Suchergebnisse

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AN INDIVIDUAL'S FEELINGS OF PERSONAL COMPETENCE OF EFFICACY & HIS SENSE OF POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT IS INVESTIGATED. MELVIN SEEMAN'S WORK (SEE SA 0312/C7224) ON POWERLESSNESS & POLITICAL INFORMATION &/OR INTEREST IS THE BASIS. 347 HIGH SCHOOL YOUTHS WERE INTERVIEWED. POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT WAS MEASURED ALONG 3 DIMENSIONS: (1) COGNITION (POLITICAL INFORMATION, KNOWLEDGE, & COMPREHENSION OF CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES), (2) AFFECT (ATTACHMENT TO GOVERNMENT, POLITICAL CYNICISM), & (3) ACTIVISM (WILLINGNESS TO PARTICIPATE POLITICALLY & MAKE DEMANDS ON GOVERNMENT AS WELL AS APPROVED FORMS OF PARTICIPATION). SENSE OF PERSONAL EFFICACY WAS MEASURED BY JULIAN ROTTER'S SCALE OF INTERNAL/EXTERNAL CONTROL ("EXTERNAL CONTROL AND INTERNAL CONTROL," PSYCHOLOGY TODAY, 1971, 5, JUN, 42). FOLLOWING SEEMAN'S LEAD, IT WAS PREDICTED THAT INTERNALS (THOSE HIGH IN SENSE OF PERSONAL CONTROL OR EFFICACY) WOULD SCORE HIGHER ON ALL 3 DIMENSIONS OF INVOLVEMENT & ON THE SENSE OF POLITICAL EFFICACY SCALE. THE HYPOTHESIS WAS CONFIRMED FOR COGNITION & AFFECT, BUT THE FINDINGS ON ACTIVISM WERE INCONSISTENT. WE MAY NEED TO RECONCEPTUALIZE CURRENTLY USED MEASURES OF POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT. 3 TABLES. MODIFIED AA.

From her youth, Mary Shelley immersed herself in the social contract tradition, particularly the educational and political theories of John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, as well as the radical philosophies of her parents, the feminist Mary Wollstonecraft and the anarchist William Godwin. Against this background, Shelley wrote Frankenstein; or, the Modern Prometheus, first published in 1818. In the two centuries since, her masterpiece has been celebrated as a Gothic classic and its symbolic resonance has driven the global success of its publication, translation, and adaptation in theater, film, art, and literature. However, in Mary Shelley and the Rights of the Child, Eileen Hunt Botting argues that Frankenstein is more than an original and paradigmatic work of science fiction—it is a profound reflection on a radical moral and political question: do children have rights? Botting contends that Frankenstein invites its readers to reason through the ethical consequences of a counterfactual premise: what if a man had used science to create a human life without a woman? Immediately after the Creature's "birth," his scientist-father abandons him and the unjust and tragic consequences that follow form the basis of Frankenstein's plot. Botting finds in the novel's narrative structure a series of interconnected thought experiments that reveal how Shelley viewed Frankenstein's Creature for what he really was—a stateless orphan abandoned by family, abused by society, and ignored by law. The novel, therefore, compels readers to consider whether children have the right to the fundamental means for their development as humans—namely, rights to food, clothing, shelter, care, love, education, and community.

Incumbents tend to gain solid electoral advantage in many voting systems. In this study, we examine the relationship between salaries prescribed to politicians and the incumbency advantage by exploiting a political wage reform and data from close elections in a proportional semi-open list system in the Czech Republic. We show that higher salaries reduce the average incumbency advantage, as they increase the probability to run again for previously non-elected candidates much more than for incumbents. Still, we find that higher wages improve candidate selection, especially by encouraging repeated candidacy from university-educated incumbents. Higher wages also improve relative positions of re-running incumbents on candidate lists compared to previously non-elected re-running candidates. Our results overall suggest that incumbency per se changes the relationship between political wages and candidate selection. ; Palguta gratefully acknowledges financial support from Comunidad de Madrid (Spain), grants 2017/T2-SOC-5363 and EPUC3M11 (V PRICIT). Pertold acknowledges financial support from the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (Czech Republic), grant SHARE-CZ+ (CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16_013/0001740).

