Zur Beilage II. Vom Neubau Haslinger. Auszeichnung. Ueber Schulbauten. Adaptierungsarbeiten. Vortrag. Malerarbeiten. Aus Tirol. (62) Patentliste. Briefkasten. (63) Werbung (63) [Tabelle]: Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (63) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (64) Werbung (64) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 9. Linz, 1. Mai 1904. (Nr. 9. Linz, 1. Mai 1904.) ([65]) Prämiierte Grundrisslösung für eine Zinshausgruppe in München. ([65]) [Plan]: ([65]) Häuser aus Kalk und Sand. ([65]) [Tabelle]: Hat man nun groben Sand (Kies) mit dem vierten Teil, Mittelsand mit dem dritten Teil, so verfährt man ungefähr folgendermassen: ([65]) [Tabelle]: Um sicher zu gehen, tut man indessen gut, die Menge des Mittel-Sandes zu verringern, statt dessen aber etwas mehr Kalk zu nehmen, so dass die Rechnung etwa so zu stehen kommt würde: (66) Die Ausgrabung der römischen Lagerstadt "Aquincum" bei Budapest. (66) Die Feuersicherheit der Bausteine. (67) [Tabelle]: Der Koeffizient der räumlichen Ausdehnung der hauptsächlichsten, für die wichtigeren Gesteinsarten in Betracht kommenden Mineralien ist wie folgt bestimmt worden: (67) Wie "alte Meisterbilder" gemacht werden. (68) [Abb.]: Neuer Fensterverschluss. (69) Lokale Baunotizen. (69) Arbeiten für das Allgemeine Krankenhaus. Für Privat-Ingenieure. Die Wünsche der Baumeister. Ankauf des Hotels "zur Stadt Frankfurt". Schutzdämme. Kirchenbau in Wels. (69) Rohrlieferung. (69) Wasserleitung. Bau eines Gerichtsgebäudes. Strassenbau. Direktionswechsel. Aus Tirol. (70) Patentliste. Briefkasten. (70) Werbung (70) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (2)Anmeldung für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (71) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (72) Aus der Fachliteratur. M. Mayr. Das Formen und Modellieren. (72) Werbung (72) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 10. Linz, 15. Mai 1904. (Nr. 10. Linz, 15. Mai 1904.) ([73]) Inhalt. ([73]) Reflexionen über die Errichtung von Arbeiterhäusern. ([73]) Unvorsichtigkeit von Handwerkern bei Gebäudeausbesserungen. ([73]) Die neue Fischhalle in Wien. (74) Wasserkräfte. (74) Die Weltausstellung in St. Louis 1904. (75) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. (Sitzung vom 11. Mai.) (77) Lokale Baunotizen. (77) Lieferungen für das Linzer Allgemeine Krankenhaus. (77) Ausschreibung. Lieferung und Arbeit für die k. k. Staatsbahn. Kunstschlosserarbeiten. Bautätigkeit in Freistadt. Baunachrichten aus Tirol. Strassenbau. Eisernes Tragwerk. (78) Patentliste (78) Patentwesen. (79) [Abb.]: Metallplatte zum Einfassen von Bedachungen. (79) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (79) [Tabelle]. (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke. (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (80) Werbung (80) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 11. Linz, 1. Juni 1904. (Nr. 11. Linz, 1. Juni 1904.) ([81]) Inhalt. ([81]) Zur Verschönerung der Landstrasse in Linz. ([81]) Die Weltausstellung in St. Louis 1904. (Fortsetzung.) ([81]) Erziehungswesen. Kunst. Der Kunstpalast. (82) Freie Künste (liberal Arts). (82) Manufakturen. Maschinenwesen. (83) Hygiene der Schulgebäude. (83) A. Gesamtanlage des Schulhauses. (83) B. Schulzimmer. (84) Die Baukunst im Mittelalter. (84) Lokale Baunotizen. (85) Lieferung und Montierung einer Lokomotivdrehscheibe. Wasserleitung in Ebelsberg. Bau eines Garnisonsspitals. (85) Wasserwerksanlage. (85) Vom Kasernenbau in der Stadt Steyr. Tunnelbau. Vom Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal in Enns. Pflasterungsarbeiten. Aussperrung von Bauarbeiten in Wien. (86) Patentliste. Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (86) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (87) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (88) Werbung (88) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 12. Linz, 15. Juni 1904. (Nr. 12. Linz, 15. Juni 1904.) ([89]) Projekt für ein Krankenhaus im Kronlande Salzburg. ([89]) [3 Pläne]: (1)Parterre. (2)I. Stock. (3)Situationsplan. ([89]) Die Weltausstellung in St. Louis 1904. (Schluss.) (90) Elektrizitätswesen. (90) Verkehrswesen. (90) Ackerbau. Forstwesen. Bergbau und Metallurgie. Volkswirtschaft. Internationale Kongresse und Vereinswesen. Die Beteiligung der Regierung, der Vereinigten Staaten. (91) Die Neuanlage des National-Museums zu Neapel. (91) Hygiene der Schulgebäude. (92) C. Turnhalle. (93) E. Schulhof. F. Sonstige Schuleinrichtungen. (94) Lokale Baunotizen. (94) Zur Bausaison 1904. (94) Vom Hotel zur "Stadt Frankfurt". (94) Kanalisierungsarbeiten. Wasserleitung in Ried. Hydroelektrische Anlage. Heizanlage. Kirchenrestaurierung. Zum Bau der Kirche in Kleinmünchen. Schlosserarbeiten. Familienhäuser. Zum Bau des neuen Realschulgebäudes in Linz. Kanalbau. Ein neues Elektrizitätswerk. Bau eines Sparkassengebäudes. Bau eines Turmes in Lind (Kärnten). (95) Patentliste. Briefkasten. (95) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für den Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (96) Werbung (96) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 13. Linz, 1. Juli 1904. (Nr. 13. Linz, 1. Juli 1904.) ([97]) Inhalt. ([97]) Kritik über einige oberösterreichische Ziegelwerke. ([97]) Eine Reise in das österreichische Donautal. (98) Das neue städtische Polizeigefangenenhaus in Wien. (99) Lokale Baunotizen. (100) Lieferungen für das Allgemeine Krankenhaus. Zu- und Aufbau der Landesgebäranstalt. Zum Stelzhamer-Denkmal. Adaptierungsarbeiten. Einbau eines Heizkörpers. Zum Bau der Kadettenschule in Enns. Bau einer Volksschule. Villenbau. (100) Bau eines Wohnhauses. (100) Kaiserdenkmal in Braunau. Verein der Techniker in Oberösterreich. Kirchenbau in Tirol. Für Brückenbauanstalten. (101) Zum Mauerstreik in Salzburg. (101) Permanente Ausstellung bautechnischer Neuheiten u. Spezialerzeugnisse in Wien. (101) Patentliste (102) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (102) [Tabelle]: Aisweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (103) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (104) Werbung (104) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 14. Linz, 15. Juli 1904. (Nr. 14. Linz, 15. Juli 1904.) ([105]) Inhalt. ([105]) Zum Bau der Infanterie-Kadettenschule in Enns. ([105]) a) Hauptgebäude. b) Offiziers-Wohngebäude. c) Mannschaftsgebäude. d) Spitalgebäude für Zöglinge. ([105]) e) Nebengebäude. ([105]) Moderne Schaufensterarchitektur. (106) Eine Reise in das österreichische Donautal. (Schluss.) (107) Staubbekämpfung auf Strassen und Plätzen. (109) Lokale Baunotizen. (110) Zur Beilage. Vom neuen Volksgartensalon. (110) Villenbau. (110) Bau einer neuen Pfarrkirche und Pfarrhof in Linz. Restaurierung eines Speisesaales. Anleihe zu Bauzwecken. Altarbauten. Bautätigkeit in Freistadt. Fassadenrenovierung. Bau einer Volksschule. Zum Brückenbau in Gmunden. (111) Verein österreichischer Ziegel- und Kalkfabrikanten. (111) Patentliste (111) Briefkasten. (112) [Tabelle]: Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (112) Werbung (112) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 15. Linz, 1. August 1904. (Nr. 15. Linz, 1. August 1904.) ([113]) [Plan]: Grundrisse für ein herrschaftliches Wohnhaus in Innsbruck. ([113]) Erklärung der eingezeichneten Buchstaben: ([113]) Die Stadterweiterung in Rom. ([113]) Das Wiener Versorgungsheim in Lainz. (115) Technische Notizen. (116) Holzstoff-Riemenscheiben. (116) Ein Meisterwerk der Wiener Schlosser. Neues Fenster-Sicherheitsgerüst für Bauzwecke. (117) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. (117) Inhalt. (117) Lokale Baunotizen. (117) Versorgungshauszubau. Bahnumbau. (117) Vergebung des Baues der Traunbrücke im Zuge der Kremstalbahn. (117) Lokalveränderung. Vom Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal in Enns. Schulbau. Strassenbau und Wasserleitung. Bau einer Turnhalle. Strassenbau. Staub als Brandstifter. (118) Patentliste (118) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (119) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (119) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (120) Werbung (120) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 16. Linz, 15. August 1904. (Nr. 16. Linz, 15. August 1904.) ([121]) Inhalt. ([121]) Zu den vielen diesjährigen Feuersbrünsten in Oberösterreich. ([121]) Die Stadterweiterung in Rom. (122) Wie man in Amerika Häuser baut. (123) Das Iroquois-Theater in Chicago und die Brandkatastrophe vom 30. Dezember 1903. (123) Technische Notizen. (125) Färbiger Sandstein. Herstellung von Fusswegen längs des Bahnkörpers in Russland. Atlas-Isolit. (125) Neue Goldfunde in Mexiko. (125) Lokale Baunotizen. (126) Kanalisierung. Bauausschreibung. Herstellung eines Steges über die Eisenbahn. Vergebung von Baumeister- und Zimmermannsarbeiten. Bau von Arbeiterhäusern. Zum Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal in Enns. Bau einer Wasserleitung. Wasserinstallation. Hochbauten. Werkzeugmaschinen. Pfostenlieferung. Bau einer Wasserleitung. Oberbauschwellen. (126) Strassenbau. (126) Lokalbahnbau. Wettbewerb für den Wiederaufbau des Königsschlosses in Kopenhagen. (127) Patentliste. Aus der Fachliteratur. Die Kontorarbeiten. Mörtel. Einfamilienhäuser. (127) Offene Stellen. (127) Briefkasten. (128) [Tabelle]: Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (128) Werbung (128) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 17. Linz, 1. September 1904. (Nr. 17. Linz, 1. September 1904.) ([129]) Inhalt. ([129]) Ueber städtisches Wohnungswesen mit besonderer Beziehung auf das Familienwohnhaus. I. ([129]) Die neuen städtischen Strombäder im Wiener Donaukanale. (130) Das Iroquois-Theater in Chicago und die Brandkatastrophe vom 30. Dezember 1903. (131) Lokale Baunotizen. (133) Ausschmückung eines Restaurationslokales. (133) Projekt zur neuen Urfahrer Stadtpfarrkirche. Desinfektionsanstalt. Bau einer Equitationsreitschule für eine Artilleriebrigade in Linz. Zum Gymnasialbau in Wels. Kasern- und Spitalbau. Baumeisterarbeiten. Zum Bau der Infanteriekadettenschule in Enns. Bau eines Steges. Werkstättengebäude. Bau einer Wasserleitung. Fortschritte der Bauarbeiten in den grossen Alpentunnelen. (134) Patentliste (134) Briefkasten. (135) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (135) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (136) Werbung (136) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 18. Linz, 15. September 1904. (Nr. 18. Linz, 15. September 1904.) ([137]) Inhalt. ([137]) Linzer Neubauten 1904. ([137]) [Abb.]: Das Josef Haslinger'sche Haus Ecke der Schiller- und Schützenstrasse in Linz. ([137]) I. Das Josef Haslinger'sche Haus Ecke der Schiller- und Schützenstrasse in Linz. (138) Ueber städtisches Wohnungswesen mit besonderer Beziehung auf das Familienwohnhaus. II. (138) Verkehrsgeschwindigkeiten zu Lande einst und jetzt. I. (139) [4 Tabellen]: (1)Wie durchschlagend der Erfolg der Eisenbahnen sich in der Erhöhung der Reisegeschwindigkeit geltend machte, ergibt sich aus der nachstehenden Zusammenstellung der zwischen Paris und Calais üblichen Reisegeschwindigkeit. Dieselbe betrug: (2)Wir beginnen mit einigen Angaben über Reisegschwindigkeiten. (3)An sonstigen in Amerika ausgeführten Schnellfahrten nennt Olshausen nach der "Railroad Gazette" und "Locomotive Engineering": (4)Die längsten, ohne Aufenthalt durchlaufenen Strecken sind: (141) Ein wirksames Kanalreinigungssystem. (141) [Abb.]: (141) Technische Notizen. (141) Unterbietungsverfahren. (141) Ein Mittel um die Fällungszeit des Holzes zu erkennen. Die Durchdringung unserer Mauern durch Gase. (142) Lokale Baunotizen. (142) Adaptierungsarbeiten. Aus Gmunden. Masswerkeinsetzung. Wasserleitung in Ried. Brückenbau. (142) Wasserleitung. Regulierungsarbeiten. Kanalisierungsarbeiten. (143) Patentliste. Aus der Fachliteratur. Taschen-Rechenschieber für Techniker. Briefkasten. (143) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasswerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (144) Werbung (144) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 19. Linz, 1. Oktober 1904. (Nr. 19. Linz, 1. Oktober 1904.) ([145]) Inhalt. ([145]) Zur Geschichte des Ornaments. ([145]) Verkehrsgeschwindigkeiten zu Lande einst und jetzt. II. (146) [Tabelle]: Nach Julius Roches beliefen sich die Kosten für 1 Kilometer für jeden Reisenden zwischen Paris und Calais auf. (146) Der Meistertitel. (147) Wer darf den Meistertitel führen? Was hat nun der zu tun, welcher zu dem Meistertitel gelangen will? (148) Lokale Baunotizen. (149) Das neugestaltete Café Baumgartinger in Linz. Korksteinzwischenwände. Zum Bau der Kasernerweiterung in Wels. Bau der Traunbrücke in Gmunden. Lokomotiv-Drehscheibe. Strassenbau und Flussregulierung. (149) Aus den Gmeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Sitzung vom 21. September 1904. (149) Patentliste (150) Aus der Fachliteratur. L. Hofstetter. Der Bau und die Konstruktion der Treppen. Briefkasten. (151) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (151) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (152) Werbung (152) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 20. Linz, 15. Oktober 1904. (Nr. 20. Linz, 15. Oktober 1904.) ([153]) Inhalt. ([153]) Die Eishäuser in Budapest. ([153]) [Abb.]: ([153]) Die gschäftlichen Verhältnisse im Baufache in den Provinzorten Oberösterreichs. ([153]) Die Steinmetzhütten des Mittelalters. (154) Der Bau des Panama-Kanels. (155) Bauliche Verhältnisse in Russland. (157) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Sitzung vom 12. Oktober. (157) Lokale Baunotizen. (158) Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal. Kirchenbau. Strassenherstellung und Pflasterung. Bahnhofbau. Hebung der Baulust in Enns. Hotelbau in Linz. Errichtung von Pissoirs. Dampfkessellieferung. Neue Bauordnung. (158) Diverses. (158) Deckung des Schienebedarfes der österreichischen Staatsbahnen. (158) Eine heizbare Stadt. (159) Patentliste (159) Ist der Partieführer Arbeitgeber oder der Ur-Unternehmer? Briefkasten. (160) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (160) Werbung (160) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 21. Linz, 1. November 1904. (Nr. 21. Linz, 1. November 1904.) ([161]) Das Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal in Enns. ([161]) [Abb.]: ([161]) Winke für junge Plastiker bei Abfassung von Denkmalprojekten. ([161]) Eine Nacht im Dampfkessel. (162) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Sitzung vom 19. Oktober. (164) Lokale Baunotizen. (165) Bau von Schutzdämmen. Traunbrücke. Bau eines Sparkassengebäudes. Ausschreibung von Bauarbeiten. Villenbauten. (165) Fabriksvergrößerung. (165) Bau eines Elektrizitätswerkes. Wasserleitung. Bau der Eisackbrücke. Wettbewerb für ein Krankenhaus in Komotau. Erstehung des Bahnhofbaues in Görz. Bau einer Landes-Irrenanstalt. Offertausschreibung. (166) Diverses. Die Nachteile der Lichtschächte. (166) Patentliste. Offen Stellen. Briefkasten. (167) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (2)Anmeldung