This paper examined social-economic impacts of economic and political empowerment of women in Nigeria between 1990–2018. To achieve our main objective, we employed a trend analysis and ARDL technique with data sourced from the WDI (2019) and various issues of National Bureau of Statistics. We observed that the growth of women (between age 15 and 64) in labour force participation in Nigeria is trending downwardly during the period under consideration. While the proportion of female representation in the parliament has been on the increase since the advent of the fourth Republic in 1999. Finally, we unsurprisingly, discovered that despite the huge resources committed to advocacy for women's empowerment, the social costs in terms of the increased crime rate among youth and the level of insecurity in the country significantly overwhelmed the economic benefits in term of increased economic growth. Consequently, we inter alia recommended that the governments together with these advocacy groups should channel the same amount of resources devoted to campaigns for women empowerment into reversing the ugly trend of juvenile delinquency if the level of insecurity in Nigeria is to be curtailed. And, the proposed bill by the National Assembly and the 36 state Houses of Assemblies to increase the maternity leave from its current level of 3 months to 6 months should be fast-track and duly implemented across board in both public and private organizations.

According to the few available cursory biographical accounts of Edward Granville Browne (1862–1926), a prominent Cambridge Orientalist who was to become the leading British authority on Iran in the years immediately preceding WWI, his initial interest in Iran was a byproduct of the affection he developed for Ottoman Turkey in his youth. In his own words, "It was the Turkish war with Russia in 1877–8 that first attracted my attention to the East." Having developed an "admiration" for Turkey at the age of sixteen, in the process of learning Turkish Browne was to discover "that for further progress … some knowledge of Arabic and Persian was requisite." Thus began what was to become his lifelong fascination with the Persian language and Iran.

The severe political and economic repercussions of the "euro crisis" during the last decade have revealed the necessity for an improved understanding of both the determinants of sovereign debt crises and the political economy of structural reforms. This dissertation, which consists of three self-contained papers, contributes to these research areas. In the first paper, we investigate the interaction of fiscal federalism and sovereign default risk. Numerous countries with chronic external debt problems are characterized by inefficient federal fiscal structures. However, the impact of a country's federal design on sovereign default risk has barely been studied in previous work. This paper aims to address this gap. We develop a stylized model of a federation in which regions borrow individually from international lenders while the central government decides whether to default on aggregate sovereign debt. We show that decentralized borrowing leads to higher debt levels, at higher bond yields, an increased default probability and lower welfare compared to a benchmark scenario of centralized borrowing. Moreover, differing regional default costs further increase aggregate welfare losses through distorted regional borrowing incentives. Case studies of Argentina and the euro area illustrate the channels described in the model. The second paper analyzes how domestic distributional incentives influence sovereign default on debt held by foreign creditors. In a simple political economy model, we show that external default can serve as a redistributive policy similar to distortionary income taxation. The channel we derive builds on recent evidence which suggests that the output costs of default are mainly incurred by high-income households, whereas relatively poor ones benefit due to smaller public spending cuts. Although the potentially important role of income heterogeneity among domestic agents has attracted comparatively little attention in previous work, historical evidence is in line with our argument. In the third paper (with Johannes Brumm), we argue that an important determinant of voters' support for economic reform is the strength of family ties. While the "crisis hypothesis" predicts that crises facilitate reform, we show in a political economy model that this relation can break down, and even reverse, when agents take into account the effect of reform on their family members. Applied to southern European countries with strong family ties, the model rationalizes why the extremely high (youth) unemployment following the Great Recession has not led to more substantial labor market reforms. In such countries austerity might block rather than foster additional structural reforms.

This empirical study shows age makes a difference in how people evaluate Hong Kong's legal and political institutions amid the former British colony's chronic democratic deficit and rising political discontent since its return to Chinese rule in 1997. Using data from a 2015 survey of 3525 local residents conducted 6 months after the end of the 'Umbrella Movement' – a pro-democracy protest lasting 79 days, it reveals a glaring gap between older and younger people in their evaluations of Hong Kong's electoral system and human rights, and more importantly, the latter's rising localist sentiment. If perceived illegitimacy of a regime discourages legal compliance, these findings do not bode well for Hong Kong's long-term governance. The largely youth-led protests that erupted in the summer of 2019 against a now-withdrawn bill that would have allowed extradition to Mainland China, which plunged the city into its worst political crisis since 1997, are ominous signs.

Als eine der bedeutendsten Initiativen der FDJ hat sich die Jugendbrigadebewegung in der landwirtschaftlichen Produktion bewährt. Zunächst werden einige Merkmale und besondere Bedingungen von Jugendbrigaden in der Landwirtschaft beschrieben. Die agrarpolitischen Einstellungen und Einschätzungen der landwirtschaftlichen Intensivierungsfaktoren der Jugendlichen werden skizziert. Arbeit und Beruf der Jugendlichen werden in Abhängigkeit von der Zugehörigkeit und Einstellung zur Jugendbrigade betrachtet. Die Initiativen der FDJ in der sozialistischen Landwirtschaft als Beitrag zur Genossenschaftsbewegung werden skizziert. Als Ergebnis der Untersuchung zeigt sich, daß die Einstellungen zur Jugendbrigade eng mit agrarpolitischen, beruflichen und sozialen Positionen zusammenhängen. Dieser Einfluß ist bis hin zu konkreten Formen der Aktivität nachweisbar. (ICA)

The study shows that the World Festival of youth and students, one of the most important sporting, cultural and above all ideological events in the 1950s, represented a real heterotopia of the communist world, a contradictory, paradoxical space, a discontinuity that interrupted, at the time of the event, the apparent normality of the ideological order. The Festival represented a small space of globalization, promoting dialogue and real exchanges between the politically regimented youth of the East, the youth of the West, living the beginning of the long sixties, and the young people arriving from the third world, who experienced the decolonization process. The international exhibition of visual arts opened as part of the Festival, that too, should have illustrated the ideological unity of the Communist world, revealed the cultural diversification which manifested after 1953 in the Eastern bloc. The article offers information on the participation of Romanian artists at the Festival, on the topics preferred by the Romanian institutions and on the relationship between youth, the creativity of the artists, and ideological issues.

The paper acquaints the reader with the Russian and foreign authors' researches concerning the position and role of the youth in the political structure. Each scientific theory introduces the methods of collecting information, addressing different aspects of the problem field, but the most perspective for the politological study are the concept of risk, the concept of cultural normalization of the youth and juventological researches. ; Статья знакомит читателя с исследованиями российских и зарубежных авторов относительно положения и роли молодёжи в общественно-политической структуре. Каждая научная теория привносит свои методы сбора информации, раскрывая различные стороны проблемного поля, но наиболее перспективными для политологического измерения представляются рискологическая концепция, концепция культурной нормализации молодежи и ювентологические исследования

This book features pathways to children and young people's collective participation in changing child protection policies and services in multiple countries. It showcases concrete examples of participatory research and practices promoting children and young people's participation in child protection. It highlights the change actions and voices of empowered and marginalized children and youth in various international contexts.