für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (168) Werbung (168) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 22. Linz, 15. November 1904. (Nr. 22. Linz, 15. November 1904.) ([169]) Zum Schlusse der Bausaison 1904. ([169]) [Tabelle]: Nachstehend die Namen der Bauherren, der Baumeister sowie der Oertlichkeiten, wo die Bauten aufgeführt wurden: ([169]) a) dreistöckige Zinshausbauten: ([169]) b) zweistöckige Zinshausbauten: ([169]) c) einstöckige Bauten: d) Zu- und Aufbauten: (170) Die Haftpflicht der Kommunen. I. (170) Wandelnde Wohnhäuser. (171) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Sitzung vom 9. November. (173) Inhalt. (174) Lokale Baunotizen. (174) Gefährliche Adaptierung. Fachkurs für Maler und Anstreicher. Berichtigung. Bau eines neuen Bezirksgerichtsgebäudes. Zum Bau des neuen Postamtsgebäudes. Avis für Beleuchtungsunternehmungen. Das Hebewerk im Donau-Oderkanal. (174) Wettbewerb für den Bau eines Bankgebäudes in Darmstadt. (174) Unter- und Hochbauarbeiten. Schlachthofanlage. (175) Diverses. Versuche mit Stahlpflaster. Patenliste. (175) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (176) [Tabelle]: Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (176) Werbung (176) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 23. Linz, 1. Dezember 1904. (Nr. 23. Linz, 1. Dezember 1904.) ([177]) Inhalt. ([177]) Noch eine Kritik über die Linzer Neubauten. ([177]) Die Haftpflicht der Kommunen. II. ([177]) Wesentliche Verbesserungen an Dampfmaschinen. (178) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen. (Sitzung vom 23 November). (179) Lokale Baunotizen. (179) Projektierter Hausbau. Bau eines Schul und Menagegebäudes. Traunbrücke. Uferverbauung. Spitalsbau. (179) Vergifteter Boden. (179) Villenbau. Bau einer Knabenbürgerschule. Anlage für Desinfektion von Waggons. Eisen, Stifte. Bau einer Wasserleitung. Kai- und Brückenbau. Elektrische Beleuchtung. Kanalisierung. Betonbau. Kanalisierung und Wasserversorgung. Permanente Ausstellung bautechnischer Neuheiten und Spezialerzeugnisse. Wettbewerb zur Erlangung von Entwürfen für das Gebäude der Landeshypothekenbank in Darmstadt. (180) Staatsvoranschlag pro 1905. (180) Patentliste (181) Aus der Fachliteratur. (181) Oesterreichischer Hausbesitzerkalender. (181) Hohe Warte. (181) Adressbuch der Architekten, Baumeister, Bauingenieure, Bauunternehmer, Maurer- und Zimmermeister Deutschlands. (182) Briefkasten. (182) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Urfahr. (182) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (183) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (184) Offene Stellen. (184) Werbung (184) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 24. Linz, 15. Dezember 1904. (Nr. 24. Linz, 15. Dezember 1904.) ([185]) Inhalt. ([185]) Die Haftpflicht der Kommunen. ([185]) Vom Kreditgebenmüssen. (186) Wie kann der Landwirt billig bauen? (187) 1. Die Billigkeit in Bezug auf die Grundformen des Gebäudes. 2. Die Billigkeit in Bezug auf die Höhe des Gebäudes. (187) 3. Die Billigkeit in Bezug auf den Querschnitt des Gebäudes. (187) Kanalisation und Wasserversorgung von St. Petersburg. (188) Lokale Baunotizen. (189) Restaurierung alter Häuser. Gipsmodell. Hoher Besuch in einem Maleratelier. Zur Stadtbeleuchtung in Enns. Prämiierung. Schulgebäudeprojekt. Kanalisierungsarbeiten. Bau eines Feuerwehrmagazins. Oesterreichische Gesellschaft zur Bekämpfung des Strassenstaubes. (189) Neuer Krankenhausbau. Fortschritte der Bauarbeiten in den grossen Alpentunnels. Wie gelangt der Handwerker zu Wohlstand?. (190) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (190) Werbung (190)
STATISTIK DER BODENPRODUKTION VON OBERÖSTERREICH Statistik der Bodenproduktion von Oberösterreich ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Vorwort. ( - ) Inhalt. ( - ) Die Grundlagen der Bodenproduktion von Oberösterreich. ([I]) I. Allgemeines. ([I]) Lage, Grenzen, Eintheilung. ([I]) Gewässer. ([I]) [Tabelle]: Die von dem k. k. Katastral-Mappen-Archive als Flüsse bezeichneten Gewässer sind: (II) Klima. (II) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Im fünjährigen Durchschnitte und nach der achtzigtheiligen Scala des Thermometers beträgt dort die mittlere Temperatur des Monates (2)., liegen von dem gleichen Orten auch die Niederschlagsmengen vor. Nach denselben entfallen im Mittel auf den Monat (II) [5 Tabellen]: (1)Von der vorstehend angegebenen Jahressumme der Niederschläge kommen auf den. (2)Die Höhe des als Schnee gefallenen atmosphärischen Wassers stellt sich an dem gleichen Beobachtungsorte im Mittel von 42 Jahren für den. (3)Auf eine und dieselbe Vergleichsperiode von 7 Jahren gebucht, stellt sich die jährliche Wassermenge (4)Beträgt z.B. die Wassermenge in. (5)Auch in Bezug auf Hagelschaden haben einige Gegenden Oberösterreichs nicht unbedeutend zu leiden. (III) [Tabelle]: Hauptübersicht der Hagelschäden, welche während der Zeit von 1840 bis 1870 in sämmtlichen Steuerbezirken Oberösterreichs vorfielen. (III) Verhältnisse und Ausdehnung der