Chapter One: Colonialism in Africa: An Introductory Review -- Chapter Two: Industrial Processes and Labour Movement in Colonial West Africa 1885-1960 -- Chapter Three: Industrial Revolution and International Conflicts: A Reassessment -- Chapter Four: An assessment of the export-import trade in colonial West Africa -- Chapter Five: C.E.A.O And The Thrust Of Economic Cooperation Since 1968 -- Chapter Six: Igbo Community in the Old Sokoto Province during the Colonial era, 1903 to 1960 -- Chapter Seven: Poverty in Africa and Attainment of the Millennium Development Goals -- Chapter Eight: Nigeria Relations With Her Neighbours In Geopolitical Environment: The Concentric Circle Approach -- Chapter Nine: Steel Industrialisation and Ajaokuta Imbroglio in Nigeria: Exploring Need Analysis from South Korea Steel Industry -- Chapter Ten: The Colonial Nigeria's Impact in the Allied Bloc's Victories During the World War II -- Chapter Eleven: The Water Diplomacy Conundrums in the Grand Ethiopia Renaissance Dam (GERD) Dispute, 2015 to 2021 -- Chapter Twelve: Igbo Communal Idea: A Panacea to the Challenge of Forced International Migration in the 21st Century -- Chapter Thirteen: Economic Dimensions of Xenophobia in South Africa, 1994 – 2018 -- Chapter Fourteen: Natural Resources and Nigeria-Cameroon Bakassi Peninsula Border Conflict -- Chapter Fifteen: Labour Migration in Africa: A Political-Economy -- Chapter Sixteen: Sports, Youth and Diplomacy: The Social-economy and Driver of Societal Development in Africa -- Chapter Seventeen: Examining the Dynamics of China-Africa relations -- Chapter Eighteen: Changing Dynamics of African Diplomacy: Concluding Thoughts from pre-colonial era to Contemporary Times.

International audience ; Inaugurating new perspectives on the time known as «kanak awakening» (Chappel 2013), this paper is aimed at focusing on the evolution of the kaneka, a musical, artistic and intellectual movement born in the 1980s, during the struggle for recognition of the kanak identity. The article, sourcing from a major research work still in progress, retraces the context in which the kaneka took place, shedding light on its protagonists and the different relationships established, drawing upon the original work of the «équipe du patrimoine»: a group composed by young local fieldworkers, kanak activists, ethnomusicologists, ethnographers, all brought together by the independentist political agenda. It is indeed from an attentive analysis of this historical period that it's possible to discern one of the specificities of the Kanak culture management: a complex "knowledge circulation apparatus" aimed at re-animating the political consciousness through the transmission of local knowledge. As the paper seeks to highlight, kanak cultural policies were in fact the result of a dialogue between an "exceptional" generation returning from the "metropole" and the experience and creativity of young people actively engaged on the field. It is indeed in this moment of exchange and shared experience that the famous Canala meeting gave rise, in 1986, to kaneka. ; Partendo da un lavoro di ricerca ancora in corso, l'articolo tenta di rileggere il periodo del «risveglio kanak» (Chappel 2013) a partire dall'evoluzione del kaneka: un movimento musicale, artistico e intellettuale nato negli anni Ottanta, durante la lotta per il riconoscimento dell'identità kanak. Si ricostruisce il contesto nel quale esso ha preso forma, facendone emergere i protagonisti e le diverse relazioni messe in campo a partire dall'originale lavoro dell'« équipe du patrimoine »: une gruppo composto da giovani fieldworkers locali, attivisti kanak, etnomusicologi ed etnografi, e gestito direttamente dai quadri politici indipendentisti. Dall'analisi ...

Abstract
This article analyses how the political-institutional, spatial, social and symbolic dimensions of their living space influence teenagers' leisure experiences, both separately and in conjunction with one another. We look in particular at how leisure policies for youth in France, as implemented by urban and rural municipalities, influence adolescents' experience by defining opportunities, and how territorial inequalities combine with social inequalities. In this perspective, the article reports the results of research based on quantitative and qualitative surveys on leisure activities of teenagers living in diverse geographical and political territories, differentiated in terms of their leisure offer and its geographical accessibility. It appears that territorial inequalities in leisure and transport can be accentuated or compensated for by socio-familial resources and the representations that adolescents and their parents have of their living space.