Culturarten. (IV) [Tabelle]: In seinen Hauptculturarten nimmt das Ackerland mit 703.085 Joch ab er mit rund 34% die erste Stelle ein; ihm zunächst kommen: (V) [Tabelle]: Verhältniß der Culturarten in Percenten der Summen in ganz Oberösterreich und in seinen einzelnen natürlichen Gebieten. (V) Besitzstands-Kategorien. (VI) [Tabelle]: Die Zahl der Besitzstände in Oberösterreich beträgt inclusive der 6433 Besitzungen, die nur aus Bauarea allein bestehen, 132.992, welche sich (wie aus der Pag. 149 enthaltenen Hauptübersicht zu erfahren ist) folgend gestalten: (VI) Bevölkerung und Volkscharakter. (VII) Dienstbotenwesen. (VIII) Kost-, Lohn- und Arbeiterverhältnisse. (VIII) Wohn- und Wirtschaftsgebäude. (X) Lebendes und todtes Inventar. (XI) Landwirtschaftliches Maschinewesen. (XII) [Tabelle]: Obwohl bezüglich der Anzahl der in Oberösterreich vorhandenen landwirtschaftlichen Maschinen ganz genaue Nachweise fehlen, so läßt sich doch mit ziemlicher Sicherheit auf Grund von Erhebungen zur Zeit das Vorhandensein nachgenannter Maschinen constatiren und zwar: (XIII) Wirthschaftsbetrieb, Wirtschaftssystem, Fruchtfolge. (XIII) [Tabelle]: Von je 100 Wirthschaften halten 32 gar keine oder nur bis zu 5% ihres Areales schwarze Brache; (XIV) Die in Oberösterreich gebräuchlichen Wirthschaftssysteme mit Rücksicht auf die Benützung des Brachfeldes. (XIV) [Tabelle]: I. Dreifelder-Wirthschaft. (XIV) [5 Tabellen]: (1)II. Vierfelder-Wirthschaft. (2)III. (3)Trisch-Wirthschaft. (4)IV. Egarten-Wirthschaft. (5)Uebersicht. (XV) Anbau-Verhältnisse der Feldgewächse; Geschichtliches. (XVI) [Tabelle]: Von der Gesammt-Ackerlands-Area werden bebaut: (XVI) [Tabelle]: Produktion und Werth der Produktion an Feldgewächsen und den Erzeugnissen des Graslandes im Durchschnitt der letzten sechs Jahre. (XIX) Wald- und Holzwirthschaft. (XX) [Tabelle]: Zunächst dem Ackerlande mit 34% des Gesammtareales steht in Oberösterreich der Wald mit 33%. Davon bedecken: (XX) Kohlenproduktion. (XX) Wiesen und Weiden. (XXI) [Tabelle]: Das Grasland besteht aus: (XXI) Obstbau, Obstnutzung. (XXI) Gartenbau. (XXIII) Gemenglage der Grundstücke, Arrondirung. (XXIII) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Das Ergebnis war, daß im Gebiete Grünburg von 771 Besitzungen im Ausmaße von 25 - 30 Joch. (2)Weniger günstig stellte sich die Gemenglage im Gebiete St. Florian heraus, wo von 162 Gütern gleicher Größe nur. (XXIV) Thierzucht im Allgemeinen. (XXIV) [Tabelle]: Der Gesammt-Viehstand besteht aus: (XXIV) [Tabelle]: Vergleich des Viehstandes und der Bodenfläche der fünf natürlichen Gebiete von Oberösterreich in absoluten und realtiven Zahlen. (XXV) Pferdezucht. (XXVI) Rinderviehzucht, Racen, Schläge und deren Verbreitung. (XXVI) [Tabelle]: .dagegen lassen sich aus eben diesem Operate und aus dem vorliegenden statistischen Materiale folgende Vergleiche ableiten: (XXVIII) Produktion aus der Rinderviehzucht. (XXVIII) [Tabelle]: Die verschiedenen Hauptprodukte, wie sie aus der Kuhmilch gezogen werden, belaufen sich im großen Durchschnitte auf 2,900.000 Hektoliter, wovon 1,200.000 Hektoliter als frische Milch, 950.000 Hektoliter als abgerahmte Milch und 360.000 Hektoliter als Molke zum unmittelbaren Consum dienen, und woraus ferner. (XXVIII) Stallfütterung, Austrieb. Mittel zur Hebung der Rindviehzucht. (XXIX) Schweinezucht. (XXIX) Schafzucht. (XXX) Ziegenzucht. Geflügelzucht. (XXXI) Fischzucht. (XXXI) Bienezucht. (XXXII) [Tabelle]: Für das Jahr 1876 stellte sie sich nebst der Ausbeute an Honig und Wachs, für jedes der fünf natürlichen Gebiete, wie folgt: (XXXII) Wildausbeute. (XXXII) [2 Tabellen]: (1)An nützlichem Wilde wurden erlegt: (2)Die Jagd wird in einer gewissen Anzahl von Jagdgebieten betrieben, welche sich zur Zeit der Ermittlung der vorstehenden Daten auf 207 beliefen. Unter denselben erstreckten sich: (XXXIII) Gewerbliche und landwirtschaftliche Industrie. (XXXIII) Verschiedene Einrichtungen. Bauern-Assecuranzen und Unterricht. (XXXIV) II. Die fünf natürlichen Gebiete. (XXXV) I. Gebiet. Das Bergland und die Ebene an der Donau. ([XXXVI]) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Das Areale dieses Gebietes umfaßt 57 Meilen oder 33 Myriameter und besteht aus folgenden Culturen: (2)Abgesehen von den verschiedenen Unterabtheilungen ein und derselben Culturart, wie sie z. B. beim Ackerland, zu dem die Trischäcker, beim Walde, zu welchem Hoch- und Niederwald u. s. w. gezählt werden müssen, vorkommen, ergeben sich 7 Hauptculturarten, wovon auf. (XXXVII) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Die hier vorhandenen 32.885 Besitzstände gliedern sich in Bezug auf Größe, wie folgt: (2)Mit Rücksicht auf die durchschnittliche Ausdehnung der Hauptculturarten eines Besitzstandes ergibt sich für dieses Gebiet: (XXXVIII) [Tabelle]: Die den einzelnen Hauptfrüchten gewidmete Grundfläche und der hieraus resultirende Ertrag beträgt im Durchschnitte für das Gebiet bei. (XL) II. Gebiet. Die Alpen. (XLIII) [3 Tabellen]: (1)Da das Gebiet der Alpen weder Auen noch Aecker mit Obstbäumen, noch Trischäcker enthält, vermindert sich die Zahl der Culturarten auf 15. (2)Das fruchtbare Land vertheilt sich mit: (3)Die Zahl der Besitzstände dieses Gebietes beträgt 8350; von diesen haben: (XLIV) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Die Anbaufläche beträgt: (2)Die Erträge der Hauptprodukte stellten sich, wie folgt: (XLV) III. Gebiet. Die Voralpen. (XLVII) [Tabelle]: Das Detail der Grundvertheilung nach Culturarten ist Folgendes: (XLVIII) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Von dem Gesammtareale entfallen. (2)Die Zahl aller Besitzungen, inclusive jener Gebäude, zu welchen außer der verbauten Area kein anderer Grund gehört, beträgt 13.118; davon haben. (XLIX) [Tabelle]: Das durchschnittliche Gesammt-Erträgniß bemißt sich bei: (L) IV. Gebiet. Zwischen Traun und Enns. (LI) [Tabelle]: Der produktive Boden besteht aus. (LI) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Die meisten Besitzstände sind, wie in allen übrigen Gebieten, in jenen Kategorien zu finden, welche das geringste Feldausmaß repräsentiren. Es besteht nämlich: (2)Die jährlichen Erträge und die Anbauflächen bewegen sich hier bei. (LII) V. Gebiet. Zwischen der Traun und dem Inn. (LV) [3 Tabellen]: (1)Sein Boden umfaßt an. (2)Von den Culturarten kommen. (3)Die Abstufung nach Zahl und Größe der Besitzstände ist folgende: (LVI) III. Das statistische Materiale. ([LXIII]) Berichtigungen. ( - ) Flächenmaß der Culturgattungen und des unproduktiven Bodens der fünf natürlichen Gebiete von Oberösterreich, nebst einer Uebersicht über die Zusammensetzung dieser Gebiete auf Grund der politischen Eintheilung des Landes. ([1]) [Tabelle]: I. Gebiet: Bergland und Ebene an der Donau. ([1]) 1. Aigen. 2. Engelszell. (2 - 3) 3. Freistadt. (2 - 3) 4. Grein. (4 - 5) 5. Haslach. 6. Lembach. 7. Leonfelden. (6 - 7) 8. Mauthausen. 9. Neufelden. (8 - 9) 10. Ottensheim. (8 - 9) 11. Perg. (10 - 11) 12. Prägarten. (10 - 11) 13. Rohrbach. (12 - 13) 14. Urfahr. (12 - 13) 15. Weißenbach. (14 - 15) Zusammenfassung der Steuer-Aemter des I. Gebietes. (14 - 15) [Tabelle]: II. Gebiet: Alpen. (16 - 17) 1. Ischl. 2. Gmunden theilweise. 3. Kirchdorf theilweise. (16 - 17) 4. Mondsee. (16 - 17) 5. Weyr theilweise. 6. Windischgarsten. (18 - 19) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes II. (18 - 19) [Tabelle]: III. Gebiet: Voralpen. (20 - 21) 1. Frankenmarkt theilweise. 2. Gmunden theilweise. (20 - 21) 3. Grünburg. (20 - 21) 4. Kirchdorf theilweise. (22 - 23) 5. Kremsmünster theilweise. (22 - 23) 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Vöcklabruck 8. Weyr theilweise. (24 - 25) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes III. (26 - 27) [Tabelle]: IV. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Enns. (28 - 29) 1. Enns. 2. Florian, St. (28 - 29) 3. Kremsmünster thlw. (28 - 29) 4. Lambach theilw. (30 - 31) 5. Neuhofen. (30 - 31) 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Wels theilweise. (32 - 33) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes IV. (32 - 33) [Tabelle]: V. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Inn. (34 - 35) 1. Braunau. 2. Efferding. (34 - 35) 3. Frankenmarkt theilweise. 4. Gmunden theilweise. (36 - 37) 5. Grieskirchen. (38 - 39) 6. Haag. (38 - 39) 7. Lambach theilweise. (40 - 41) 8. Linz. (40 - 41) 9. Mattighofen. (42 - 43) 10. Mauerkirchen. (42 - 43) 11. Obernberg. (44 - 45) 12. Peuerbach. (46 - 47) 13. Raab. (46 - 47) 14. Ried. (48 - 49) 15. Schärding. (50 - 51) 16. Schwanenstadt. (52 - 53) 17. Vöcklabruck theilweise. 18. Weizenkirchen. (54 - 55) 19. Wels theilweise. (56 - 57) 20. Wildshut. (56 - 57) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes V. (58 - 59) [Tabelle]: Hauptübersicht der fünf natürlichen Gebiete. (60 - 61) [Tabelle]: Vergleich der fünf natürlichen Gebiete mit der Eintheilung nach Kreisen und Steuerbezirken. (60 - 61) A. Vergelich des Gebietes I mit dem Mühlkreise. B. Vergleich des Gebietes II mit dem Traunkreise. (60 - 61) C. Vergleich des Gebietes III mit dem Traunkreise. D. Vergleich des Gebietes IV. mit dem Traunkreise. (62 - 63) E. Vergleich des Gebietes V mit dem Innkreise. (64 - 65) [Tabelle]: Die Flächen der Cultur-Hauptgattungen auf Procente der ganzen Area berechnet. Gebiete I - V. ([67]) Gebiet I. Bergland und Ebene an der Donau. (68) 1. Aigen. 2. Engelszell. 3. Freistadt. 4. Grein. (68) 5. Haslach. 6. Lembach. 7. Leonfelden. 8. Mauthausen. 9. Neufelden. (69) 10. Ottensheim. (69) 11. Perg. 12. Prägarten. 13. Rohrbach. (70) 14. Urfahr. (70) 15. Weißenbach. 16. Weißenbach. (71) I. Gebiet [Übersicht]. (71) II. Gebiet: Alpen. (72) 1. Ischl. 2. Gmunden thlw. 3. Kirchdorf thlw. 4. Mondsee. 5. Weyr thlw. 6. Windischgarsten. (72) II. Gebiet [Übersicht]. (72) III. Gebiet: Voralpen. (73) 1. Frankenmarkt theilweise. 2. Gmunden theilweise. 3. Grünburg. 4. Kirchdorf theilweise. (73) 5. Kremsmünster theilweise. (73) 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Vöcklabruck thlw. 8. Weyr theilweise. (74) III. Gebiet [Übersicht]. (74) IV. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Enns. (75) 1. Enns. 2. St. Florian. 3. Kremsmünster thlw. 4. Lambach thlw. (75) 5. Neuhofen. (75) 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Wels thlw. (76) IV. Gebiet. [Übersicht]. (76) V. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Inn. (77) 1. Braunau. 2. Efferding. 3. Frankenmarkt theilweise. (77) 4. Gmunden theilweise. (77) 5. Grieskirchen. 6. Haag. 7. Lambach theilweise. (78) 8. Linz. 9. Mattighofen. 10. Mauerkirchen. (79) 11. Obernberg. (79) 12. Peuerbach. 13. Raab. (80) 14. Ried. (80) 15. Schärding. (81) 16. Schwanenstadt. 17. Vöcklabruck theilweise. 18. Weißenkirchen. (82) 19. Wels theilweise. (82) 20. Wildshut. (83) V. Gebiet [Übersicht]. (83) Haupt-Uebersicht. (84) Areale der verschiedenen Grössen-Kategorien der Besitzstände. ([85]) [Tabelle]: I. Gebiet: Bergland und Ebene an der Donau. (86 - 87) 1. Aigen. 2. Engelszell. (86 - 87) 3. Freistadt. (86 - 87) 4. Grein. (88 - 89) 5. Haslach. 6. Lembach. (90 - 91) 7. Leonfelden. (90 - 91) 8. Mauthausen. (92 - 93) 9. Neufelden. (92 - 93) 10. Ottensheim. (94 - 95) 11. Perg. (94 - 95) 12. Prägarten. 13. Rohrbach. (96 - 97) 14. Urfahr. 15. Weissenbach. (98 - 99) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes I. (100 - 101) [Tabelle]: II. Gebiet: Alpen. (102 - 103) 1. Ischl. 2. Gmunden thlw. 3. Kirchdorf thlw. (102 - 103) 4. Mondsee. (102 - 103) 5. Weyr thlw. 6. Windischgarsten. (104 - 105) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes II. (104 - 105) [Tabelle]: III. Gebiet: Voralpen. (106 - 107) 1. Frankenmarkt theilweise. 2. Gmunden theilweise. (106 - 107) 3. Grünburg. (106 - 107) 4. Kirchdorf theilweise. (108 - 109) 5. Kremsmünster thlw. (108 - 109) 6. Steyr thlw. 7. Vöcklabruck thlw. (110 - 111) 8. Weyr thlw. (110 - 111) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes III. (112 - 113) [Tabelle]: IV. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Enns. (114 - 115) 1. Enns. 2. St.Florian. (114 - 115) 3. Kremsmünster theilweise. 4. Lambach theilweise. (116 - 117) 5. Neuhofen (116 - 117) 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Wels thlw. (118 - 119) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes IV. (120 - 121) [Tabelle]: V. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Inn. (122 - 123) 1. Braunau. 2. Efferding. (122 - 123) 3. Frankenmarkt theilweise. (124 - 125) 4. Gmunden theilweise. (124 - 125) 5. Grieskirchen. (126 - 127) 6. Haag. (126 - 127) 7. Lambach theilweise. (128 - 129) 8. Linz. (130 - 131) 9. Mattighofen. (130 - 131) 10. Mauerkirchen. (132 - 133) 11. Obernberg. (134 - 135) 12. Peuerbach. (134 - 135) 13. Raab. (136 - 137) 14. Ried. (138 - 139) 15. Schärding. (140 - 141) 16. Schwanenstadt. (142 - 143) 17. Vöcklabruck theilweise. 18. Waitzenkirchen. (144 - 145) 19. Wels theilweise. (144 - 145) 20. Wildshut. (146 - 147) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes V. (148 - 149) [Tabelle]: Haupt-Uebersicht der fünf natürlichen Gebiete. (148 - 149) [Tabelle]: Vergleich der fünf natürlichen Gebiete mit der politischen Eintheilung nach Kreisen und Steueramtsbezirken. (150 - 151) A. Vergleich des Gebietes I mit dem Mühlkreise. B. Vergleich des Gebietes II mit dem Traunkreise. (150 - 151) C. Vergleich des Gebietes III mit dem Traunkreise. D. Vergleich des Gebietes IV mit dem Traunkreise. (152 - 153) E. Vergleich des Gebietes V mit dem Hausruckkreise und Innkreise. (154 - 155) Durchschnittliche Ausdehnung eines Besitzstandes innerhalb jeder Größen-Kategorie. ([157]) [Tabelle]: I. Gebiet: Bergland und Ebene an der Donau. (158 - 159) 1. Aigen. 2. Engelszell. (158 - 159) 3. Freistadt. (158 - 159) 4. Grein. (160 - 161) 5. Haslach. 6. Lembach. (162 - 163) 7. Leonfelden. (162 - 163) 8. Mauthausen. (164 - 165) 9. Neufelden. (164 - 165) 10. Ottensheim. (166 - 167) 11. Perg. (166 - 167) 12. Prägarten. (168 - 169) 13. Rohrbach. (168 - 169) 14. Urfahr. (170 - 171) 15. Weißenbach. (170 - 171) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes I. (172 - 173) [Tabelle]: II. Gebiet: Alpen. (174 - 175) 1. Ischl. 2. Gmunden theilweise. 3. Kirchdorf theilweise. (174 - 175) 4. Mondsee. (174 - 175) 5. Weyr theilweise. 6. Windischgarsten. (176 - 177) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes II. (176 - 177) [Tabelle]: III. Gebiet: Voralpen. (178 - 179) 1. Frankenmarkt theilweise. 2. Gmunden theilweise. (178 - 179) 3. Grünburg. (178 - 179) 4. Kirchdorf theilweise. (180 - 181) 5. Kremsmünster theilweise. (180 - 181) 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Vöcklabruck theilweise. (182 - 183) 8. Weyr theilweise. (182 - 183) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes III. (184 - 185) [Tabelle]: IV. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Enns. (186 - 187) 1. Enns. 2. Florian, St. (186 - 187) 3. Kremsmünster theilweise 4. Lambach theilweise. (188 - 189) 5. Neuhofen. (188 - 189) 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Wels theilweise. (190 - 191) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes IV. (192 - 193) [Tabelle]. V. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Inn. (194 - 195) 1. Braunau. 2. Efferding. (194 - 195) 3. Frankenmarkt theilweise. (196 - 197) 4. Gmunden theilweise. (196 - 197) 5. Grieskirchen. (198 - 199) 6. Haag. (198 - 199) 7. Lambach theilweise. (200 - 201) 8. Linz. (202 - 203) 9. Mattighofen. (202 - 203) 10. Mauerkirchen. (204 - 205) 11. Obernberg. (206 - 207) 12. Peuerbach. (206 - 207) 13. Raab. (208 - 209) 14. Ried. (210 - 211) 15. Schärding. (212 - 213) 16. Schwanenstadt. (214 - 215) 17. Vöcklabruck theilweise. 18. Waizenkirchen. (216 - 217) 19. Wels theilweise. (216 - 217) 20. Wildshut. (218 - 219) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes V. (220 - 221) [Tabelle]: Haupt-Uebersicht der fünf natürlichen Gebiete. (222 - 223) Durchschnittliche Ausdehnung der Hauptculuren eines Besitzstandes. ([225]) [Tabelle]: Im Gebiete I. (226) 1. Aigen. 2. Engelszell. (226) 3. Freistadt. (227) 4. Grein. (227) 5. Haslach. (228) 6. Lembach. (228) 7. Leonfelden. (229) 8. Mauthausen. (229) 9. Neufelden. (230) 10. Ottensheim. (230) 11. Perg. (231) 12. Prägarten. (231) 13. Rohrbach. (232) 14. Urfahr. (233) 15. Weißenbach. (233) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes I. (234) [Tabelle]: Gebiet II: Alpen. (235) 1. Ischl. 2. Gmunden theilweise. 3. Kirchdorf theilweise. (235) 4. Mondsee. 5. Weyr theilweise. 6. Windischgarsten. (236) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes II. (237) [Tabelle]: Gebiet III. Voralpen. (238) 1. Frankenmarkt theilweise. 2. Gmunden theilweise. (238) 3. Grünburg. (239) 4. Kirchdorf theilweise. (239) 5. Kremsmünster theilweise. 6. Steyr theilweise. (240) 7. Vöcklabruck theilweise. 8. Weyr theilweise. (241) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes III. (241) [Tabelle]: Gebiet IV. Zwischen Traun und Enns. (242) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes IV. (222 - 223) 1. Enns. (242) 2. St. Florian. (242) 3. Kremsmünster theilweise. 4. Lambach theilweise. (243) 5. Neuhofen. (244) 6. Steyr theilweise. (244) 7. Wels theilweise. (245) [Tabelle]: Gebiet V: Zwischen Traun und Inn. (246) 1. Braunau. (246) 2. Efferding. (246) 3. Frankenmarkt theilweise. (247) 4. Gmunden theilweise. (247) 5. Grieskirchen theilweise. (248) 6. Haag. (249) 7. Lambach theilweise. (249) 8. Linz. (250) 9. Mattighofen. (251) 10. Mauerkirchen. (251) 11. Obernberg. (252) 12. Peuerbach. (253) 13. Raab. (253) 14. Ried. (254) 15. Schärding. (256) 16. Schwanenstadt. (257) 17. Vöcklabruck. 18. Waizenkirchen. (258) 19. Wels theilweise. (259) 20. Wildshut. (259) Zusammenstellung des Gebietes V. (260) [Tabelle]: Haupt-Uebersicht der fünf natürlichen Gebiete. (261) Vertheilung der Culturflächen auf die relative landwirtschaftliche Bevölkerung. ([263]) [Tabelle]: I. Gebiet: Bergland und Ebene an der Donau. (264 - 265) 1. Aigen. 2. Engelszell. (264 - 265) 3. Freistadt. (264 - 265) 4. Grein. (266 - 267) 5. Haslach. 6. Lembach. (268 - 269) 7. Leonfelden. (268 - 269) 8. Mauthausen. (270 - 271) 9. Neufelden. (270 - 271) 10. Ottensheim. (272 - 273) 11. Perg. (272 - 273) 12. Prägarten. (274 - 275) 13. Rohrbach. (274 - 275) 14. Urfahr. (276 - 277) 15. Weißenbach. (276 - 277) Zusammenfassung des Gebietes I. (278 - 279) [Tabelle]: II. Gebiet: Alpen. (280 - 281) 1. Ischl. 2. Gmunden. 3. Kirchdorf. (280 - 281) 4. Mondsee. (280 - 281) 5. Weyr. 6. Windischgarsten. (282 - 283) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes II. (282 - 283) [Tabelle]: III. Gebiet: Voralpen. (284 - 285) 1. Frankenmarkt theilweise. 2. Gmunden theilweise. (284 - 285) 3. Grünberg. 4. Kirchdorf theilweise. (286 - 287) 5. Kremsmünster theilweise. 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Vöcklabruck theilweise. (288 - 289) 8. Weyr theilweise. (290 - 291) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes III. (290 - 291) [Tabelle]: IV. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Enns. (292 - 293) 1. Enns. 2. Florian, St. (292 - 293) 3. Kremsmünster theilweise. 4. Lambach theilweise. (294 - 295) 5. Neuhofen. (294 - 295) 6. Steyr theilweise. 7. Wels theilw. (296 - 297) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes IV. (298 - 299) [Tabelle]: V. Gebiet: Zwischen Traun und Inn. (300 - 301) 1. Braunau. 2. Efferding. (300 - 301) 3. Frankenmarkt theilweise. (302 - 303) 4. Gmunden theilweise. (302 - 303) 5. Grieskirchen. (304 - 305) 6. Haag. (304 - 305) 7. Lambach theilweise. (306 - 307) 8. Linz. (308 - 309) 9. Mattighofen. (308 - 309) 10. Mauerkirchen. (310 - 311) 11. Obernberg. (310 - 311) 12. Peuerbach. (312 - 313) 13. Raab. (314 - 315) 14. Ried. (314 - 315) 15. Schärding. (318 - 319) 16. Schwanenstadt. (320 - 321) 17. Vöcklabruck theilweise. (320 - 321) 18. Waizenkirchen. (322 - 323) 19. Wels theilweise. (322 - 323) 20. Wildshut. (324 - 325) Zusammenstellung des natürlichen Gebietes V. (326 - 327) [Tabelle]: Haupt-Uebersicht der fünf natürlichen Gebiete. (326 - 327) [Karte]: Das Erzherzogthum Oesterreich ob der Enns mit Bezug auf seine Eintheilung in 5 natürliche Gebiete. ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )
