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The Atlas of Urban AI, conceived as the flagship project of the Global Observatory of Urban Artificial Intelligence (GOUAI), has established itself as the largest and most comprehensive openly accessible repository of ethical urban artificial intelligence initiatives worldwide. Building on the research conducted, this report analyses the cases included in the Atlas and provides a comprehensive view of best practices and trends characterising the global evolution of urban AI. 1. Introduction Artificial intelligence (AI) stands as one of the most transformative forces of our era, carrying the promise to reshape our societies. Unsurprisingly, this phenomenon has captured the attention of governments worldwide, and local governments are no exception. A recent survey reveals a strong interest among mayors in exploring the use of AI tools to enhance public service delivery and address critical urban challenges such as traffic congestion, infrastructure upgrades, public safety and climate change mitigation. This keen interest is not merely theoretical: nearly 70% of the surveyed mayors reported testing this technology, albeit with only a minority actively deploying it. Therefore, the tangible impact of AI on urban areas is indisputably significant. However, the enthusiasm surrounding the adoption of "urban AI" is tempered by an equal level of caution in embracing algorithmic tools. This caution stems from the potential impact of AI systems on rights, as well as the significant social risks and environmental costs associated with the increasing reliance of our societies and governments on AI systems. Furthermore, urban AI applications operate within specific policy contexts, thus wielding distinct political influence. Cities are political arenas where local governments have the authority to make decisions that impact millions of lives. It is no coincidence that the EU AI Act categorises certain common uses of AI systems in urban environments as either high-risk or limited-risk, making it imperative to scrutinise the interconnections between algorithmic systems and their ethical and political implications. In essence, there is an urgent requirement for cities to acquire knowledge on the ethical deployment of AI. And this is precisely the mission that the Atlas of Urban AI aims to accomplish. Conceived as the flagship project of the Global Observatory of Urban Artificial Intelligence (GOUAI), the Atlas offers a curated collection of over 200 initiatives from 70 cities around the globe, establishing itself as the most comprehensive openly accessible repository of urban artificial intelligence worldwide. Building on the research conducted, this report seeks to analyse the cases included in the Atlas to provide an overall view of best practices and trends characterising the global evolution of urban AI. Specifically, the report addresses the following questions: In which regions do local governments exhibit greater engagement in deploying AI systems with an ethical focus? What ethical principles do cities most frequently apply, and why? How are these principles operationalised and which ones tend to be overlooked? At what stage of implementation are municipalities in their deployment of AI technology? Are most projects already operational or is the emphasis still primarily on discussing pilot projects? What characterises the urban AI ecosystem for local governments, and who are their main partners? Is urban AI exclusive to larger cities? The report is structured into four sections. The first section provides methodological insights into the research process behind the curation of the Atlas, including information on the criteria used to select the cases featured in it. The second section is more theoretical and aims to clarify the concept of "urban artificial intelligence". It also reflects on the relationship between urban settings and artificial intelligence technologies and highlights distinguishing features that differentiate urban AI from other types of algorithmic systems. The third section presents key trends in urban artificial intelligence from the analysis of the Atlas. Finally, the fourth section explores the local regulation of AI and identifies policy initiatives undertaken by cities globally to ensure the ethical deployment of algorithmic systems. 2. Methodological noteGOUAI's Atlas of Urban AI was built on extensive desk research, involving the systematic gathering of data from various publicly accessible sources. These include official city reports, government websites, urban development agencies, technology company reports, smart city newspapers and other related online platforms. To a lesser extent, interviews and surveys with city officials and other relevant stakeholders were also conducted. The research, initiated in 2021, is still in progress and remains open to receiving additional cases via an online survey.Projects included in the database were required to meet four specific criteria, namely: (1) an explicit alignment with GOUAI's ethical principles;1 (2) direct or indirect involvement and/or support of the city government; (3) a clear focus on urban AI (i.e. with identifiable applications in an urban context); and (4) a documented record of planning, implementation or active development.Although this report and the extensive research supporting the Atlas strive to be thorough, the authors recognise possible omissions in their efforts to capture every case in the Atlas. This is due to significant limitations encountered during the data collection process. The main challenge stemmed from the heavy reliance on public sources, given that many cities do not actively promote their urban AI projects or provide easily accessible project information. This lack of promotion and transparency constitutes a key barrier to obtaining comprehensive and current data. Moreover, even when cities do disclose information about their projects, the ethical implications and considerations are often unclear or insufficiently documented. This ambiguity makes it difficult to assess certain projects' alignment with GOUAI's ethical principles, resulting in the exclusion of some potential best practices.By the same token, the overall data collection from primary sources was hindered by a low and sporadic response rate from city officials. Their limited availability and capacity to respond to data inquiries was a barrier to qualitative data collection. Even when city officials were willing to share information, they frequently encountered difficulties related to internal communication. This issue reflects the complexity of coordinating and disseminating information within city administrations. 3. The concept of "urban artificial intelligence"Artificial intelligence is inherently connected with urban life. For one thing, urban spaces serve as tangible and prominent settings where AI is visibly present. Cities also function as testing grounds for new AI forms and are where some of its social and environmental impacts, in terms of both opportunities and risks, are most felt (Galceran-Vercher and Rodríguez Pérez, 2024). Furthermore, the functioning and development of AI require a variety of resources, many of which are closely tied to urban settings. In essence, cities can be described as microcosms through which AI observes and comprehends the wider world. More specifically, cities provide four crucial types of resources (Cugurullo et al., 2023b):Urban spaces: AI requires physical environments to act upon, and these are frequently urban. Examples include roads, buildings, parks, streets, etc.Access to activities: Urban settlements encapsulate a growing proportion and diversity of activities worldwide. Consequently, if an AI application is to partake in social interactions, participate in economic transactions, play a role in political processes or contribute to global environmental changes, it must interact with urban systems.Data for machine learning: Most AI systems presently enhance their intelligence through machine learning processes, which entail extensive data usage. Urban areas, characterised by dense populations, serve as significant hubs for diverse human activities, making them crucial producers of data. However, the importance of cities lies not only in the sheer volume of data they generate but also in the quality of the data. Urban spaces produce real-time data, which is highly detailed and particularly beneficial for machine learning applications.Infrastructures and facilities: Cities also offer other key facilities such as electrical grids, server farms, etc. The concept of "urban artificial intelligence" seeks to underscore the relationship between algorithmic systems and urban contexts, encompassing the built environment, infrastructures, places, people and their social practices (Luusua et al., 2023). This can be defined as any system that employs data derived from the urban environment and processed through algorithms, yielding practical applications in the socio-spatial dynamics of the city (Popelka et al., 2023, p. 14). Broadly speaking, the urban incarnation of AI systems has taken four distinct forms (Cugurullo et al., 2023a): autonomous vehicles, urban robots, city brains and urban software agents.Some important features distinguish urban artificial intelligence from other forms of artificial intelligence (Popelka et al., 2023). Firstly, the intricacy of the city: numerous interconnected sectors contribute to the functioning of urban areas. The Atlas of Urban AI categorises AI initiatives into seven such sectors: social services, governance and urban services, environment and resources, mobility, infrastructures and urban planning, economy and business, security and resilience. Similarly, many stakeholders partake in urban life: from the private sector to civil society organisations or grassroots communities. The second feature is the fact that urban AI operates within a specific policy context. Cities are political arenas where local governments possess the authority to make decisions that impact the lives of millions. Consequently, urban artificial intelligence applications wield a distinct political influence. Moreover, it is precisely the recognition of this political dimension that has led to the Atlasprioritising the compiling of cases where local governments are directly or indirectly involved, at least in the first stage of the research. The final feature of urban AI is its hybrid nature: urban AI cannot exist solely in the digital realm. Conversely, it necessitates the materiality and infrastructural components of physical urban systems. As argued, the added value and distinctive nature of GOUAI's Atlas of Urban AI lies in its emphasis on use cases with ethical considerations. This is important because the widespread deployment of AI systems in urban areas, connected to their impact on our everyday urban experiences and the process of city-making, is giving rise to numerous ethical concerns. Consequently, there is a growing need to examine the interconnections among artificial intelligence, the physicality of urban spaces, individual lives and the ethical and political aspects inherent to urban AI. In this respect, it is noteworthy that certain common uses of AI systems in urban environments have been categorised by the EU AI Act as either high-risk or limited-risk (Table 1). This implies that certain safeguards such as testing, documentation, transparency or notification duties must be implemented to mitigate potential harmful effects.4. Trends overviewa. Europe and North America: strongholds of ethical AI?Some 80% of the initiatives documented in the Atlas of Urban AI are located in North America and Europe, followed by 10% in Asia; 8% in Latin America and the Caribbean; and 1% in the MENA region. This uneven distribution (Figure 1) raises the question: is urban AI predominantly associated with the Global North? Indeed, a large part of the technology is developed by industries in this region, facilitating easier access for municipalities and positioning them as innovation hubs for its use. Furthermore, cities in Europe and North America typically possess more extensive resources, both technical and financial. They also have greater levels of political and fiscal autonomy to initiate, develop or regulate technological projects. These competences often fall under national responsibility in other regions of the world. As a matter of fact, many cities worldwide serve merely as a testbed for innovations pushed forward by the private sector, supranational organisations and other tiers of government. In such cases, the local government may not necessarily play an active role as a partner in these advancements.Nevertheless, misrepresentation is also exacerbated by other limitations (partly addressed in the methodological section of this report). Firstly, there are disparities in communication strategies, with European and American cities often employing more robust and outward-looking communication approaches. This visibility makes their projects more accessible to the general public compared to many of their counterparts. Secondly, geographical proximity plays a key role. This Atlas is a product of GOUAI, a joint project between CIDOB's Global Cities Programme and the cities of Barcelona, Amsterdam and London, in the framework of the Cities Coalition for Digital Rights. Hence, communication channels are more easily established with cities already connected through these networks. However, geographical proximity also introduces other types of limitations such as language barriers and cultural disparities, as perspectives on ethical AI differ across regions. These realities hinder efforts to collect detailed information about urban AI initiatives in other parts of the world, impacting the comprehensiveness of the database and influencing the assessment of ethical AI practices worldwide. This underscores the importance of adopting a more inclusive and globally representative approach to data collection and ethical assessment in future research. b. Top sectors for AI deployment: governance and urban servicesAs shown in Figure 2, an overwhelming majority of local governments use AI tools to improve governance and urban services. One illustrative example is the growing trend among cities worldwide to introduce city chatbots to assist residents and provide services (e.g. Dubai.AI). Moreover, several cities are increasingly leveraging AI tools to upgrade internal municipal management processes (e.g. The Hague), collect data to regulate public space (e.g. Taoyuan), manage and analyse urban data (e.g. Los Angeles), improve efficiency in urban services (e.g. Melbourne) or enhance law enforcement efforts (e.g. Seoul). Accounting for 66% of the total initiatives featured in the Atlas, the governance and urban services sector is the predominant category in urban AI, followed by mobility (24%), social services (22%) and environment and resources (22%).Meanwhile, the least represented sectors in the Atlas are infrastructures and urban planning (10%), security and resilience (9%), and economy and business (4%). In fact, only seven of the initiatives included in the Atlas are economy-oriented, featuring projects such as using AI to map commercial opportunities (e.g. Buenos Aires) or improve logistics for local industries (e.g. Rotterdam). These low figures may suggest a lack of interest on the part of municipalities in applying AI for productive purposes or economic gain, contrasting with the extensive use of AI for economic advancement globally. Conversely, security and resilience are high priorities for municipalities yet are underrepresented in the Atlas due to ethical considerations. For instance, the Atlas deliberately excludes controversial uses of facial recognition technologies, which are extensively employed by many cities worldwide. Instead, it includes responsible examples within this sector, ranging from the creation of biometric privacy laws targeted at businesses (e.g. New York), to the use of AI for early detection of fires (e.g. Hong Kong) or mapping perceived security (e.g. Stockholm). c. Transparency and privacy protection: the golden ethical principles Ethical principles that municipalities apply in urban AI implementation and development vary in their prevalence. Particularly noteworthy is the widespread adoption of the "transparency and openness" principle, observed in 67% of the initiatives included in the Atlas (see Figure 3). One plausible explanation for this prevalence is its perceived ease of application. This is mainly achieved by informing the public about the use of AI (i.e. when, how and with what purpose an AI system is being employed). This information is disseminated through open communication channels and platforms, including AI registers and inventories such as the ones established by the cities of Amsterdam, Nantes, Helsinki or San José. To a lesser extent, this principle can also be accomplished by using open-source and open data-initiatives whenever possible."Privacy protection", identified in 50% of initiatives, stands as the second most upheld principle. Mainly accomplished through the anonymisation of data and, more recently, through the generation of synthetic data. Examples of this can be found broadly, from the anonymisation of licence plates and biometric information when employing image recognition tools (e.g. Greater Manchester's Behaviour Analytics or Melbourne's Smart Traffic Solution), to the use of lidar and radar technology to avoid capturing personal identifiable information in the first place (e.g. Amsterdam's Roboat), or the creation of synthetic data frameworks (e.g. Dubai's Synthetic Data Framework). In this context, the EU General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) undoubtedly played a pivotal role in paving the way to an extensive culture of privacy-by-design.Conversely, the principles of "fairness and non-discrimination" (42%) and "safety and cybersecurity" (40%), along with "accountability" (33%), are applied unevenly, and are present in roughly 40% of initiatives. Common practices employed to observe these principles include conducting external audits, adopting a human-in-the-loop approach, and utilising technology to support decision-making rather than fully automating decisions. However, it should be noted that although external audits are a desirable measure to respect all three principles, private providers of AI systems are generally reluctant to disclose information on copyright protection grounds, resulting in the use of black-box technologies2 and the erosion of these principles.When cross-referencing sectors and principles, we find there is indeed variability in the adoption of different ethical principles across sectors (see Figure 5). While transparency stands out as the most prevalent principle across all sectors, its significance is particularly pronounced in urban AI associated with the provision of social services. Considering that AI systems in this field are at times utilised to allocate social provisions, thus impacting the lives of the most vulnerable, it is imperative to establish safeguards to comprehend and, if necessary, challenge the decisions made. The principles of fairness and non-discrimination and accountability also carry considerable weight in social services for similar reasons.A second observation is that some sectors need greater integration of various ethical principles more than others. Notably, initiatives related to mobility seem to incorporate fewer ethical provisions, primarily focusing on transparency and privacy protection considerations when included. A striking final observation is the insufficient attention given to the principle of sustainability in initiatives striving to enhance environmental conditions and resource allocation. This aspect will be further explored in the next section.d. Sustainability: the elephant in the roomAs argued, "sustainability" is by far the least commonly upheld principle, with only 6% of initiatives incorporating it. Instances where it is present mainly involve being named in strategies rather than being applied in projects themselves. The challenge lies in reconciling the dark side of AI – addressing the environmental and social impacts the use of this technology entails – with its use for achieving sustainable purposes. In essence, the sustainability of AI clashes with the use of AI for sustainability. From an environmental perspective, AI is energy- and resource- intensive by nature, generates considerable amounts of electronic waste and depends on the generally unsustainable extraction of rare metals and rare earths, incurring not only environmental, but also social and geopolitical costs. Strategies to achieve a greener AI include using sustainable energy to fuel green data centres and reuse their excess heat, training algorithms with minimal and small datasets rather than large ones, and considering ethical sourcing of materials.Regarding social sustainability, AI and algorithmic systems at large have been unequivocally found to reproduce and reinforce existing societal biases. To effectively address this, cities need to embrace a digital rights perspective that ensures the respect of basic ethical principles. In this regard, initiatives such as the Cities Coalition for Digital Rights are key spaces for cities to implement operational frameworks to advance human rights in digital environments. On the other hand, the process of training AI itself also poses ethical concerns, as much of this "automated" training is in fact performed on many occasions by underpaid workers in dubious conditions in the Global South. e. Exponential growth of urban AI: a technology here to stayIn terms of the timeframe, 64% of the cases compiled in the Atlas were initiated between 2017 and 2023, indicating a notable surge in the adoption of algorithmic systems by municipalities over the past five years (see Figure 6). Furthermore, 2021 was a turning point in the formulation of local strategies and policies to govern AI, aligning with a global trend of accelerated efforts to regulate AI.Regarding the maturity level of these initiatives (Figure 7), 66% are now fully implemented, while the rest are in the implementation or planning phase (17% in each case).3 Consequently, we can infer that many cities worldwide have moved beyond the pilot stage of this technology and are now actively employing it in a vast array of sectors in the execution of their day-to-day responsibilities. This growth is bound to increase exponentially in the years to come, sustained by the steady increase in global investments in AI development and the ever-growing popular interest in this technology.f. Urban AI: a collective multistakeholder endeavour The majority of initiatives featured in the Atlasare the result of various forms of public-private partnerships, involving collaborations between cities, companies, knowledge institutions, and various international and supranational organisations, including the European Union and the United Nations. Moreover, there is a growing trend in city-to-city collaboration, often facilitated by international city networks like Eurocities. In this context, it is crucial to emphasise that most cities worldwide lack the financial resources and the technical capacity to develop their own AI solutions and projects, leading them to acquire this technology primarily through procurement channels.This situation underscores the critical importance of alliances and collaborations, which have played a key role in encouraging cities of various sizes to adopt AI. Despite concerns about AI potentially perpetuating geographical inequalities seen in previous high-tech industries concentrated in leading tech hubs and "superstar" cities, our Atlas reveals that the AI revolution is not exclusive to large cities. Rather the opposite: 66% of the cities identified in our Atlas are small to medium-sized, encompassing populations ranging from 250,000 up to 1 million residents.5. From AI adoption to AI governance: How are cities regulating AI?The analysis of the types of urban AI initiatives included in the Atlas reveals that while many cities are actively innovating on AI use cases, few have put in place specific policies or comprehensive strategies to govern such adoption and ensure alignment with fundamental ethical principles. To quantify this, a significant 82% of the cases featured in the Atlas are specific AI-enabled urban services or solutions, with considerably lower percentages for policies (12%) and strategies (6%), as illustrated in Figure 8. To put it another way, a mere 11% of the cities documented in the Atlas have established specific AI strategies or action plans. Noteworthy examples among this select group of pioneering cities, include New York City's AI Strategy (2021) and Action Plan (2023); Barcelona's Municipal Strategy for promoting an ethical AI (2021); Agenda AI: Amsterdam Intelligence Agenda (2021); Buenos Aires' AI Plan (2021); or Vienna's Artificial Intelligence Strategy (2019).On the other hand, only 21% of them have put in place local policies and regulations designed to oversee AI in different ways. Instances of these policies encompass the introduction of procurement clauses, enactment of legislation to advocate for algorithmic transparency, creation of public algorithmic inventories and registries, establishment of councils or advisory commissions, and the formulation of guidelines. The table below provides a more extensive compilation of these policies and regulations, incorporating specific examples taken from GOUAI's Atlas.These findings indicate that there is at present an acute mismatch between the widespread adoption of algorithmic tools and the establishment of effective AI governance. This disparity is also evident in other spheres of technological governance worldwide. Arguably, the prevalent use of algorithmic tools without proper governance frameworks in place may indicate a general tendency towards a pragmatic and solution-oriented approach that municipalities (and other actors) have been embracing. In this sense, the primary focus has until recently fallen on addressing immediate urban challenges by leveraging available technologies, including AI. In contrast, the governance of AI, characterised by a deliberate intent to comprehensively regulate the technology to minimise associated risks, has lagged behind. However, the recent popularisation of tools such as ChatGPT, Dall-e and others, has catapulted ethical concerns into the public discourse, prompting most governments and international actors to embark on a global race to regulate algorithms and AI. In light of this, local governments cannot afford to be excluded from this race. Therefore, we can only anticipate an increasing number of cities worldwide advocating for policies and regulations to govern AI. The main challenge ahead for the Global Observatory of Urban AI will be to take stock of all these efforts.ReferencesCugurullo, F., et al., (2023a) "The rise of AI urbanism in post-smart cities: A critical commentary on urban artificial intelligence". Urban Studies, Nov. 2023Cugurullo, F., et al. (2023b) Artificial Intelligence and the city. Urbanistic perspectives on AI. London: RoutledgeGalceran-Vercher, M. and Rodríguez-Perez, A. (2024) "The dark side of urban Artificial Intelligence: addressing the environmental and social impact of algorithms". CIDOB Briefings, 55 Luusua, A., et al. (2023) "Understanding the emerging role of artificial intelligence in smart cities", AI Soc., 38(3), pp. 1039-1044. Popelka, S. et al. (2023) Urban AI Guide 2023. Urban AINotes:1- Fairness and non-discrimination; transparency and openness; safety and cybersecurity; privacy protection; sustainability; and accountability2- AI black boxes refer to AI systems with internal workings that are invisible to the user. You can feed them input and get output, but you cannot examine the logic that produced the output.3- Some 28% of the initiatives lack available information regarding their maturity status and the year of initiation.
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The blue economy can be a driver of sustainable economic development, but it is both subject and a contributor to climate change and environmental degradation.Ocean health starts with freshwater health, but freshwater and ocean policies are disconnected, and water security is a blind spot in blue economy strategies.Subnational governments are competent in policy areas that can improve water quality, such as water and sanitation, waste management and land use; and their investment responsibilities in grey and green infrastructure can foster resilience to growing water risks.1. Understanding the blue economyThere is no single definition of blue, ocean or marine economy, which are often used. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) defines the ocean economy as "the sum of the economic activities of ocean-based industries, together with the assets, goods and services provided by marine ecosystems" (OECD, 2016), and divides ocean-based into "established" and "emerging" sectors. The classification of sectors differs from one framework to another: the EC and UN-World Bank propose a synthesised classification of 14 and 15 sectors respectively, while the OECD has a more detailed classification of 21 sectors (see table 1).Considering only established sectors, the OECD conservatively valued the ocean economy at USD 1.5 trillion annually in 2010, accounting for around 2.5% of global GDP and 30 million direct job. In a business-as-usual scenario, in 2030, these sectors are anticipated to employ over 40 million people and to grow to more than USD 3 trillion, maintaining its share of 2.5% of total global GVA (Gross Value Added). Across almost all sectors, employment would grow faster than average for the world economy.Economic growth and employment in many countries, regions and cities hinge upon water and ocean-based economic activities. For instance, Cambodia's blue economy has been valued at USD 2.4 billion in 2015, accounting for around 16% of the country's GDP and 2.4 million jobs (World Bank, 2023). In the state of California (United States), 1 in 9 jobs connects to port-related activity; in the state of Louisiana, the inland Port of South Louisiana ranks first in the country in terms of dry bulk cargo handled. In Barcelona (Spain), 15 000 people are employed in the blue economy, while in the region of Andalusia,the ocean economy accounts for around 10% of workers and 10.5% of GDP. However, given the range of differing definitions of the blue economy or ocean economy across countries, regions and cities, these estimates are challenging to compare – even within the same jurisdiction. For instance, the blue economy strategy of the city of Barcelona (Spain) highlights that estimates of the value of the blue economy are not comparable between the city, the region and the central government, as all three levels of government have different definitions of its scope. The blue economy also includes the ecosystem services or non-market benefits provided by freshwater, coastal and marine ecosystems (e.g. natural river systems, wetlands, mangroves and coral reefs), such as carbon storage, flood protection, food provision and cultural values. Globally, ecosystem services are worth 1.5 times total GDP (OECD, 2021). In the European Union, an average EUR 400 billion of ecosystem services are generated on a 10km coastal zone (European Commission, 2023). Coral ecosystems alone contribute an estimated USD 172 billion per year to the world economy with benefits such as food and raw materials, water purification, recreation and biodiversity (OECD, 2022). Mangroves across several Indonesian regions provide valuable ecosystem services (e.g., coastal protection, climate regulation, raw materials provision) that contribute to human wellbeing, providing on average USD 15 000 and 50 000 per hectare per year in benefits in Java and Bali respectively (WWF, 2022). Investing in natural assets such as mangroves and coral reefs can be beneficial for tourism as well as flood protection, carbon capture and biodiversity. For instance, investing USD 1 in mangrove conservation and restoration can generate a financial, environmental and health benefit of USD 3-17 over a 30-year period (Ocean Panel, 2020).The blue economy holds some of the keys to unlocking the energy transition. Water-based renewable energy (e.g. offshore wind power, floating solar panels or tidal energy) can power the clean energy transition; aquaculture solutions (e.g. oyster reefs) can mitigate coastal flood risks; and blue bioeconomy and biotechnology (e.g. seaweed farming) can capture carbon and nutrient pollution. The number of global ocean renewable energy inventions grew 7% annually on average between 2000 and 2019 (OECD, 2023). Offshore wind provided just 0.3% of global electricity supply in 2018, but it has the potential to generate more than 420 000 terawatt-hours per year worldwide, which represents 18 times current global electricity demand (OECD, 2022).However, the blue economy can be an important source of carbon emissions, pollution and other environmental stressors. Maritime transport alone accounted for almost 3% of global CO2 emissions in 2018, and pollution from shipping (e.g. noise, untreated sewage and oil spills) affects both freshwater and marine habitats and biodiversity. Moreover, ghost fishing gear contributes to around 10% of plastic pollution in the ocean (Greenpeace, 2019), and resource-intensive activities such as tourism and coastal development can be large water abstractors and waste generators. For example, coastal tourism in Greece leads to a 26% increase in plastic waste influx, contributing to the 11 500 tonnes of plastic leaking into the Mediterranean every year, 28% of which stems from sea-based sources such as ghost fishing equipment (WWF, 2019). An international review of water use in tourism suggested that direct water use in tourism varied between 80 to 2000 litres per tourist per day, depending on the geographic location and the type of hotel (Gössling et al., 2012), significantly above the average consumption of 124 litres per day in Europe (EurEau, 2021).Several blue economy strategies consider the importance of "greening" the blue economy (e.g. through decarbonisation or pollution mitigation) and preserving ocean and coastal ecosystems. For instance, Portugal's National Ocean Strategy (2021-20230) has 9 strategic goals including decarbonisation, supporting the country's efforts to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050 while improving the health of marine and coastal ecosystems. At subnational level, the state of Washington's (US) Maritime Blue Strategy (2022) aims to accelerate the decarbonisation of its maritime industry through technological innovations, infrastructure, and incentives to facilitate local, coastal, and international maritime operations (e.g. modernisation of state and regional ferries and shore-side infrastructure with cleaner low-carbon fuels). Similarly, the Port of Vigo's (Spain) Blue Growth Plan (2021-2027) has set a target to become a carbon sink by 2030 by increasing renewable energy use in port operations and business activities, using cleaner alternative fuels such as hydrogen on ships, and fostering seabed regeneration and CO2 sequestration through artificial reefs, for instance.Recognising the potential of the blue economy for sustainable economic development and the need to protect coastal and marine ecosystems, a growing number of international declarations and frameworks aim to boost its contribution to sustainable development agendas. Against the backdrop of the Paris Agreement on climate, the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals (2015) and the UN Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development (2021-2030), the blue economy discussion has seen:• Statements of intent making the blue economy a priority for sustainable economic development at global and regional levels, with the Nairobi Statement of Intent on Advancing the Global Sustainable Blue Economy (2018), the Jakarta Declaration on Blue Economy (2017) and the Communication on a new approach for a sustainable blue economy in the European Union (2021). • Guiding principles for a sustainable blue economy including the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 14 – Life below water), UN Environment Programme Finance Initiative (UNEPFI) Sustainable Blue Economy Finance Principles and the Chennai High-Level Principles on Sustainable and Resilient Blue/Ocean-based Economy (2023) adopted by members of the G20. • International treaties aiming to protect the ocean from existing and emerging stressors, such as the ongoing meetings of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee established to develop an international legally binding instrument on plastic pollution, including in the marine environment (2022-2024), and the Treaty on the High Seas adopted by the UN General Assembly's Intergovernmental Conference on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction (2023).• However, few of these national strategies, declarations and frameworks recognise subnational governments' crucial role in marine and freshwater conservation, water-related risk prevention and the blue economy. Recognising that subnational governments have a key but often underexploited role to play in unleashing the potential of a sustainable blue economy, the OECD programme on Cities and Regions for a Blue Economy aims to shed light on how a territorial approach to the blue economy can leverage place-based policies and subnational government competences to accelerate efforts towards sustainable blue economies.2. Water security as a condition for thriving blue economiesShedding light on the link between the blue economy and water securityClimate change magnifies water risks, which the OECD (n.d.) defines as "the risk of too much, too little, too polluted water and disruption to freshwater systems", by affecting the water cycle: more than 90% of natural disasters are related to water (UNEP, n.d.). Achieving water security means maintaining acceptable levels of these four water risks (OECD, 2013). Rooted in seas, coasts, rivers or lakes, blue economy sectors are particularly vulnerable to water-related risks in freshwater, coastal and marine environments, which are inextricably linked to one another. For instance, 72% of fish and invertebrate species representing 77% of total catch are estimated to be linked to river flows at some point in their life cycle (Broadley et al., 2022).Water risks can have severe economic impacts, especially in cities, which generate around 60% of GDP and employment in OECD countries. For example, a drought can cost up to 6% of GDP per annum by 2050 (World Bank, 2016), reduce a city's economic growth by up to 12% (Zaveri et al., 2021) and damage buildings and infrastructure due to the expansion and retraction of soils and land subsidence. Droughts, floods, and storms could wipe USD 5.6 trillion from global GDP between 2022 and 2050 (Aquanomics, 2023). "Too little" water can make rivers too shallow for fluvial transport or energy generation, with ripple effects beyond the blue economy. Shipping on the Rhine river was down 27% in 2018 due to low water levels, leading German industrial production to fall by 1.5%, and the production of chemicals and pharmaceuticals to drop by 10% for three months (OECD, 2023). Since mid-August, the persistent drought in the Panama Canal region has compelled authorities to impose traffic restrictions, resulting in a bottleneck of more than 100 large vessels transporting commodities thought to be worth billions of dollars (Earth.org, 2023). The Panama Canal anticipates a reduction of approximately USD 200 million in revenue during its upcoming fiscal year due to these crossing restrictions (Reuters, 2023).Floods, sea level rise and coastal erosion can disrupt marine and freshwater ecosystems while damaging waterfront infrastructure and assets such as ports and shipyards. With almost 11% of the global population living in Low Elevation Coastal Zones in 2020 (IPCC, 2022), sea level rise is projected to affect 800 million people living in one of the 570 cities exposed to sea level rise of at least 0.5 metre (C40 Cities, 2018). In the state of California (US), which has the largest ocean economy in the country valued at over USD 44 billion annually, USD 8-10 billion of existing property value is likely to be underwater by 2050, and an additional USD 6-10 billion to be at risk during high tides. In the San Francisco Bay Area alone, 104 000 existing jobs and the creation of 85 000 new jobs could be threatened by sea-level rise in the next 40-100 years (Ocean & Climate Platform, 2023).Water pollution from land-based sources can wreak havoc on both freshwater and marine ecosystems. Currently, about 60% of plastic marine debris is estimated to originate from urban centres, and around 80% of marine pollution comes from land-based sources such as untreated sewage (UNEP, 2021). The cost of water pollution exceeds billions of US dollars annually in OECD countries (OECD, 2017): for instance, in the US, the loss in lakefront property values due to nutrient pollution, which causes eutrophication and can trigger toxic algal blooms, has been estimated to cost between USD 300 million and USD 2.8 billion. Plastic pollution affects rivers and oceans alike: to date, 30 mega tonnes (Mt) of plastics have accumulated oceans, but more than triple that amount – 109 Mt – has piled up in rivers (OECD, 2022). Plastic pollution alone costs fisheries in the Gulf of Thailand USD 23 million per year (IUCN, 2020) and around EUR 13 million per year to the Scottish fishing industry (KIMO, 2010).Exacerbated by climate change, phenomena such as acidification, freshwater and marine heatwaves adversely impact fisheries, tourism and the ecosystem services provided by waterbodies (e.g. recreation, carbon capture and water purification). Marine heatwaves, whose frequency has doubled since the 1980s, can cause long-lasting or irreversible damage to many marine species, leading to mass mortality events and ultimately threating food security (OCP, 2023). Ocean warming and acidification cause damage to coral reefs (e.g. bleaching), which increases coastal flood risk and dampens reef-related tourism. In the state of Queensland (Australia), for example, the bleaching of the Great Barrier Reef could cause the loss of 1 million visitors to the region each year, equivalent to at least AUD 1 billion in tourism spending and 10 000 jobs (Australian Climate Council, 2017). In the state of Florida (US), coral reef degradation could increase the coastal flood risk to more than 7 300 people, costing an additional USD 823 million every year (Storlazzi et al., 2023).Water security in blue economy policyDespite the intrinsic link between water resilience and economic resilience, water security is generally a blind spot of national and subnational blue economy strategies, which tend to focus on boosting blue economy growth. Nevertheless, some blue economy strategies make the connection between the blue economy and water security. For instance, the US Blue Economy Strategic Plan (2021) piloted by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) aims to increase the resilience of the country's coasts and oceans as well as the Great Lakes communities. The Blue Economy Vision for Scotland (2022) insists that the country's marine and inter-linked freshwater and coastal environments need to be sustainably managed, restored and resilient to climate change.Protecting and restoring the coastal and marine environment is considered in some strategies, but the resilience of coastal and marine environments and related economic activities is not often linked to freshwater resilience. This may be due to most blue economy strategies being led by government departments responsible for economic development or oceans, and freshwater and oceans often belonging to separate departments. Globally, government entities responsible for ocean health are often not the decision-makers or regulators of many of the activities that threaten its well-being in freshwater and on land (SIWI, 2020). The IPCC Special Report on the Ocean and Cryosphere in a Changing Climate (2019) highlights that water-related governance arrangements (e.g., marine protected areas, spatial plans and water management systems) are often too fragmented across administrative boundaries and sectors to provide integrated responses to the increasing and cascading risks from climate-related changes in the ocean and/or cryosphere. A counter-example is the Swedish Agency for Marine and Water Management, a newly created government entity responsible for protecting, restoring and ensuring the sustainable use of freshwater and marine resources, including fisheries management. Similarly, one of the departmental mandates of Fisheries and Oceans Canada is to protect oceans, freshwater and aquatic ecosystems through science, in collaboration with indigenous communities.3. The case for resilient, inclusive, sustainable and circular (RISC-proof) blue economies: a comprehensive frameworkThe blue economy has both a direct (e.g. pollution) and indirect (e.g. climate change) impact on freshwater, coastal and marine ecosystems. The literature reveals the dual dynamics at play. On the one hand, the blue economy is increasingly vulnerable to climate change, which mainly manifests through disruptions to the water cycle. This underscores the need for a blue economy that is resilient to climate change and inclusive of local communities adversely affected by water-related risks. On the other hand, as a potentially significant source of carbon emissions and pollution, blue economies should embrace sustainability by striking a balance between economic growth and environmental preservation while integrating circularity to minimise waste and promote resource efficiency.The OECD programme on Cities and Regions for a Blue Economy therefore suggests a framework encapsulating four dimensions that national and subnational governments ought to consider in the context of the blue economy: resilience, inclusiveness, sustainability and circularity (Figure 1). The Programme suggests that governments should aim for a blue economy that is:• Resilient to water-related risks exacerbated by climate change by using tools to ensure water security (e.g. disaster risk reduction, nature-based solutions, water pollution prevention, etc.). For example, in the French overseas archipelago of Guadeloupe, 400 companies in the fields of commerce, services and fishing experienced a combined revenue loss of nearly EUR 5 million in the first half of 2015 alone as a result of sargassum proliferation (CCI-IG, 2016). To tackle this issue, Guadeloupe joined the Sargassum Algae Cooperation Programme, which aims to strengthen the resilience of Caribbean territories by facilitating knowledge-sharing for sargassum management and valuation (e.g. to decontaminate agricultural soils loaded with pesticides).• Inclusive of local communities and stakeholders through engagement, employment opportunities in the blue economy and the protection of the most vulnerable (e.g. those living in informal settlements or sub-standard housing) from water risks. For example, the 2018 Maritime Strategy of Catalonia (Spain) prioritises community-led fishing management structures based on co-management, where each stakeholder interested in achieving sustainable fishing can participate with equal decision-making power and take on shared responsibilities in the co-management process. The strategy also aims to increase the share of women employed in fisheries and aquaculture, as they currently make up just 2.6% of the Catalan workforce in the sector. The Seine-Normandie Water Agency (France) organised Water Stakeholder Forums in 2022 to discuss the implementation of the Water Development and Management Plan (SDAGE) for 2022-2027 with around 900 local stakeholders. The Plan includes measures to protect and restore wetlands while limiting new coastal developments; collect and treat wastewater discharges from ports, boats, and campsites; and anticipate the need for drinking water in areas of demographic and tourist development to control water abstraction and prevent saline intrusion.• Sustainable environmentally, by limiting greenhouse gas emissions and pollution from blue economy sectors, sustainably managing coastal, marine and freshwater resources (e.g. fish and minerals) and conserving freshwater, coastal and marine ecosystems (e.g. wetlands). To promote sustainability, the Port of Seattle's (US) Smith Cove Blue Carbon Pilot Project is restoring underwater habitats and biodiversity, particularly with oysters, to sequester carbon, filter water and mitigate flood risk. In the port of Valencia (Spain), CO2 emissions dropped 30% between 2008 and 2019 despite activity growing 42%, due to initiatives such as fleet replacement with hybrid and electric vehicles, the adoption of cleaner fuels like liquid natural gas (LNG) and hydrogen, and the upgrade of lighting systems in port areas.• Circular, to foster resource efficiency and reduce waste, by using resources efficiently and keeping resources in use for as long as possible, preventing waste and transforming waste and/or by-products into resources. As part of a circular economy, the city of Rotterdam, Netherlands has created Blue City in 2019, a platform and accelerator for circular entrepreneurs that contribute to reducing waste and pollution by reusing existing products and materials. The nautical and naval industries of the region of New Aquitaine (France) and the state of Washington (US) carry out repair activities to maintain existing commercial and recreational vessels, thus keeping existing resources in use for as long as possible.To foster resilient, inclusive, sustainable and circular blue economies, the preliminary results of the OECD Programme on Cities and Regions for a Blue Economy point to three emerging priorities.First, better explore the role of subnational governments. Few of the mounting international declarations and agreements and national strategies related to oceans and the blue economy recognise the importance of a localised approach that leverages the role of place-based solutions, even though many of the most powerful tools for water security – land use, spatial planning, waste and water management – are in the hands of subnational governments. Cities and regions can also invest in infrastructure and nature-based solutions to mitigate flood risk and improve the resilience of local economies. They are also guardians of local culture and traditions linked to water-related economic activities, which can help ensure that solutions win the approval and active support of local communities. More broadly, cities and regions are crucial to achieving the SDGs: at least 105 of the 169 SDG targets will not be achieved without proper engagement and co-ordination with local and regional governments (OECD, 2020).Second, foster policy coherence across oceans, freshwater and land. Ocean and freshwater decision-making are often disconnected from one another, even though healthy oceans start with healthy freshwater. If freshwater and land do not have a seat at the ocean decision-making table, the ocean's main environmental stressors risk being overlooked. Similarly, coastal and inland cities cannot be disconnected from the basins they sit in. Basin organisations, which are set up by political authorities, or in response to stakeholder demands, deal with water resource management issues in river basins, lake basins, or across important aquifers. They can help cities and regions tackle the risks of "too much", "too little" and "too polluted" water and unlock the potential of the blue economy through engaging stakeholders across catchments, planning, coordination, data collection and monitoring.Third, create the right enabling environment. For a resilient, inclusive, sustainable and circular blue economy to thrive in cities and regions, technical solutions are not enough. Subnational governments need to find new funding mechanisms to support marine and freshwater protection; set sound incentives and frameworks to catalyse investments; develop partnerships with private actors, community organisations, cooperatives, think tanks and research institutes and stimulate blue entrepreneurship; create synergies across policies such as spatial planning, waste, energy, transport that affect the quantity and quality of water; and foster dialogue between scientists and policy makers, amongst others. These solutions are outlined in the Multi-Stakeholder Pledge on Localising the Blue Economy developed by the OECD in partnership with Atlantic Cities, International Association of Cities and Ports (AIVP), ICLEI - Local Governments for Sustainability, International Network of Basin Organisations (INBO), Ocean & Climate Platform, Resilient Cities Network, and United Cities and Local Governments Africa (UCLG-Africa).4. ConclusionThe blue economy is gaining traction as a means of combining economic growth with environmental protection, health and wellbeing. Considered as the sum of economic activities taking places in oceans, coasts, rivers and lakes, the blue economy can be a powerful driver of sustainable development in coastal and inland cities, regions and countries. However, the blue economy is both subject and a contributor to climate change, water risks and environmental degradation. This raises the need for a blue economy that is resilient to climate change; inclusive of local communities; sustainable, by balancing economic growth with environmental preservation; and circular, to minimise waste and promote resource efficiency. A review of the existing literature, including international declarations and agreements, national and subnational strategies related to the ocean and blue economy, reveals that water security and subnational governments are often absent from considerations. Further research may focus on:• Elucidating the link between freshwater and marine ecosystems and the blue economy;• Highlighting how the blue economy can both magnify water risks (e.g. through unsustainable fishing practices and coastal development) and mitigate them (e.g. through sustainable aquaculture and ecosystem-based approaches to coastal management);• Documenting how "territorialising" the blue economy, i.e. tailoring blue economy strategies and policies to local and regional needs, marine and freshwater ecosystems, cultural practices and economic priorities, can make measures more effective and integrated, with co-benefits for other policy areas (e.g. climate mitigation, climate adaptation and water security);• Better understanding roles and responsibilities across levels of government in managing ocean, coastal and freshwater resources based on institutional frameworks, capacities and priorities.Authors: Oriana Romano, Head of Unit, Water Governance, Blue and Circular Economy, OECD Centre for Entrepreneurship, SMEs, Regions and Cities (CFE)Juliette Lassman, Policy Analyst, Water Governance, Blue and Circular Economy, OECD Centre for Entrepreneurship, SMEs, Regions and Cities (CFE)Georges Laimé, Junior Policy Analyst, Water Governance, Blue and Circular Economy, OECD Centre for Entrepreneurship, SMEs, Regions and Cities (CFE)
Summary of the Study Introduction Sudan is the third largest country on the African continent with a total area of 1,882,000 sq km. before the secession of South Sudan in 2011; Sudan was the largest country in Africa, covering I million square miles. Sudan is unique and complex in its climate, politics, environment, languages, cultures, religion and ethnicities. Demographically, Africans are the majority (52%), with Arab and Beja tribes constituting 38% and 6% of the population, respectively. Over 597 tribes live in Sudan that speak more than 400 dialects and practice different religions, live in Sudan. Muslims make up 70% of the total population of Sudan, followers of indigenous beliefs comprise 25% and Christians constitute 5% of the population. The complex mixture of the Sudanese social fabric renders it neither distinctly African nor Arab country. The Sudanese, however, have long disagreed about Sudan's identity. For some, Sudan should be Arab and Muslim. Other believe that the country should respect and accommodate all the cultures, religions and minorities within its territory. Most of Sudan constitutions stated that Islam and Arabic language should define the national identity. Politically, since the independence, Sudan has experienced a fluctuation between military rule and democratic rule. In fact, Sudan spent thirty years under the military rule, and only twelve years under democratically elected governments. The successive governments have frequently made use of emergency legislation to broaden the executive powers. These legislative measures have contributed to conflict and facilitated a range of human rights violations. In addition to the political instability, Sudan has the distinction in Africa in enduring a devastating civil war: that is: Sudan's north-south civil war. The conflict started just a year before the independence of Sudan, in 1956. The cumulative impact of that conflict has been massive. The conflict has caused horrendous loss of life in any interstate war, and has produced the largest internally displaced population (IDP) in the world. Sudan north-south conflict has long been perceived as ethnic or even religious conflict between the north and the south. Ethnicity has been used generously in the description of that conflict. Yet, a closer look at the history of the conflict reveals that the root-causes of that conflict are highly complex. But, this is by no means to say that conflict has had no ethnic, racial and religious overtones. The eruption of the north-south conflict was the result of a combination of factors. One could trace the root-causes of the conflict to the invasion of the south from the north by Turkiyya that expanded southwards, and the simultaneous development of slave trade. Thereafter, the British rule contributed in different ways to the crystallizing of the north-south dichotomy. After the independence of Sudan, successive governments, were unsuccessful in handling the growing southern problem, ranging from neglect to attempts to reverse the British isolation by enforced Arabisation and Islamization of the southern Sudan. The north-south conflict ended, in 1972, when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed by then President Nimeiry. But, the conflict broke out again, in 1983, when the Addis Ababa Agreement was abrogated by the then President Nimeiry. After a series of peace talks (which witnessed 'start and stop'), a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was concluded, in 9 January 2005, between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Southern Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM/SPLA) to end the conflict. The CPA provides for a temporary solution for the conflict through, inter alia, the distribution of the power between the north and the south of Sudan by establishing a decentralised system of government with a significant devolution of powers within which the Southern Sudan is to enjoy a regional autonomy and share half of the resources with north Sudan for a period of six years. Furthermore, the CPA creates joint institutions, such as, the Government of the National Unity (GoNU) in which the Southern Sudan participate and share ministerial posts. The CPA also provides for the establishment of a number of commissions for implementing and monitoring the CPA, for instance, the Evaluation and Monitoring Commission, the National Human Rights Commission, etc. At the end of the interim period, a referendum on the self-determination is to be held, in 2011, in which the people of the Southern Sudan will decide whether to remain within a united Sudan or to secede and form an independent State. The Aim of the Study The significance of this study derives from the conclusion of the CPA and the adoption of the Interim National Constitution (INC) that called for democratic transformation so as to bring an end to Sudan north-south conflict. While the CPA ended Sudan's north-south conflict, a lasting peace and a democratic transformation, in Sudan, may prove elusive unless the CPA provisions are translated into reality, especially the implementation of constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms, including human rights protection and respect for the rule of law. The study aims to answer whether the CPA and INC can fulfil their roles in securing peace and establishing a framework in which the constitutional protection of human rights are recognised and effectively implemented through the availability of the various mechanisms. In this respect, the CPA provided for the adoption of a new constitution (INC), with a view to embedding constitutionalism, rule of law promotion, and protection of human rights. It is, therefore, this study is meant to analyze the constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms of the CPA and INC with a view to examining whether such constitutional reforms may be conducive for a lasting peace, in Sudan, that is based on human rights protection, constitutionalism and the rule of law. The CPA stipulated the need for institutional and legislative changes to reduce the risk of recurrence of human rights violations. To this end, the CPA mandated the adoption of a bill of right (for the promotion and protection of human rights) and provided for re-restructuring of the courts system. Such institutional reforms are aimed at embedding constitutionalism. That is to say: establishing a system in which the constitution provides an agreed upon framework for the exercise of powers and the protection of human rights. In this respect, the study examines whether the outcome of the constitutional reforms process (to recognise, implement, and protect human rights as provided for in the INC) have been reflected in institutional and legislative reforms to protect and prevent human rights violations and address past violations and systemic factors that have contributed to violations. To that end, the human right jurisprudence of the constitutional court will be examined. The Organization of the Study a) The Structure of the Political/Governance System in Sudan under the INC With the devolution of the powers and resources to the Southern Sudan level and other States, the governance system, under the INC, is structured with four levels of government: the national level at the apex, the Government of South Sudan level, the State level (25 States), the local level. Now, the government responsibilities are decentralized and the national government allocates a significant proportion of revenues to the States. It is, therefore, that the first question that this study poses is: What is the impact of the current governance in giving greater equity of representation and decision-making influence to communities across Sudan, thereby facilitating conflict management to achieve a lasting peace in Sudan? In Sudan, previously appropriate design of institutions to ensure political accommodations for all social groups has not been established in a way that would give them the chance to function properly. Now, the INC restructures the prevailing governance system by establishing a decentralized system of government that bears the characteristics of asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism - asymmetrical in the structure and responsibilities of subunits, with the level of South Sudan having more powers and resources than other States across Sudan. Establishment of a federal structure may constitute a mechanism for preventing a relapse into conflict through the devolution of the powers to the State level. For a federal to work effectively, it requires a functional court system to decide on the jurisdictional limits of the different levels of government. Nevertheless, the relevance of the court system in resolving the intractably political contentions in federal countries, especially in transition situations, is uncertain. Noticeably missing from the literature is the study and analysis of the impact of the role of court system in post conflict countries. That said, the role of the court system in preserving democracy has grown in importance with the increase recognition of the judicial review of the constitutionality of the acts of the government organs and the recognition and the protection of human rights provisions. It is, therefore, that the involvement of the courts is necessary to ensure the successful operation of the federalism and thus the failure or the success of federalism is contingent on the implementation of the federal system by the courts. According to some scholars, 'federalism means legalism – the predominance of the judiciary in the constitution- the prevalence of a spirit of legality among the people'. As '[the] courts …are actually telling a government how far it can go with its assigned constitutional rights'. This leads to the second question that this study addresses which relates to the analysis of the constitutional reform as provided for in the INC, in general, but with a special focus on the role of the court system, through the application of judicial review and protection of human rights, to resolve not only disputes in litigations between private parties, but also to prevent the arbitrary exercise of the government power. b) The Structure of the Legal System (Court System) in Sudan under the INC The available literature presents different views as to the role of the court system in new democracies. On one hand, one view assumes that the courts have a fairly wide discretion to decide the outcome of the controversial cases to the needs of the political moment. The other view, on the other hand, takes the position that political actors do not exert any kind of influence at all on the way judges make their decisions. A third source, and with which I agree, argues that legal rules do put constrains over the exercise of the judicial discretion in controversial cases. A fourth view argues that in new fragile democracies constitutional courts/supreme courts should not be involved in judicial review, especially on adjudicating issues related to social and economic rights, which may profoundly affect the allocations of resources and violate the doctrine of separation of powers. In this respect, the study considers whether the court system, as restructured in the INC, and other constitutional guarantees introduced to the legal system as a whole, offer good prospects for constitutionalism that may control the power of the government so as not act arbitrarily. The role of court system in resolving disputes is highly contingent on the substantive law and the institutional structure within which the courts apply laws. Thus, this study examines to what extent the current structure of the legal system under the INC and the protection of human rights through the application of the Bill of Rights by the courts may signal the State's commitment to constitutionalism and respect to the rule of law. It is, therefore, that the role of the court system (in contributing to democratic transformation in Sudan) should be evaluated against the legal framework: that is the INC, with a focus on the independence of the judiciary, the application of the Bill of Rights and the rules governing the judicial review. c) The Legislative and Institutional Reforms under the INC The functions of the courts, in developing countries, have experienced increasingly transformative role as institutions that can hold the government organs accountable. The study aims to examine the practice of constitutionalism: that is, the implementation of the INC constitutional, institutional and legislative reforms, especially the compliance with the provisions of the INC and the CPA, in particular the role of the constitutional court as "a positive legislator". In this regard, the Sudanese Constitutional Court may play an important role in the law reform process given its power to annul laws found unconstitutional. This entails the non-applicability of such laws and, as a result, would compel the government institution/organ concerned to adopt new legislation that is in conformity with the INC. Thus far, the Sudanese constitutional court, under the INC, has received a number of human rights cases that involved issues related to violations of human rights or related to the constitutionality of key legislation, such as counter-terrorism laws, immunities for officials and statutes of limitation for torture. So what role the constitutional court has played in the law reform process under the INC? For the court system to play a role in the democratic reform, a comprehensive law reform process is seen as a prerequisite to bring the existing laws in line with the provisions of the INC and enacting new laws. Therefore, this study identifies what legislative and institutional reforms that have been undertaken by the parties to the CPA during the interim period to address human rights violations, root-causes of the conflict; inequality; marginalization, rule of law vacuum and weak democratic structures. Furthermore, this study offers empirical evidence for the judicial behavior of the Sudanese constitutional court through a systematic examination of selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court to gauge its role in the law reform process in Sudan since the adoption of the INC. Overview of the Study and the Main Findings of the Study Introductory Chapter: Overview of the Study The Introductory Chapter provides an overview of the study, including, the key features of the State of Sudan, the aim of the study, the main objectives of the study, and a general overview of the study. Chapter One: A Historical Background of Sudan's North-South Conflict Chapter One gives a rich and deep account of Sudan north-south conflict. It looks at the root-causes of the conflict by elaborating on different factors that directly and indirectly contributed in making that conflict protracted. Chapter one moves on to consider the end of the first Sudan's north-south conflict which was ended when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed in 1972. Chapter one further elaborates on Sudan's second north-south conflict which broke out in 1983. Finally, Chapter one touches on the various peace initiatives that ended by the conclusion of the CPA. Chapter One concludes by analysing the CPA. In the final analysis, the CPA made significant changes the prevailing governance and legal systems in Sudan by establishing a federal system, introduced a dual legal system a bill of rights, provided for the right to self-determination for the south Sudan, established institutions for the protection of human rights by establishing mechanisms such as National Human rights Commission, and distributed the wealth equally between the north and the south. However, the CPA failed to include the Sudanese people in the talks leading to the conclusion of the CPA, as the CPA was bilateral reflecting the views of the north and the south. Chapter Two: The Structure of the Governance System under the INC The INC describes Sudan as a decentralized State with different levels of government: the national level, the Southern Sudan level, the State level and the local level. It further grants the Southern Sudan autonomy status. A careful analysis of the current governance arrangements reveals that the INC provides for asymmetric/symmetrical federalism system of governance. Chapter Two discusses the allocation of legislative powers between the national government, the Southern Sudan and the rest of the country and the nature of the constitutional design of the INC to manage diversity of Sudan (ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural diversity). At the outset of Chapter Three provides an overview the fundamental principles of federalism and provides a brief historical background of federalism in Sudan and how federalism arrangements can play a role as a tool for peace-building. In the final analysis, in contract with old constitutions of Sudan, the INC establishes a federal system, with four levels of government; national, south Sudan, State and local levels. The INC federal system guarantees the special characteristics of all ethnic and religious groups in Sudan through the creation of the Council of the States. However, all the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. All the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. The INC Schedules (A – C) distribute the exclusive and legislative powers to the national level (A), the GoSS level (B), and the state level (C). Schedule (D) lists the concurrent powers and Schedule (E) allocates the residual powers as per its nature. Schedule (F) is a provision to resolve conflict that might arise under Schedule (D). It should be noted that not all issues listed in the INC schedules are allocated to one level of government only. For example, several substantive issues are granted to the national level as an exclusive competence, to the South Sudan level as an exclusive competence and at the same time to all levels of government as a concurrent power, such as telecommunication. With regard to the legislative powers allocated to the tens states at the South level, the GoSS according to Schedule (B) has the competence to enact a kind of framework with regard to issues that fall under the exclusive South Sudan State competence, thereby limiting the legislative powers of the ten States in South Sudan. Finally, the INC has reinforced existing power relations and failed to provide structural changes for democratic transformation, as the INC asymmetrical federalism accommodates the demands of the South Sudan only. As the INC does not accommodate the demands of the different ethnic and cultural groups in the different regions of Sudan as demonstrated in Darfur Peace Agreement and East Sudan Agreement. Chapter Three: The Structure of the Legal System under the INC The INC altered the Sudanese legal system with a view to accommodating the competing views: Sharia law and secularism. For a proper understanding of the present Sudanese legal system and an assessment of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic governance, a glance at the Sudanese legal history is necessary. Firstly, Chapter Three reviews the constitutional developments in Sudan since the independence to the present day. Secondly, Chapter Three provides overview of the structure of the court system in a decentralized system and focuses on the contribution of the court system to democratic transformation through limiting the acts of the government. Chapter Three further discusses issues that may impact of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation. Yet, the role of the court system in promoting democratic transformation is contingent on the constitution, the substantive law, etc. For instance, instituting the principles of constitutionalism is contingent on the independence of the judiciary, as an independent judiciary is required for the protection of constitutional rights and to restrain the actions of the government. Thus, it is important to understand under what conditions the court system develops such accountability functions: that is, what conditions favor the ability of the court system to exercise an effective accountability functions. It is, therefore, Chapter Three examines (a) how the INC re-structures the court system in the north and the south of Sudan so as to give effect to the principles of the federalism and legal pluralism; (b) the rules regulating the judicial review, and (c) the protection of human rights through the implementation of the bill of rights by the court, all of which signal the commitment of the State to establish democratic governance. Finally, Chapter Three attempts to evaluate the independence of the judiciary and the rules that govern the judicial review before and after the adoption of the INC with a view to assessing the fidelity of the government to the principles of constitutionalism, and whether the limitations observed in the actual conduct of the government. In the final analysis, the INC constitution making process was bilateral reflecting the views of the parties to the CPA and lacked inclusiveness, but provides for a pluralism legal system by providing for a constitution for south Sudan and 25 State constitutions. The INC introduces State judiciary and South Sudan judiciary and opted for an integrated the court system. That is: the State courts apply the State laws, the national laws and the South Sudan laws. In the North, the State courts are still organized by the national level, although the NC provides for the establishment of the State judiciary. At the South Sudan level, all State courts are organized and financed at the level. Towards the South Sudan, the National Supreme Court is the final court of on matters arising under national laws The INC emphasizes the importance of protecting; respecting and promoting human rights through the inclusion a bill of right and incorporation via Art. 27(3) of the INC all human rights treaties that Sudan has ratified, thereby the human rights contained in the INC directly applicable before the Sudanese courts. Also, the implementation of some human rights requires revision of the existing statutory laws. To date there has been limited legislative reforms to address human rights violations. A few laws have been reformed but fall short of Sudan international obligations, such as Criminal Act, Security Laws, Immunity Laws, etc. The INC differentiates between the north and the south regarding the sources of legislation. Art. 5 of the INC lists Sharia as one of the sources of legislation along with the consensus of the people at the national level. Art. 5(2) of the INC names popular consensus and the values and the customs of the people of Sudan as the sources of legislation in South Sudan. The INC contains special rules for national legislation if its source is religion or custom. In that case, a state where the majority of residents do not practice such religion or customs may introduce different legislation allows practices or establishes institutions in that State that are consistent with its own religion or customs. The INC establishes human rights commission for the implementation of the bill of rights as well as a commission for the protection of non-Muslims in the Capital. The INC has chosen a concentrated system of judicial review and a hybrid system of judicial review with respect to the South Sudan as the Supreme Court of South Sudan acts as a constitutional court and a high court of Appeal with respect to South Sudan. The newly enacted Judicial and Administrative of 2005 does not provide for concrete judicial review of law and bars the court from question the constitutionality of law by way of making referral to the constitutional court, thereby renders the judiciary unable to deal with crucial constitutional issues. Chapter Four: Institutional and Legislative Reform: Practice of Constitutionalism In order to understand whether the adoption of the INC has brought any changes may enhance the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation; Chapter Four scrutinizes the compliance of the statutory law with the provisions of the INC, the law reform process in Sudan and the implementation of law in practice. Chapter Four further presents an analysis of more pertinent provisions of civil and political rights in the light of the laws and practices prevailing in the country to assess the extent to which the principles laid down in the INC are complied with. It further assesses the involvement of the Sudan constitutional court in the law reform process by reviewing a selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court. Finally, Chapter Four makes a reference to the jurisprudence of other constitutional courts (the German constitutional court, the Indian Supreme Court and the South African constitutional court) by way of comparison. In the final analysis, a) the INC does not set out procedure for concrete review and access to the court is not free; b) The court has a broad power to consider and adjudge and annual any law in contravention with the constitution and restitute the right to the aggrieved person and compensate for the harm. The court may also order interim measures to avoid any harm. As such, the court can abolish laws and compel the government to enact new law; c) the constitutional court has reviewed a number of cases that alleged the violation of human rights. The court has demonstrated reluctance to declare legislation unconstitutional. Interpretation of the bill of rights and reference to international human rights lacked consistency and the court has taken deference to the executive; d) the constitutional, legislative and institutional changes did not acknowledge past human rights violations through mechanisms that would question the way of governance and persisting inequalities and injustices; e) the constitutional court has institutional weaknesses and its jurisprudence has largely upheld existing laws such as immunities laws and the constitutional court made limited reference to international human rights law; f) the constitutional, legal and institutional reforms failed to generate the sense of constitutionalism and the fundamental change that were to remove the causes for human rights violations and provide effective remedies. A number of laws contravening the human rights are still in force, such as, Public Order Act, Immunity of police, security and army officers, inadequate laws for the protection of women's rights; and finally, the implementation of CPA as a means of democratic transformation left an unreformed government virtually intact Chapter Five: Post- Referendum Sudan Chapter Five looks at the constitutional developments after the secession of South Sudan, with a focus on constitution making process in Sudan. The Southern Sudan Referendum for self-determination, held in July 2011, clearly indicated that the absolute majority of those who participated in the referendum for the Southern Sudan favour separation of the Southern Sudan from Sudan. The secession of the South Sudan on July 9, 2011, as a result of the referendum on self-determination provided by the CPA has created a new reality in Sudan with far reaching economic, political and social implications. Economic and financial losses related to the secession are substantial and have affected all sectors of the economy. Sudan has lost three-quarters of its largest source of foreign exchange (oil), half of its fiscal revenues and about two-thirds of its international payment capacity. In general, the secession of South Sudan resulted in a 36.5% structural decrease in overall government revenues. The unresolved issue of Abyei constitutes a trigger for potential violent tension in the future between Sudan and South Susan. Abyei status is yet to be decided, as both Sudan and South Sudan claiming it as part of its territory. Its final status will be decided by a Referendum for which implementation mechanisms have not yet been agreed upon by the two countries. The end of the CPA necessitated a constitutional review process to decide on the new constitution to replace the INC. However, for a constitution to be able to win the affections of the citizens of the State, it will be necessary to involve those citizens in the constitution-making process that establishes such a constitution, so as to ensure that the process is inclusive and reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people at large. It is, therefore, important to increase public involvement in the constitution-making process by inviting public participation. In order for the design of a constitution and its constitution-making process to play an important role in the governance system, the design of the constitution has to be responsive to the aspirations of the ordinary people. A constitutional review process is currently under way but has not resulted in any clear proposals. That said, since 2011, a constitutional review has been underway in Sudan. The constitutional review process has not been participatory or inclusive. Lively debates on the new constitution in general, and the Bill of Rights and human rights protection in particular, have nevertheless ensued. These debates have been driven by a keen awareness of the importance of constitutional rights. These debates reflect both traditional concerns over the protection of civil and political rights, particularly in the administration of justice, and other issues that have also become a cause of acute concern. These include the desire for the realization of economic, social and cultural rights, and the rights of members of groups who suffer discrimination, particular women, religious and ethnic minorities and persons with disabilities. Currently, public debate over the new constitution is proceeding, although the Government has not yet announced a timeframe for the constitution making process, amid a polarization of views on diverse issues such as the decentralization of power and wealth sharing between the different regions of Sudan. Since 2011, the Government of Sudan, in collaboration with the UNDP and other UN agencies, initiated the forum on public participation in constitution making to facilitate open and public dialogue. This approach has been based on the need to pursue the constitutional process/review inclusively, transparently and participatory to ensure all sectors of society including civil society organizations and opposition political groups participate fully in the process.
Transcript of an oral history interview with Rollin Reiter, conducted by Jennifer Payne on 5 October 2013, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Rollin S. Reiter graduated from Norwich University in 1950 and earned earned his master's in business administration from the Harvard Business School in 1952. In his interview, he discusses his experiences running his family's business, Reiter Dairy, as well as his military service in the Korean War and with the Army Reserve and Coast Guard Auxiliary. ; 1 Rollin Reiter, NU '50, Oral History Interview October 5, 2013 Sullivan Museum and History Center Interviewed by Jennifer Payne JENNIFER PAYNE: This is Jennifer Payne with the Norwich Voices Oral History Project. Today's date is October 5th, 2013 and I am here with Rollin—Did I say it right? ROLLIN REITER: Um-hm. JP: Good. Reiter, Class of '50. So, Mr. Reiter, thank you for being here so early this morning. RR: Okay. JP: Where are you from? RR: Born in Akron, Ohio and we live in Canton, Ohio, except eight months a years, we're in Florida. We're Florida residents now in Key Largo, Florida. JP: Nice area. RR: That's where we live. JP: And your age is? RR: I'm eighty-five. JP: Eighty five. And you attended Norwich in 19— RR: Yeah. I came here in 1946 out of high school, graduated high school at Copley, Ohio and, on the farm, and came to Norwich. I didn't know anybody here—know anything about it, but was right after the War. The War was really a defining event in my life and most people of this age. And I got a postcard in the mail that talked about Norwich University. I admired uniforms and I missed, just missed the military. I was—had my physical and was ready to go but then the bomb dropped and everything was postponed. So, I did come to—applied to Norwich and was accepted and came here. My mom and dad brought me up, dropped me off and that was it. There was another student here from Akron area named Crile. I think it was Gary Crile. In Cabot Hall, where we lived, in the basement, there were two Ohio people. So, it wasn't unusual for Ohio students to be here, but that's how I got here was very, very simple. JP: When you were—when you were here, what activities did you do? RR: I was company commander, eventually, of Troop B and I was president of SAE when they had fraternities then. And I was Russ Todd's roommate and the two of us had a lot 2 of fun. Life at Norwich for us was really interesting and fun. And then, I had very good friends here, as most people do that come to Norwich. You develop some great friendships. It was Russ Todd and Jim Ricker and the others in Troop B and SAE. Other than that, I didn't—I wasn't an athlete or any. I did ski a little bit across the hill, across the road. JP: That's great. RR: Yeah. JP: What was it like with Russ Todd as a roommate? Did you guys get in—did you do many tours? RR: I never walked a tour, never walked a tour. Never exceeded ten demerits apparently. I'm just sort of a conformist. I like the military and I like military discipline so I got along okay. Russ was—he's more aggressive. He's a different kind of guy but the two of us hit is off really well. JP: Did you have a nickname? RR: Yeah. I had a couple. My middle initial is Steese and a couple people, like Russ, used to call me Steese. And then, because of my adventures on the range at Fort Meade when we went for our summer training, I was pretty good and some of them called me Alvin. JP: Alvin? RR: For Alvin Yorke, you know? "Oh, Alvin!" JP: Oh, Alvin! RR: Yeah. JP: What was Fort Meade like? RR: That was fun. That was our junior year and we all went to Fort Meade and then we were shipped—we took buses down to A. P. Hill for tank firing because there's no range at at Meade. So we went to A. P. Hill and that was fun. We lived in tents down there for the training and the weekend off, the three of us, Ricker, Todd, and myself went down to Williamsburg and travelled that area and had a lot of fun. Russ had a car so that was an advantage. JP: What kind of car was it? RR: It was a '37 Ford. Yeah. JP: Fun.3 RR: Is that right? Yeah. That's right. Yeah. JP: How big were the tents? RR: Oh, they were two or three man, I think, down there. Most rain I've ever seen in my life occurred at A. P. Hill while we were there. JP: Really? RR: Um-hm. JP: Did you guys get washed out? RR: That's—the Boy Scouts use A. P. Hill even. That's a great place for outdoor gatherings and maneuvers and things and large groups of people. JP: So when you left Norwich, what did you do? RR: Let's see. I graduated in June and Russ took his regular commission. I was offered a regular commission. Didn't take it. I took my reserve commission and went back to Akron and worked at the company dairy—at the dairy company, milk and ice cream processing. Applied at Harvard Business School and was accepted and went to Harvard Business School that fall and graduated there in 1952. It's a two year course, MBA. That was very interesting. That was a whole other life at Harvard Business School. That was—having been at Norwich, Harvard Business School was clear the other opposite. It was Ivy League and my roommate was from Yale. He taught me what it was like to be an Ivy Leaguer. We had a lot of fun. He and I had a lot of fun like Russ and I had and we probably had more fun than we really should have but we passed. That was the business school. I was in the Reserve, the Army Reserves, and attended Reserve meetings, out at Boston Army Base during that period. Every week, I would show up and the guys in the unit would say, "You still here? You should be in Korea. How come you're still here?" That's when Korea was on. Everybody was excited about Korea. I attended there and the summer camp there was at Fort Drum, New York. Went to that. Then, I went back to Ohio after business school. Worked at the dairy. Because I had no obligation coming out of Norwich with a commission, like they do, later they had two year, one year, six year. I had no obligation, so I was in the draft. I was ready to be drafted even though I had a commission. So, the only way I could avoid going in as a private was to volunteer. I volunteered for active duty as a reservist and took a three year active duty stint. That was kind of a funny thing that you could be drafted and yet you had a commission and were ready to serve at any time you were really asked to, as an officer, reserve officer. I liked the Army. It was fun. I had—when I was at Norwich, in my senior year, somebody came up from somewhere to talk to us about the Counter Intelligence Corps and going in to Intelligence and that we could go down to Dartmouth and take a lesson or have a lecture or something 4 down there on the Counter Intelligence Corps. I went and I applied. When I went on active duty, I was sent to Fort Holabird in Maryland for the Counter Intelligence school. That had to do with security and all those sorts of things. And then, before you could go overseas, you had to go through your basic armor or arm course which would be armor and I was sent to Fort Knox for the Basic Officer's Armor Course Number One. That was their first one of a certain type of basic course from for armored officers. Because I'd been in about six months, I was the senior guy in the class and all the Class of '51 from Norwich, part of that time—he happened to be aide to General, not Taylor, but anyway, he was an aide to a general there. Shorty somebody. Yeah. Russ and I were, again, together and all these guys from Norwich and I had a car and we had a good time. Then, while we were there, the truce was declared in Korea. That was nice to hear. I was out of there in October and was shipped to Seoul, Korea. Well, to Tokyo, and then assigned to the 308 CIC in Seoul, Korea. I went over there for a year. That was interesting work. Was Counter Intelligence Corps attached to the Eighth Army Forward in Seoul and I worked with the Intelligence people at G3, so Eighth Army there. We had the detachments up on the line at all the online divisions. Then, they had an offer. If you would agree to stay in the Far East for another year, you could transfer back to Japan. So, I did that. After a year in Korea, transferred to Japan. Spent a year there with the 441 st CIC which was out of Tokyo. We were located right downtown in the former Kanpai Thai headquarters along the moat. This place we had was where a couple of Jimmy Doolittle flyers were executed in the garden there. It was a pretty little place. But that's where some of his flyers that had been shot down or captured were imprisoned and killed there in that garden. Then, that tour was up. In '56, I came back to San Francisco on E.D. Patrick Troop Ship. We flew over but we came back on a troop ship. It was full of Japanese and Korean war brides mostly. JP: Really? RR: Just full of them and that was one of the things after the truce that the CIC did a lot of was clear these people. They had to have clearances. When they married a Japanese or Korean, they had—those brides had to be cleared before they could come back to the great PX, like they called it. We had a troop full of war brides and so forth. Up in the prow of the ship, we had a lot of army prisoners, criminal types that were being shipped back to the states. Not war prisoners but criminal prisoners, including one guy had butchered his chef, his mess sergeant or something like that. We, the three of us, officers were coming back in a state room, probably the only three in the whole boat that didn't get sick all the time. It was eleven days in rough weather in December. We were supposedly in charge of these prisoners up in the prow of the ship. It got out of hand. We didn't know anything about guarding prisoners and all like that. Halfway over, we had to call on the Marine detachment that was on board and they took over the prisoners and straightened things out. I'll never forget that. That was fun. We never got above the deck, up on the deck, the whole eleven days. It was so rough. JP: What happened?5 RR: Everything slid off all the tables and it was a mess. The luggage in our state room—we had—three of us were in a little state room. The luggage would keep going back and forth across the floor all the time. Anyway, that was the trip back to Oakland and it was a great experience. I like the Army a lot. I stayed in the Reserve in Akron, was in a Reserve, military intelligence unit in Akron. Taught there in the local command and general staff school. Then, it came time to go to Fort Leavenworth, to command and general staff school and so forth. It was becoming difficult because the business that I was in—I was running the business now myself. It was hard for me to get away as much as was required. Unfortunately, I made the decision to retire from the Reserve. With eighteen years, I retired as a major from the Army Reserve. That's where that stands. I'm retired. That went on and I was very deeply involved in the milk and ice cream processing business in Ohio. We bought—I bought another plant in Springfield, Ohio and we bought branches all around the state. We grew like crazy. We were doing, oh, maybe a hundred million dollars worth of sales when, toward the end there—when I sold the business in 1986 to Dean Foods in Chicago. Then, I went to work for Dean Foods in Chicago. Meanwhile, we had built a really nice business in Ohio. We had some stores. We had a little adventure into the restaurant food business distribution. It was a good—we had a bout five hundred employees at the top. It had grown quite a bit. It was an interesting dairy for Dean Foods to acquire. I went to Franklin Park, the Dean headquarters, and I was responsible for about twenty dairies, mostly in Texas and the South and Miami and Athens, Tennessee and so forth. I had almost three billion dollars worth of sales under me there. I did a lot of travelling. But I was there for a short period because the understanding was, at Dean, when you're 65, you retire. So, on my sixty-fifth—near my sixty-fifth birthday, I was allowed to finish out the fiscal year, walked out, and that was it. That was a great experience because I was there with no obligation beyond doing what I'd been brought in to do. I wasn't concerned about my future or anything like most of the people in the company. I was sort of a free spirit. I enjoyed that a lot. Dean was a great company to work for. They have since sold out. They have been bought by a company in Dallas. It's still called Dean and it's still on the New York Stock Exchange and so forth. That was basically my business experience. I retired and we moved straight to Florida to a place called the Ocean Reef Club in Key Largo, Florida. We knew of that because my sister had married a fellow that had property there and was important in the Ocean Reef Club functioning and so forth. We used to visit them. After a few years, they said, "That's it. If you're going to keep coming down here, you've got to get a place." That was good advice. We should have gotten several places. That was 1993, I think. We moved to Ocean Reef, bought a house, became Florida residents. We spend eight months down there and four months back in Ohio, where we kept our home, which is really a nice place too because it's on a golf course and very green. It's stood empty the whole time we were in Chicago. So, that's where we are today. We're living at Ocean Reef Club in Key Largo, Florida. It's sort of a development but there's, around it, there's nothing but state and federal parks. It's not spreading out a lot. You can't go down the road and buy something cheaper like you can up, further up in the state. I became active there with the Coast Guard Auxiliary. I guess I have a thing about uniforms. We joined. My wife and I joined the Coast Guard Auxiliary. This December, we will have been in that for twenty years. I wound up commander of 6 a— the Keys, the units in the Keys, from Key Largo on down to Key West. I had five units and about four hundred volunteers in that, that division. I was the division commander. But that, of course, was all volunteer work. It was very close with the Coast Guard. It was very interesting. They—I was in on their meetings at Key West with Sector Key West. They trained with us and we trained with them. Our people even sat and ran their radio communication sections at their Coast Guard stations. It was really an interesting relationship that we had with the Coast Guard. That was twenty years of that kind of activity too. JP: All those hurricanes! RR: Yeah. I put in eighteen years with the Army Reserve and twenty with the Coast Guard. I never got any retirement because I didn't quite make it the last two years. That's what I've been doing down there, playing some golf. My wife plays tennis and golf. We belong to the local racket club. That really is our life there. They have a unique unit called OR Cat, Ocean Reef Cat. It has a, we have three hundred feral cats on the property, running around. JP: Three hundred? RR: Three hundred. There used to be more but there's three hundred. They're all neutered and spayed. There's eighty feeding stations that are serviced every day for these cats. You see them. You go down the street at Ocean Reef and you see OR Cats, walking around or hanging around the feeding station or fighting off the raccoons who also eat in the feeding station. We build a really nice room or a building to service these cats. It's a beautiful, air-conditioned building with lots of couches and every cat tree you've ever seen or heard of. There's about a hundred cats in there who can't quite make it on their own outside. We have a veterinarian. We have a groomer and five or six veterinary assistants, running this installation with these cats in there. It's like the Green Briar for cats. It's wonderful! You go in there and these cats come from all directions and climb all over you because a lot of them were probably dropped off. When somebody that mows the lawn, or paints or something has a cat they don't want, they come into Ocean Reef to work. They just drop it off and they know OR Cat will grab it and take care of it. So, there's these wonderful cats and we adopted two of them. They're part of our family. When we go to Florida, there's always the four of us. Dory and I in the front and the two cats sitting in the back, sleeping or walking around or sitting beside us on the armrest. They sort of determine how we do things. We smuggle them into motels where we're not supposed to. Dory won't stay in any place that takes pets. She wouldn't want to stay there. We smuggle our two in in a piece of luggage that looks like a nice suitcase. That's one of our activities down there. We had a boat but we sold that. We're on the water. We have a fifty foot dock. I let my neighbor use it because he's got a seventy-two foot boat and a thirty foot boat. The deal is he can use our dock but he must keep us in fish, all the fish we can eat, when he's always bringing us fresh fish when he goes out. That's the deal there.7 JP: The cats must like that too. RR: Huh? JP: The cats must like that too. RR: Yeah. Yeah. They like that. They're not allowed to go outside. That's the deal when you adopt a cat. You sign that you will not—they can't—they've got to stay in the house. They're all spayed and neutered and well-behaved. JP: That's wonderful. RR: Yeah. They spend their time chasing lizards around the pool. We have a nice pool that's all screened in. There's these lizards that get in the hole somehow. The cats chase them all day and have fun with them. JP: Catch their tails and— RR: Yeah. Yeah. They take their tails off and then they play with them, you know. They never actually kill them. We have to do that. Last—two years ago, they discovered two snakes in our house. They weren't big ones but we knew by their activity that there was something under that chair. We had a little—what they call a corn snake. The kitties discovered that and a week later was another one. You never know down there. It's a funny area for animals and things. Right now, we have a big problem with invasive species of animals in Florida, especially Burmese pythons. Oh. They're taking over the Everglades. They really have. You used to be able to go into the Everglades and see pretty birds and animals and alligators and baby alligators. Now, the pythons have just about cleaned all that out. They claim there may be a hundred thousand pythons in the Everglades. They found they've really acclimated to the Everglades. They're full of pythons now. It's a shame. They've tried to kill them or hunt them out or put bounties on them but it hasn't been very successful. We have those and we have iguanas. They're starting to spread over the area and a couple of other invasive species. It's interesting from a wildlife standpoint. They aren't in Ocean Reef yet but, well there was one python found in Ocean Reef, a big one. They get up to fifteen feet or so. They're big. JP: That's a big snake. RR: Um-hm. Yeah. That's where I am right now. JP: Wow. This business that you sold, your family dairy, this was called? RR: Reiter Dairy. JP: Reiter Dairy and—8 RR: Yeah. My grandfather had started it way back in the Depression. I used to go to work with my dad there back in the thirties. That developed. They were in the butter business and got into the bottled milk business. It was never really very big. It was home delivery in those days. That sort of fizzled out. Then, we became really big in trailer load of deliveries of milk to supermarkets, big stuff, all over the state of Ohio and a lot of private label milk in other people's names, you know, for a supermarket. Then, we got in the ice cream business. We made about five million gallons of ice cream a year, which is not a big operation but it was—it was well-equipped and a good product. We covered most of Ohio out of there. That—they have since moved most of our Akron operations to the plant I bought in Springfield, Ohio. It's still Reiter Dairy down there in a pretty big way. But I haven't been down there to look at that since they've expanded it. In back of all this, I think the basic foundation that was laid, that I achieved at Norwich University was very important in all of this, maybe more so than my MBA training at Harvard. Like Sevie said the other night, there's a secret ingredient here at Norwich University, or a special ingredient that provides, imbues the graduates with a leadership ability through a discipline achieved by military-type life. I think that's a unique thing that is so valuable to Norwich graduates. It's a unique way of life here that they never forget. It just molds the way they approach life with discipline, discipline learned through the military culture. I didn't come here to be a professional military man and I was—I was attracted by the concept of the citizen soldier. I wanted to be able to be a soldier if I was needed and when I was needed but I didn't want to be a professional soldier as opposed to Russ Todd, who went on to be a major general and a division commander. That was—it was so important, I think. Norwich was little when we came here in '46, it was—compare today— today, it was nothing. It was really pretty rough around the edges and the veterans were coming back during that period. We were, for a while, kind of mixed in with the veterans. Then the class, my class, was one of the first really Cadet Corps classes after the War. The veterans, if they were going to be there, had to be in the Cadet Corps, for the most part. That was important for that to happen, I think. They've dropped the fraternities. I don't think the fraternities were very complimentary to the military way of life. There was always a little underlying conflict there, your interests and your loyalties. They did do away with fraternities which I think was a good move. General Harmon did that. That kind of life was very important and I had some great friends. Some of whom have passed on, you know, already. Not too many of us left in our class. We've been treated real nice as old guard. I mean, they—we've been introduced. It's been a—they've taken good care of their old-timers. Yeah. Do you have other questions? JP: I would like to ask, what did advice would you give a rook on how to survive and thrive? RR: Yeah. Yeah. That was one of the questions that you asked me and that's an important question, especially today. I just read a book by Tom Friedlander. He wrote "The Earth is Flat" concept about how we're part of the world economy, which we are. A young man going out into the world today has got a real serious decision to make as to how he's going to approach his job, what he's going to do to sustain his job and not be part of the, part of the economy that doesn't make it. I'd say that to remain in their—retain their integrity and retain their interest in doing a little more than is required in your job and looking for ways to do jobs better. It's the givers who are going to succeed, not the 9 takers. I think it's important for them, going into whatever they do, to be a part for progress and for improvement in order for them to survive. To be one of the survivors, they've got to be one of the people that knows how to improve things and do things in a better way even though it may be threatening, eventually, to their own job but people that can contribute in some way with innovation is what going to be important. Of course, the peak of that would be an entrepreneur that knows how to start his own business and has that determination. That is really great too, I think. It's going to be a tough world out there, a different kind of world, but I think Norwich has prepared them for that in a much better way than a lot of other civilian universities or concepts, especially some of the academic paths that they could choose that—it's got to be pertinent, these days, if they're going to survive and be successful. I think they learn that here. I think that the sciences are going to be extremely important. Be it engineering and that sort of thing, would be a great field to follow. I was reading somewhere, I think it was Harvard Business School, about some of their graduates and where they were going. Some of the more successful have done things like join railroads, Union Pacific or something like that, positive type jobs that have room for innovation and improvement in the economy. JP: Is there anything else you'd like to add? RR: Well, I've been really lucky. I really have. Health has been, I've had some health problems but they've all been fixable. I have two new knees. I had a hip repair. I broke this knee a couple years ago on a rug, slipped on a rug and the doctor in Key Largo said it was the worst break he ever fixed. It was right where the artificial knee is. He put in a steel plate and a cadaver bone and seventeen screws and I've got a, he gave me a copy of the X-ray. It's suitable for framing. I mean, it's really neat. All these screws and wires are in there. He said he couldn't believe it when I got up and walked across the room. He said, "I didn't think you would ever walk on that leg again." JP: You're moving it like nothing's wrong with it. RR: Yeah. As I said, everything that has happened to me, I broke my arm. I broke my shoulder. They've all been fixable. Go to the garage and get it repaired. It's nothing internal that's eating away at you, at least, yet. So, I've been really lucky in that respect. My wife has been so good to put up with nursing me and pushing me around in a wheelchair or whatever has to be done. We've had a great marriage. We have two sons. One's at Arizona State. He's a vice president of Arizona State and his wife is also a vice president in development for their new school of sustainability, whatever that is. Sustainability is a big deal down there. She's set up schools in Amsterdam and Hong Kong and everything with this sustainability concept. The other one, my other son, younger son, is in Chicago at the McCormick Estate, which is called Cantigny. He's in charge of publications and speech writing and all that kind of thing at Cantigny. Cantigny's about a four hundred acre property where Colonel McCormick lived. He was one of the founders of the Chicago Tribune. Colonel McCormick was in the first division, the big red one, in the First World War, an artillery officer. The first battle they fought in France was at a town called Cantigny. So, his home in Chicago was 10 called Cantigny. There's this beautiful estate home, big mansion, home and then the property. He put a museum dedicated to the First Infantry Division on that property. It is first class. It is a beautiful museum. The First Division has meetings there sometimes. Outside, around the museum is a copy of just about every tank that the United States has ever used. They're sitting there, in the grass. Kids can climb all over them. There's an Easy Eight and all kinds of tanks, modern ones and really old ones, sitting around the museum. There's beautiful gardens. There's two eighteen hole golf courses, which are first class courses. It's all open to the public. They've had ten thousand scouts there for a Scout-A-Rama and all kinds of things and weddings. That's where he is. He loves it there, close to his home in the Glen Ellyn area. It's in Wheaton, Illinois is where Cantigny is. Anybody in the Chicago area should visit there. They'll never forget it. That's where they are. I have four grandchildren, two in each place. One of them just got his—in Arizona—one just got his master's in environmental engineering from Stanford. The other is in a discipline, a school for entrepreneurs at Arizona State, in an honors type course, doing really well. That's what they're all doing. I can't think of any other highlights to talk to you about. At Norwich, we did a lot of pranks. We probably got away with much more than we should have, Russ and I. We really did. JP: Care to talk about any of those? RR: We hid behind our authority and that was— that's not really fair. That's not nice. I remember we would take a cigarette and put it, we had M80s, a lot of M80s from having been at summer camp. We had put an M80 and a cigarette, light it, take it down the hall and put it underneath the hall door. The fire door's at the end of the hall. Then, go back in the room. Pretty soon, it be just, "Boom!" You'd dash out into the hall, "Who did that?" And get everybody all excited. Russ told about—I don't remember—when we went around at the summer camp and collected all the guidons from the various units over there with the, telling them they were needed for a wedding that was going to be held. We got away with everybody's guidon and brought them home, I guess. We did a lot of stuff like that. I was surprised. I remember when this time of year, we always had a jug of cider hanging out the window on a string. I mean, that was how you keep it cool. We always had ours hanging up. I didn't see any hanging under the barrel. I think they've straightened that out. They don't allow stuff like that anymore. JP: I've heard about those jugs. RR: Yeah. JP: You'd have a glass jug. RR: Yeah, or a plastic, milk-type jug full of cider, hanging out the window. JP: To keep it cold. RR: Yeah.11 JP: And it would ferment because it wasn't pasteurized. RR: It might. Yeah. It might. But we didn't—there wasn't any drinking problem. I don't even remember a smoking problem. Maybe there was, but I don't remember that. A lot of the things they worry about today, we didn't have those problems that we knew of. Yeah. I remember when we were rooks and the first year, in '46, and once in a while, things would get out of hand. Discipline would break down. The ultimate threat was, "If you guys don't straighten out, we'll call Jackman. Jackman would send the veterans down and straighten you guys out." They did. There were a couple veterans that were really tough and they'd come in and crack down. It was always cracking down. They'd get us out in the hall at night and dress us down and straighten us out and then go back to Jackman. Those were tough days. Discipline wasn't like it should be, like it is now. We did have horses. We had forty horses. RR: Oh, you did. JP: Yeah, my freshman year and the old, grisly cavalry sergeants to go with them. They were really old cavalry guys. The officers brought their own polo ponies with them. Some of the ROTC instructor officers had their polo ponies here. They'd play polo. Then, sophomore year, I think they took all those horses out to Fort Leavenworth or somewhere. Auctioned them off or did something. That was all gone. All the horses were gone and they brought in little tanks. I forget the name of those small tanks, Sheridan Tanks. From then on, it was tanks. The horses were fun. Some guys were better at that than others. They'd take us out there and we'd go up and down those sand hills where the National Guard thing is up here now. We'd go down those hills on our horses. JP: That's pretty hard. RR: Everybody had boots and jodhpurs. It was great. That was more the old cavalry. JP: Well, you turned out all right. RR: Yeah. I had a horse at home in Ohio. When I was at Fort Knox, I chummed around with the guys at the stables and I bought a horse down there. They helped me build a trailer and I trailed the horse home, when I was done at Fort Knox. JP: What kind of horse was it? RR: It was just a riding horse. There's lots of horses down there around Fort Knox so it wasn't hard to find one. The guys at the stables I think helped me find a horse. Meanwhile, I had gone into Louisville and bought a truck. I must have been loaded with money because I paid cash for a nice, brand new Ford pickup. That's what I trailed the horse back home with. That was fun. That's about it. JP: Okay. 12 RR: I thought you might be interested in. JP: Thank you very much for your time. RR: Oh. You're welcome. JP: Really appreciate it. RR: Okay. Track 1 ends. Track 2 begins. JP: We're back with Mr. Reiter, talking about the board of trustees. RR: Yeah. JP: Tell me about the board of trustees. RR: Addendum. When Russ came back from Europe and accepted the presidency of Norwich University. That was really an important thing. He called me and asked me if I would be on the board of trustees, which I agreed to do. I forget who the chairman was. Phil Marsilius was chairman. I was on the board for a while and then Phil resigned, retired from the board chairmanship. I became the chairman of the board of trustees for, I think, about fifteen years. JP: When was this? RR: I don't know. It was in the seventies. JP: We can check after. RR: During Russ's period of the presidency, he's the twenty second president. Twenty second or twenty third, I forget. Twenty second, I think. That was a trying time. Russ had some—was difficult to—for him, in some ways, to adjust from the military discipline for getting things done to the academic way of getting things done where everything has to be staffed around a lot and researched. Russ was used to issuing an order and it didn't always work that way. But things worked out for the better. Charlie Adamson then took over as chairman when I left that job. The biggest thing we did, I think, was search for a new president and get Rich Schneider on board. That was a big job. The board worked really hard on that. I was involved but I had people on the board that were very good at doing that search. That turned out great. I remember that, interviewing Rich and others and so forth. That was a good move and it's turned out to be a really great move. Rich has done a marvelous job. He's brought the university into a more modern time. You can see it when you walk around. It's just amazing what's been done as a result. But that was interesting work on the board. There were a lot of great people on that board. I don't 13 think there's very many of them still on there that I recognize but it's been onward and upward and hugely successful, really great. End of addendum. JP: End of addendum. Thank you.
Issue 30.3 of the Review for Religious, 1971. ; EDITOR R. F. Smith, S.J. ASSOCIATE EDITOR Everett A. Diederich, S.J. ASSISTANT EDITOR John L. Treloar, S.J. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS EDITOR Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Correspondence with the editor, the associate editors, and the assistant editor, as well as books for review, should be sent to RI~VIEW Fog R~LIGIOUS; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 63~o3. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's Church; 3~ Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania + + + REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Edited with ecclesiastical approval by faculty members of the School of Divinity of Saint Louis University. the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; Saint Louis, Missouri 63103. Owned by the Missouri Province Edu-cational Institute. Published bimonthly and copyright ~) 1971 by REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. 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Questions for answering should be sent to the address of the Questions and Answers editor. MAY 1971 VOLUME 30 NUMBER 3 JOHN R. SHEETS, S.J. Profile of the .Spirit: A Theology of Discernment of Spirits For various reasons the subject of what is traditionally known in Christian spirituality as discernment of spirits is coming to the fore. The literature on the subject is growing.1 Without pretending to discover something new we hope to add another point of view to the traditional way of looking at the discernment of spirits. Ordinarily the idea of discernment of spirits is con-cerned for the most part with the interior motions in the individual.2 With tbe help of prayer, purification, and spiritual direction one attempts to sift out the various movements to see what is genuinely prompted by the Holy Spirit from what is alien, in order to come to a decision in accord with the movement of the Spirit. The emphasis in discernment has been located mainly in the individual subject and with the attempt to discern the various elements at work in himself. Today, however, it seems necessary to bring out other complementary 1 See the excellent study lgnatian Discernment by John Carroll Futrell, S.J., "Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits," n. 2 (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1970). In the third footnote of this work there is a select bibliography of works on discernment. -" "Discernment. involves choosing the way of the light of Christ instead of the way of the darkness of the Evil One and living out the consequences of this choice through discerning what specific decisions and actions are demanded to follow Christ here and now. The diakrisis pneumatfn---discernment of spirits--is a 'sifting through' o1: interior experiences in order to determine their origin and to discover which ones are movements toward following the way of light" (Futrell, Ignatian Discernment, p. 47). j. R. Sheets, S.J., teaches in the De-partment of Theol-ogy of Marquette University in Mil-waukee, Wisconsin 53233 VOLUME .~0, 1971 363 4. 4. 1. R. Sheets, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 364 aspects in order to do justice to a wider view of man. There has to be a broader view of discernment of spirits to keep pace with a developing Christian anthropology. We would like to view discernment as the two mutually interdependent loci of an ellipse. Traditionally only one of the loci has received attention: the subject and the internal movements of his soul. This view has to be com-plemented with the other focus of ~ttention which is concerned with what is "ahead of" the subject. This takes into consideration the term of all discern-ment which is closer ~znion while not neglecting the origins of the movement. It emphasizes discernment as a way of seeing the convergence of various elements to effect greater union. It lays stress on the "Spirit-ahead" of us, calling us, rather than concentrating only on the "Spirit-behind-us," moving us from within. Further, it brings out the fact that discernment is not simply a way for one's own spiritual advancement, but that it has a larger dimension. It is the way that history becomes weighted with the power of the Spirit, the way that the Spirit inserts Himself into the movement of history, giving it a Christic orientation. Instead of what can often be simply self-analysis it pints the emphasis on the char-acteristics o~ the Holy Spirit which form a profile against which we project the incipient movements in ourselves. Discernment, therefore, is a process of seeing incipient growth of the Spirit, distinguishing this from what is in reality incipient death. It is like trying to see the face of someone at a distance. That is only possible if one is well acquainted with the "face of the Spirit" before one at-tempts to recognize Him from a distance. For this reason in the last section of what follows we have tried to sketch the main features of His face. Discernment, therefore, has to do with the pneumatic self, the spirited self. Too often, however, it is looked upon as some kind of a supernatural psychoanalysis. We approach a spiritual phenomenon with an attitude and apparatus that are unspiritual, as if we had some kind of a water witch to detect where the genuine fountains lie. We must approach the spiritual spiritually. Discernment is related to human prudence but is not identified with it. Through discernment we try to see how the Spirit-ahead is drawing things into a Christic focus. The place where all of these converge is the epiphany of the Spirit. The tighter the convergence the closer the union, and the more does the Spirit place His imprint on the self and on history. This type of discernment is not simply a good prudential judgment. It does not arise out of the data presented, though it makes use of all the data. It is a judgment which is the result of an encounter of the Holy Spirit from above with the human spirit from below. It is larger than the data though it makes use of all the data. It involves not only good sense but an affinity with the person of the Spirit and empathy with His goals. Human prudence is also a judgment about convergence, but it arises entirely from a correct assessment of the data. There is not anything in the prudential judgment which was not in some way in the data before. Prudence draws the various elements into a judgment for action by draw-ing them into a human focus. Spiritual discernment draws them into a Christic focus. The two processes of judging are related to one another in a way analogous to the re-lationship of reason to faith. This also helps us see how the Christic focus can be achieved even though, after doing all that is possible, the human focus fails. This is the mystery of Christ's Passion and Resurrection. Failure, frustration, death o1: the hu-man point of focus can be taken up into the Christic focus and result in an even greater epiphany of the Spirit. Before we attempt to draw up some norms for the dis-cernment of spirits, it will be helpful to present very briefly some preliminary ideas concerning (1) the need for discernment, (2) the difficulty, (3) the dynamics of dis-cernment, namely, the presence of the Spirit in the Christian, (4) the moments and the modalities of dis-cernment. The Need for Discernment Discernment is necessary to answer the fundamental question: Along which path does life lie, not life simply as existence, but life in greater abundance? All discern-ment is a matter of determining the path of life from the path of death: "And you are to say to this people, 'Yahweh says tiffs: Look, I now set in front of you the way of life and the way of death' " (Jr 21:8). The difficulty comes from the fact that the path of death simulates that of life. The very first temptation presented in Scripture shows the need for discernment. The life offered by God is presented as death, and the death offered by the serpent is presented as life: "You would not die at all: for God knows that the very day you eat of the tree your eyes will be opened, and you will be like gods who know good from evil" (Gn 4:5). In the Old Testament two main types of discernment are shown to be necessary: the necessity of the prophet to discern within himself what comes from God's word from his own "dream," 3 and secondly the need for the people n"The prophet who has a dream, let him tell a dream; and he who has a word, let him speak my word faithfully, says the Lord. What has the chaff in common with the wheat? says the Lord" (Jr 23:28). There ~ire many places where the prophets distinguish what comes from them and what comes from God; /or example, Am 7:2-9,15; 8:1-2; Mi 7:!-10; Is 6:5-12; 16:9-11. 4- + + Spirit's Profile VOLUME 30, 1971 365 4. 4. 4. ]. R. Sheets, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~66 to discern the false prophet from the true.4 The experi-ence of Elijah is a paradigm for the discernment of spirits. He did not find God in any of the commotions ordinarily associated with a divine epiphany, the wind, earthquake, fire, but in the gentle breeze, which was the least likely form of God's manifestation (1 Kg 19:9-13). In the New Testament there is much more stress than in the Old on the need for discernment. Christ Himself as filled with the Holy Spirit is the discerner: "And the Spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him, the spirit of wis-dom and understanding, a spirit of counsel and power, a spirit of knowledge and of the fear of Yahweh. (The fear of Yahweh is his breath.) He does not judge by appear-ances, he gives no verdict on hearsay." (is 11:2-3). He discerns the temptation of the evil one in the desert, the activity of the devil in Judas, and the evil hearts of those who want to kill Him (see Jn 8:33-4). He discerns His own heart as always open to the Father: "I always do what is pleasing to him" (Jn 8:29). He stressed the need for dis-cernment because there will be many who claim His own authority to speak (see Mt 24:6). John stresses the fact that spiritual phenomena in the Church have to be discerned: "But do not trust any and every spirit, nay friends; test the spirits, to see whether they are from God" (I Jn 4:1). He goes on to describe the norm for discernment: "Every spirit which acknowl-edges that Jesus Christ has come in the flesh is from God, and every spirit which does not thus acknowledge Jesus is not fi-om God." The Holy Spirit speaks one word wlxich is rich in its tonality: Christ. Botl~ in lais own life and in his instructions to others Paul emphasizes the need for discernment. The point can-not be developed here, but it would be instructive to study Paul's own life as one who discerns the Spirit. Surely the advice he gave to the Galatians was lived first of all in his own life: "If the Spirit is the source of our life, let the Spirit also direct our course" (Ga 5:25).~ He insists constantly on the need for discernment in the lives of the Christians. Often he uses the word dokimazo which means to test, prove: "Try to discover what the Lord wants of you, having nothing to do with the futile works o1: darkness bnt exposing them by con-trast" (Ep 5:10-1). "Bring all to the test" (I Th 5:21). 4 This is a favorite theme in the prophets Isaiah, Jeremiah, aud Ezekiel. See, for example, Is 28:7-13; 29:15-24; 56:9-12; 57:1-5; Jr 5:4,31; Ez 13; La 2:14; Ho 4:5; Dt 13:2-3. ~Paul sees his own conscience as cooperating with the Holy Spirit in forming his judgment: "I am speaking the truth as a Christian, and my own conscience, enlightened by the Holy Spirit, assures mc it is no lic: in my own heart there is great grief and unceasing sorrow" (Rm 9:1). The word he uses is "co-witnessing." "Put yourselves to the test" (2 Co 13:5). "A man must ~est himself before eating his share of the bread and drinking from the cup" (1 Co 1'1:28). There is a very special gift of discernment which belongs to the charismatic mani-festations of the Spirit: "There are varieties of gifts, but the same Spirit. and another the ability to distinguish true spirits from false" (1 Co 12:4-10). This is the gift o[ discerning whether the spirits are truly spiritual, or evil. Finally he stresses the need for discernment in order to preserve the purity of the Gospel message: "The Spii-it says expressly that in after times some will desert from the faith and give their minds to subversive doctrines inspired by devils." (1 Tm 4:1). Paul sees that it is the evil spirits who are ultimately responsible for the defec-tions from the truth of the Gospel (see 2 Th 2:9-11; 2 Co 2:11). The same idea is brought out when Peter speaks of the fact that there will be false prophets among Christians just as there were among the people of Israel: "But Israel had false prophets as well as true; and you likewise will have false teachers among you" (2 P 2:1). The Scripture, therefore, in both the Old and New Testaments, shows the importance of discernment in two ways: first of all, by showing the practice of discernment in those who bring to ns the word of God (the prophets, Paul, John, Peter, and in an eminent way in Christ Him-self); and secondly by showing the need ~or discernment corresponding to three different ways in which the Spirit acts: through discerning His will for us in our personal lives, through discerning the true Gospel from the false, and through discerning a genuine charism from what is inauthentic. The Di[ficulty oI Discernment Experience shows us that it is no~ easy to discern the spirits. This is the lesson we read in Scripture, in history, and in our own personal lives. This could be developed at length. For the present, however, we would like to comment briefly on the three main sources o[ the dif-ficulty: from the term to which the Spirit is moving, from the sell, and from the circumstances. The term of all activity of the Spirit is toward greater union with Christ and through this toward union with one another. When the union which is aimed at is more personal, it is also more delicate and fragile. In love relationships the bond has more of invitation and less of physical force or compulsion, more freedom, less entrap-ment, more speaking through silence rather than through words, more awareness throngh mutnal attunement than through external signs. This is the first source of the dif- 4- 4" + Spirit's Profile VOLUME 30, 1971 367. ÷ ÷ ÷ 1. R. Sheets, S.I. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ficulty of discernment. We are trying to pick up signals that are invitations to a union that is deeper. The second difficulty comes from the self. Before one can discern, he has to be discerned. He has to allow the Word of God to discern him. He must be purified by the coal from the altar of God's holiness. Religious discern-ment is not simply a matter of finding out right answers, as one does in mathematics; nor is it simply a matter of depth analysis practiced in psychology. Discernment im-plies the docility of heart which is the same as purity of heart. What is being discerned is not simply a truth as an abstraction, but a love-truth. For this reason discern-ment involves not simply knowledge but identification with the truth, and a desire for progressive assimilation. The Holy Spirit is the ~absorbing Spirit. To discern one has to open himself to allow death to be swallowed by life. The difficulty of discernment, therefore, comes from the human heart itself: "The heart is treacherous above all things, and desperately sick--who can understand it?" (Jr 17:9). We are all aware of the proclivity of the hu-man heart to rationalize any position, to overlook what-ever might direct our eyes to the truth, to adapt the truth to ourselves, rather than to adapt ourselves to the truth. The third source of difficulty of discernment comes from the circumstances. Sometimes the issue is so com-plicated that even presupposing openness to the Spirit and purity of heart it is not easy to see where greater union lies. An obvious case is that of discerning one's vo-cation. After one has taken all of the steps necessary, with the proper consultation, he has to let his net down into the unknown with trust in the Spirit who is drawing him. In describing the music of Beethoven someone wrote that when you hear it you have the feeling that the one particular note just had to follow the other, that it was, so to speak, made in heaven. No other note would have fitted the "logic of beauty." This remark about music can easily be applied to the discernment of the note of the Spirit that simply "has to" follow. It is not easy to discern it, but it does follow a sequence that is the "logic of the Spirit." If one is attuned to the Spirit he has a sense for the "logic of the Spirit." The Dynamics of Discernment: The Presence of the Spirit in the Christian We have to recover the New Testament sense of the role of the Spirit in Cltristian life. What the soul of man is to his natural life, the Spirit is to Christian life. The Spirit is the source, guide, atmosphere, tone, pattern of Christian life. Once again we have to content ourselves in the interests of economy of space to some brief allusions to this im-portant truth without developing it at length. The gift of the Spirit sums up the whole purpose of the Messiah's coming (Jn 1:33). The Gospel of St. John stresses the fact that through Christ's passion, death, resur-rection His own body becomes the source for the Spirit. Paul emphasizes the new life of the Christian, with the new dynamics of the Holy Spirit: "The love of God has been poured into our hearts by the Holy Spirit which has been given us" (Rm 5:5). The whole of Romans 8 is a description of the new spiritual order of man as contrasted with his old, unspiritual self: "So then, my brothers, there is no necessity for us to obey our unspiritnal selves or to live unspiritual lives" (Rm 8:12). The Spirit we have re-ceived has made us sons (Rm 8:15). He has revealed to our spirit the deep things of God (1 Co 2:10-1). His presence is the proof of what we cannot see, that we are sons of God (Gal 4:6-7). Through him we are renewed (Tt 3:5-6).6 It is important, therefore, to recognize the encompass-ing role of the Spirit. In discerning we are not only trying to discern the presence of the Spirit, but the very process of discerning is from-with-in-by-through the Spirit. It is Spirit as possessed and possessing attempting to discern "Spirit on the way," the movement toward greater and greater union. The Moments and Modalities of Discernment Finally, before taking up the norms for discernment, we want to say a word about the moments and modalities of discernment. By moments we mean the qualities that distinguish in importance different periods of time, either by reason of special gifts of the Spirit or special decisions to be made. Modalities of discernment refer to the various ways in which the spirits are discerned. Not every human moment is a divine moment. Sacred history teaches us that there are certain moments which are kairoi, special moments of grace, where history re-ceives a special impetus of the Spirit. This is true in one's personal life as well as the life of the Church. These are moments of special invitations by the Spirit, of special response, and of special discernment. Further there is a modality of discernment which be-longs to the ordinary day-to-day living of our lives and one which belongs to special occasions. In the ordinary more or less routine events that make up our workaday world, discernment is not conscious or reflective but takes place through the vital dialogue between our new self as OThe Jerusalem Bible in footnote, Rm 5:5, gives an extensive series of references to the doctrine of the Holy Spirit in the New Testament. ,4- 4- 4- Spirit's Profile VOLUME 30, 1971 369 graced through the Spirit and the circumstances of our lives. The habitual "spiritual set" that comes from the Spirit equips a person with an instinct for the Spirit and spiritual values. On other occasions discernment is conscious, reflective, prolonged, methodical. The rules given by St. Ignatius are among the best known help in this process of con-scious discernment. Under modalities of discernment we could also in-clude personal and group discernment. Personal discern-ment takes place in dialogue with God, the self-as-graced, and the circnmstances. Group discernment adds the social dimension. It can be imagined as a pyramid. Those in-volved have a common base, the dialogue is with God, one another, and the circumstances, searching for the point where all of these converge into the greatest union possible. The main examples of group discernment are the general councils of the Church (see the Council of Jerusalem, Acts 15:28: "It is the decision of the Holy Spirit and our decision"). Other groups with a common bond and goal can engage in discernment. This is differ-ent from group, discussion because it takes place in a whole new order with conscious and constant reference to the communion with God and with one anotl~er in the Spirit. We have spoken of theneed of discernment, especially as this is brought home to us through Scripture, the various difficulties in discernment, the dynamics of dis-cernment which come with a new existence in the Spirit, and the moments and modalities of discernment. With these thoughts as a background we would like to give some norms for the discernment of the presence of the Holy Spirit. They are not expected to be some kind of a handy kit for spiritual discernment. They are an attempt to present a profile of the Spirit so that we can recognize Him when we see Him. We cannot be expected to recog-nize, Him in our inner selves unless we have some idea of what He looks like in Himself. We have taken thirteen characteristics as a help to discernment basing them on the nature of the Spirit Himself. Some Norms for Discernment I. The first norm comes from the fact that the Spirit is ÷ the Holy Spirit. He is the consecrating Spirit, drawing ÷ men and the world into the orbit of God's own life.~ ÷ Holiness is one of those rich words which defies ade-quate description. It means that one's life is inauthentic, ~. R. Sheets, S,]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~ The theme of the consecration of Christians is a common one in the New Testament. For example, Rm 15:16, where Paul speaks of his ministry as a life of consecration; 1 Co 6:11; 2 Th 2:13; Rm 8:1-13; 1 Jn 3:7,8; 1 P 2:5. no matter how good a person is, unless it is authenticized with the special life of God, that is, unless the ways of God are incarnated in the ways of man, so that man is not simply made to the image and likeness of God through creation, but is shaped to the inner life of God by be-coming the incarnation of God's ways, that is, His holiness. The sense of consecration has the concomitant feature of bringing an awareness of the desecration in our lives, a sense of sin: "He will confute the world, and show where wrong and right and judgment lie" (Jn 16:8). For this reason, the Holy Spirit will~ never be the in-spirit, the spirit of the times. Though He is the comforting Spirit, he will never be the comfort~ible Spirit. He has to il-lumine darkness, and men do not want their deeds il-lumined. Augustine's remark i~s perennially true: "They love the truth when it enlight,ens; they hate it when it reproves; they love it when it reveals its own self, and they hate it when it reveals themselves." The first rule for discernment, then, is this: Does it bring a greater sense of consecration, an integration of life through holiness, and at tl~e same time the need for purification, the sense of our distance from God? 2. The second norm is dra~n from the fact that the Holy Spirit is Spirit. Everything produces its own likeness as far as possible. The Holy Spirit by His very nature spiritualizes. It is difficult to appreciate what spirit and spiritualiza-tion mean not only because of the depth-nature of spirit, but also because of the false im'pression most people have of spirit. For many spirit means non-human, or less than human, unreal, foreign to the world of man. ~In the Scrip-ture, however, spirit connotes p',ower that is creative, over-powering, sustaining, surprisirfg, inspiring, gentle in its force, but forceful in gentleness' (see Elijah, 1 Kg 19). The spirit puts life into the dry bones of humanity: "I shall put my spirit in you and you shall live" (Ez 37:1). How does an act that is me~'ely human become spiri-tual? It becomes enveloped with, impregnated with a new life. St. Paul describes in detail the spiritual life of the Christian (Rm 8:lff): "The unspiritual are interested only in what is unspiritual, but the spiritual are inter-ested in spiritual things. It is death to limit oneself to what is unspiritual; life and peace can only come with concern for the spiritual" (Rm 8:5,6).s This provides us with the second norm for discerning the presence of the Spirit: is an act more spiritual, that is, does it bear the imprint of the Spirit? This is the same Sin the footnote to Rm 1:9 the Jerusalem Bible presents an extensive list of references to the word "Spirit" in the New Testament both as it pertains to man's spirit and to God's Spirit. + + ÷ Spirit's Profile VOLUME 30, 371 4, 4, 4, I. R. Sheets, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS paradoxically enough as asking: Is the act more human, because it is the nature of Spirit through His creative power to make things more what they should be by draw-lng them into a new source of authenticity. A spiritual act bears the mark of the new creation. On the contrary, an act that is unspiritual is one that bears the marks of death, inversion, self-centeredness. Admittedly it is diffi-cult to apply this norm in some sort of an empirical fashion. It is a norm which only a spiritual person can apply because he alone can pick up the signals of spiri-tuality. 3. The third norm comes from the fact that the Holy Spirit is the Spirit of Truth: "If you love me you will keep my commandments, and I shall ask the Father, and he will give you another Advocate to be with you forever, the Spirit of Truth, whom the world can never receive since it neither sees nor knows him" (Jn 14:15-17). It is not easy to express all of the nuances in the Scrip-tural word "trnth." We often equate it with a mental category. In Scripture, however, it describes a way of being, or more explicitly, a way of living. It is being-faithful or living faithfully. In God's providence there are four notes that make np the one chord of fidelity: first of all, God's faithfulness to Himself or to His promise, which incarnates itself in Christ who is the manifestation of the Father's fidelity, whose fidelity in turn is poured out among men through the Spirit, who is the Spirit of Fidelity, who in turn creates the Church, which is de-scribed as the "pillar and foundation of the truth" (1 Tm 3:15). Fidelity is a way of being where one's being and acting are shaped by a relationship to a person. The real, the unsubjective, what is there, is allowed to shape one's choices. Fidelity means that the past-self is not a matter of memory but is the present-self. It is the way past identity shapes present and future identity. In philosophy being is the highest expression of what existence means. In Christianity fidelity is the highest expression of the real. In the discernment of spirits it is important to look for the note of fidelity, the degree to which we allow the word of God and His will to shape each moment of our lives, the extent to which we allow the Church as the pillar and foundation of fidelity to mediate to us God's word and will. As a negative norm for discernment any act is to be rejected which makes us less faithful, which loses the sense of the absolute, reducing everything to what is relative, seeing truth in terms only of opinions like conservative, liberal and so forth, embodying an at-titnde which sees truth only from a subjective point of view--all of these are signs that point out the spirit of infidelity, "in whom there is not truth" (Jn 8:44). The Spirit of Fidelity leaves his own stamp of fidelity. 4. In the fourth place, the Spirit of Christ is the eschatological Spirit. He is the Spirit of the Christ-who-has- come and the Christ-who-is-to-come. He is the per-sonal tension of that which is already done in Christ and that which is yet to be done in His members. His whole purpose is to pour forth the gifts that are in Christ: "Ascending on high he gave gifts to men" (Ep 4:8). The Spirit as eschatological gift is the Spirit of Per-spective. He gives us the vision of the relationship be-tween the past event in Christ, our present living out of this event, and' the future fulfillment. He gives, then, a sense of the direction of time and its relationship to eternity, of this world to the next, a sense of what is simply means and what is goal. This serves as a norm for discernment of spirits. Is there a sense of value of eternal life over temporal life, of what is permanent over the transient, of the presence of Christ as .the absolute over the relative, of awareness of the overplus of meaning over non-meaning, of direction over drift in history? Negatively, is there a loss of perspective? Are means made into ends? Is eternal life seen as the climax of love or as an abstraction? It must be confessed that eternal life does not play too large a part in our contemporary mentality. We are like people .who keep throwing life jackets to pull those who are drowning into a sinking ship. 5. In the fifth place, the Spirit of Christ is the Spirit who creates the Christian community. The various terms used for the Church in the New Testament bring out the aspect of community: one body with many members, family, people of God, temple, vineyard, city, spouse. The Holy Spirit creates community by creating unity: "Do all you can to preserve the unity of the Spirit by the peace that binds you together. There is one Body, one Spirit, just as you were called into one and the same hope when you were called" (Ep 4:3). The unity of the Church is not based on common interests, bonds of blood, or even a common goal. The bond is the Spirit who draws the members together through their faith, which is the this-side expressio.n of the inner union of the Spirit with the Father and the Son. This serves as a help to discern the spirits. Does an action tighten the bonds of unity in the community? Negatively, does it bring about division and fragmenta-tion? 6. In the sixth place, the Spirit of Christ is the Spirit of the Word made flesh. He is the sacramental Spirit, the incarnating Spirit, the "material" Spirit. Proceeding from 4- Spirit's Profile VOLUME 30, 373 + + J. R. Shee~s~ $4. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 374 the flesh of Christ He draws all flesh into the flesh of Christ: "On the last day and greatest day of the festival, Jesus stood there and cried out: 'If any man is thirsty, let him come to me. Let the man come and drink who believes in me.' As Scripture says: 'From his breast shall flow fountains of living water.' He was speaking of the Spirit which those who believed in him were to receive; for there was no Spirit as yet because Jesus had not yet been glorified" (Jn 7:37-9). Here we see the importance not only of the sacraments formally so called, which in reality are points of Christic concentration, vortices drawing men into°Christ, bnt the drawing presence of the Spirit through all that is material --other people, circumstances, the sacramentals of the Church. In this connection we cannot emphasize enough the importance of sign and symbol as vehicles of the Spirit. The Spirit is a hungry, thirsty Spirit. He draws men through every pore of matter into the flesh of Christ. As a norm, then, to discern the presence of the Holy Spirit we should see to what extent His sacramentalizing presence is brought OUt. Negatively, the Spirit is absent where there is a tendency towards desacramentalizing, a false depreciation of matter, or a false internalization that devalues the drawing power of sign and symbol. 7. The Spirit of Christ is the Family Spirit. The same Spirit of Christ animates Christians of all centuries, cre-ating a kindred Spirit. He creates a basic identity that transcends differences of culture, philosophy, manners, and customs. The Christian is at home with the prophets of the Old Testament, the Apostles of the New, the fathers of East and ¼Zest, and so on through history. As a norm for discernment of spirits it is helpful to ask to what extent some mode of action bears the marks of the kindred Spirit. 8. The Holy Spirit is the charismatic Spiri[. There are two ways in which He distributes His gifts: to the person for the social, and to the social for the person. He gives His gifts to individuals to build up the Church for the person. He gives His gifts to individuals to build up the Church, and gifts to the Church to sanctify persons. He is the author of both types of charism: institutionalized charism, which is the Church, with the special role of the pope and the college of bishops; and the personal charism, given to an individual for the whole Body. It is a sign of the presence of the Spirit where there is due respect for both modes of the Spirit's charismatic presence. Negatively, any spirit which puts these gifts in opposition is not the Holy Spirit. 9. The Spirit of Christ is the Spirit who opens ns to the will of the Father: "He will not speak on his own authority, but will tell only what he hears" (Jn 16:14). The Spirit is "all ears" for the will of the Father. He tries to open our ears to hear His voice. Paul makes this one of his main concerns, that the Christian seek the will of God (Ep 5:17; Col 1:9; 4:12; Ph !:9; 2:13). This acts as a norm of discernment: the extent to which we are concerned with the discovery and the living out of God's will. 10. The Spirit of Christ is the Liberating Spirit: "Now the Lord of whom this passage speaks is the Spirit; and where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty" (2 Co 3:17; see Rm 8:1-13). Much has been written about freedom. Unfortunately we have to limit ourselves to a few observa-tions. Freedom is that mysterious power at the heart of a person by which one can open oneself to other selves. It is a power of excentration, bv which the self is given, and other selves are received. It is the way in which life be-comes a sharing of persons, not simply a sharing of things. Christian freedom is a share in Christ's own free-dora through His Spirit, a power to open oneself to the Self of the Father and the Son, and to love others as Christ Himself has loved. It is a sign of the Spirit's presence where there is genuine growth in freedom, which manifests itself in a greater sense of responsibility to the Father and to others. 11. The spirit is the Spirit o[ Christ. His whole work is to reproduce the image of Christ (2 Co 3:17if). If some-thing leads to a greater awareness of Christ, then it comes from the Spirit of Christ. 12. The Spirit of Christ is the Organic Spirit. He is the Spirit who creates nnity through variety. He is the Spirit who gives not only His gifts, but shares His own power to give: "There are varieties of gifts, but the same Spirit" (1 Co 12:4). There are two ways to destroy an organic unity, either through dismemberment, or by reduction of differences to make one homogeneous mass. The true Spirit is present where there is respect for the distinctiveness ot~ His gifts and their complementarity. The evil spirit destroys either by dividing or by reducing everything to an nndiffer-entiated mass. 13. Finally, the Holy Spirit is present where he pro-duces the symphony of His life in dae Christian: "What the Spirit brings is very different: love, joy, peace, pa-tience, kindness, goodness, trustfulness, gentleness, and selLcontrol" (Gal 5:22). This is another way of saying that He creates the image of Christ. The Spirit is present to the extent that a spiritual harmony is found in one's life. + ÷ ÷ Spirit's Protile VOLUME 30, 1971 375 Conclusion We have perhaps attempted to cover too much in such limited space. Each one of the topics touched on could be expanded indefinitely. We have tried to stress the follow-ing points. We need to see the Spirit not only as working in us and behind our actions, but as the Spirit ahead of us, drawing our lives into a Christic convergence. We have to discern the movements of the Spirit not only from the be-ginnings but from the term. Besides seeing discernment as a means for greater personal union, we have to see it as the way in which history becomes freighted with the Spirit. We stressed the role of the Spirit Himseff in our process of discernment, and familiarity with His personal characteristics in order that we might more readily recog-nize His operations. In this way we can be "transfigured into his likeness, from splendor to splendor. Such is the influence of the Lord who is Spirit" (2 Co 3:18). 4. 4. I. R. Sheets, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS EDWARD J. FARRELL Fraternity and Review of Life For where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them (Mt 18:20). ! am longing to see you: I want to bring you some spiritual strength, and that will mean that I shall be strengthened by you, each of us helped by the other's faith (Rm 1 : 11). Your mind must be renewed by a spiritual revolution . You must speak the truth to one another, since we are all parts of one another . let your words be for the improvement of others as occasion offers, and do good to your listeners (Eph 4: 23-9). Let the message of Christ, in all its richness, find a home with you. Teach each other, and advise each other in all wisdom (Col 3: 16). Some years ago, Romano Guardini expressed his con-viction that a basic cause for diminishing faith is our inability or unwillingness to share our faith experiences with one another. Without this sharing, he believed in-dividual faith is weakened. Fifty years later, in the midst of our present theological traumas, a spiritual evolution is happening in the emergence of small-group faith com-munities which I describe as fraternities. What Is a Fraternity? A fraternity is as new and as ancient as this morning's liturgy. It is the fundamental Christian experience. The first fraternity was that begun by Christ in his calling together the Twelve. The fellowship and brotherhood (koinonia) of the early Christian communities were a fraternity experience. Today's fraternity continnes that pattern. A group comes together tO pray, to listen to the word, to share, to be responsible for one another and to one another. Its members celebrate both the present mys-tery of their life in Christ and Christ's life in and through them in the world. In a deep sense, the fraternity lives out the Eucharist in the actuality of the ordinary of life. Openness to Christ in the presence of one another de-velops a givenness to each other. This experience embodies -I- '4- Edward J. Farrell is a s~aff member of Sacred Heart Semi-nary; 2701 Chicago Boulevard; Detroit, Michigan 48206. VOLUME 30, 377 ÷ E. 1. Farrell REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 378 the true meaning of co-responsibility, and this co-respon-sibility nourishes the grace and charism given to each for the service of all. Through a fraternity one grows in the capacity to see more and more in the light of faith and to draw and call each other to a more complete response to the Father. Fraternity is, simply stated, the actualizing and living out our love for one another through the recognized presence of Jesus in our midst. Why Fraternity? We are caught in a time of great changes in which familiar ctdtural patterns, customs, structures, and guide-lines have been swept away. "Crisis" is on everyone's tongue--crisis in faith, crisis in education, crisis in cities, crisis in marriage. "Crisis" is a good Greek word meaning and signifying judgment, discernment, decision. In that sense, life is a crisis! Because we are free, the human condition will always be in crisis. We are always in proc-ess of growth and development and its dialectic, canght in "overchoice" and "alternate eternities." We are polarized between anonymity and community; alienation and over- .involvement; loneliness and people-suffocation. In the paradox of our life today we need commnnity, perhaps more intense community than ever. We need privacy, a solitude richer than we have ever experienced. Yet too much community stifles and depersonalizes; too much solitude begets a barren and sterile loneliness and alienation. Change generates new perceptions and fresh needs emerge. There are new levels of self-awareness, per-sonal consciousness, the quest for inner freedom, for self-determination, resistance to authority, structnres, systems. Personal relationships have displaced rules. The people yon choose to be with become themselves the structure. In times of transition and instability human institu-tions contract to basic and primary units. There is too great a gap between the large community and close friend-ship and it is into this vacuum that fraternity has moved. It neither displaces or is a substitute for either because both are necessary. Rather it is a response to a new need, a new life situation not previously known. Value of Fraternity A fraternity offers an adult experience of a family. When we were young we could not wait to move out from onr families, and then we spend the rest of our lives seeking and developing a family of friends. This family of friends, a wall of friends, is a need, a human universal which no one ever outgrows. This is not only a human need but a personal right guaranteed by the essence of the Christian experience. Fraternity is built upon the truth that we need an inner commnnity of friends. This faith commtmity is essentially for balance, for matttrity, for continuing growth. In this family of friends one can be wholly himself, loved not io mt~ch, of cottrse, for what he does, but simply that he is. Fraternity is built npon the truth that Christ willed men to be saved by men. We need one another; In fra-ternity we make onr life in Christ visible before our brothers, asking them to hold ns faithful to our call and to our grace. Perhaps the great weakness in ot~r faith life is that it remains too invisible, known only to God in that vertical I-Thou relationship. Fraternity enables that vertical relationship to touch the horizontal life where Christ must be made visible. In nay own experience, the first effect of fraternity is to help me in fidelity. "How often have I seen myself in a mirror and walked away, forgetting what manner of man I am." The common sin of good religious is non-response to grace. It is not a matter of being bad priests or sisters, but it is plateat~ing year after year in a slowly contract-ing self-gravitational orbit. The grace of fraternity is to enable one to break out of that orbit and to be given that thrust which is impossible to attain alone. Size o[ Fraternity The size of a fraternity is conditioned by the psycho-logical limits of relationship. No one can relate deeply to twenty people at the same time. The group range is generally from eight to twelve persons. There may be several fraternities in the same honse. There is no com-pnlsion to belong. Fraternity does not mean a clique. It stands rather for inclt~siveness not for exchlsion. There can be both diversity and spirit of t, nity. Everyone will benefit; those not in a fraternity will belong by affinity. Growth in Fraternity Week after week one becomes aware of the effort an-other is making and the prayer he is living. Each one sees another in his strnggle and becomes aware that when he fails he is in some way allowing the others to fail. No one's faith can be lived in isolation. What one does af-fects all. Fraternity brings home with unassailable impact that we are brothers and are entrusted with ultimate responsibility for each other. I deeply know that as I go, so they go; as they go, so go I. Growth in ,'i faith com-munity is growing together in Christ through one an-other. Review o~ Life The dynamic of a fraternity is called a review of life. Every fraternity meeting is like the meeting on the road to Emmaus. Like the disciples we are "deep in conversa-÷ 4. 4. Fraternity VOLUME .30, 1971 379 4. 4. 4. E. .J. Farrell REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 380 tion about everything that has happened. And while they were absorbed in their serious talk and discussion, Jesus himself approached and walked along with them." Like the disciples, "the Scriptures are made plain to us" and "all that has happened" takes its right place in God's plan. "Our eyes are opened and we recognize Jesus walk-ing beside us, when he broke bread." The review of life rests on one fundamental fact: God acts through the events or at least through certain events and experiences of our life to become present to us, to manifest His love and bring us to renew and deepen our union with Him. The review of life helps us to discover the presence of Jesus and His expectations of us in all the aspects of our life. It develops our fraternal openness and brings us to a more total giving of ourselves to God. Each member becomes the responsibility of the others. It forms in us the habit of seeing everything in the light of faith and draws us to a fuller response to the will of our Father. The review of life is the reading of our weekly experi-ences in the light of the word of God. The quality of our review of life will be in real dependence on the qual-ity of our life of prayer and our familiarity with the word of God. The review of life is not an examination of conscience. It is essentially an effort to look together at our life and to what Jesns is calling us. We are tanght by our daily events and experiences if we "review" them with faith. This is why the review of life must start from precise facts drawn from our actual (lay and week. The review of life must not be thought of as just an external review of some of our duties. It must be past the state of simple exchange of ideas and must be situated at it deeper level. We must be convinced that we need the help of onr fraternity with each other even in the matter of our interior fidelity to Jesus. We cannot go alone to Him. The review of life is a searching together to discover in the light of the word of God the presence of Jesus in the facts and experiences of our daily life. The review of life is a new spiritual exercise, a way of prayer, a means of reading Scriptnre. It calls for discern-ing of spirits, it demands a re-vision of life. It is not so much an examination of conscience as it is a daily enter-ing into a fuller consciousness of Christ's presence in our life through His Word in Scripture and His Word re-fracted in the people and experiences of each day. The fraternity review of life is preceded by an hour of prayer during which each member reviews his own week or month in order to recognize how Christ has acted in him and how he has responded. Each prays for discern- ment to speak and to listen to Christ in the presence of one another. Usually it is difficult to recognize a fact of one's life, accustomed as we are to speak of ideas and thoughts and opinions. We are used to speaking in terms of "they," and "we," and "you." In contrast, the review of life is in the first person singular, forcing one to confront the facts and habits of one's daily life. One can always be more objective about others than about oneself. The review of life comes no more easily than deep self-knowledge. It is a slow and stumbling process with no step-by-step guide. In every review of life, every fra-ternity is the uniqueness of its members. Life growth and personal growth are rarely obvious. In" Patd's Epistles we can discover how often they become a review of life. Dynamics of the Review As a general rule, a review of life begins with each one expressing a particular fact of one's week: "I feel I have been neglecting personal prayer." "I'm avoiding this per-son." "I have a new understanding of forgiveness through this happening this week." Or one might ask a question: "What made this week for yon? . What do you feel you are to share? . What of your week brought a new light on"the Gospel or what demands were made on you?" "What decisions are you facing? . How are yon following throngla on your commitments?" In these ways, we come to each other with our needs, sharing our bread and ask-ing for bread. We gradually come to ask one another: "Teach me your prayer, your fidelity, your poverty, your love." "Share with me your Jesus." In some meetings there might not beany clear experience or grace to share at any one particular review of life. One might not be ready to express what is developing or happening. No one is to feel any pressure to share. No one responds to what another has said except at the invitation of that person. In essence, then, a review of life is primarily a prayer experience, an experience of Jesus and of oneself before Him and in Him. As we have said, no fraternity with one another is possible unless it is rooted in fraternity with Jesus. 0nly through His presence can we enter into deeper presence of one another. In the review, we ask Jesus to help us to discern His presence in ns, to reveal what He is calling us to and how to share Him with the fraternity. New levels of faith and charity emerge. A new sense of His presence is recognized in the way others ex-press what it is for them to be with Jesus. One learns to discern what the Word is saying in this situation and to be sensitive to the Word. Since fraternity means rever-ence, a deep reverence for the mystery and secret that an-÷ ÷ ÷ Fraternity VOLUME 30, 1971 381 + .I. + E. J. Farreli REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 389 other person is and who it is that is at work in each; psy-chological or moralistic probing has no place.in the re-view of life. Each person is respected for the inner rhythm of this life in the Spirit. No one may decide: "This is the hour. Now is the moment of grace," or "I have the an-swer to your problena." Although we are called to be min-isters of grace to each other, it cannot come precipitonsly, brashly, or insensitively, it is a beautifnl experience to watch the unfolding of the unknown grace in each other as we search together to li~,e our life according to the gospel. It is important to "call" one another, to hear an-other's expectation of me and for them to hear my ex-pectation of them, their need of nle and mine of them. In many ways the fraternity review of life is a living out, an actualization of the sacramental reality of the Eucharist and penance. The effects of the Eucharist is to bond us to one another to enable us to hear Jesus deep within us always uttering His transforming words over each person in every situation of our life: "This is nay body; This is my blood." The presence of Jesus in ns makes us "an altogether new creature" (Gal 6:16). He enables us in a new way to relate to others. His presence enables us to experience a new presence in others ". that each part may be equally concerned for all the others. If one part is hurt, all parts are hurt with it. If one part is given special honor, all parts enjoy it. Now you together are Christ's body; but each of you is a different part of it" (1 Cor 12:26-7). "If we live by the truth and in love, we shall grow in all ways into Christ, who is the head by whom the whole body is fitted and joined together, every joint adding its own strength, for each separate part to work accord-ing to its function. So the body grows until it has built itself up, in love" (Eph 4: 15-6). Eucharist, the fraternity with Jesus, creates our capac-ity for fraternity with one another. He alone can free us from our inability to love as He loves ns. Fraternity is the environment for penance, the sacrament o~ reconcil-iation, to reach a new fullness. For so long a time Encha-fist and penance have been contracted to the private individual sphere of I and Thou. So little of these sacra-ments is corporately and communally experienced. These sacraments give us power but rarely do we find an en-vironment to actualize His grace in us for others. Many have left religious life and the priesthood not so much because they have been hurt by the community hut be-cause they have not been healed. The hungry continue to be sent away empty. Fraternity means healing, it is for giving--forgiving. We discover that we have a power in Christ to forgive sin, the offense against us. It is a real power, just as we have the power to bless, because of the reality of Christ's presence in us. We have real power even though it is not the sacerdotal power of absolution, a forgiveness through the power of understanding and compassion. We are peacemakers and joybringers because we express visibly Christ's p(rson and Christ's forgiveness in love. Fraternity and review of life is a risk. It is as dangerous as prayer--one never knows where He will lead. Fra-ternity and review of life are contemporary ways of re-sponding to His Word: "By tliis love you have for one another, everyone will know that you are my disciples" (Jo 13:15). His words of judgment cannot but haunt us: "1 know all about you: how you are neither cold nor hot. I wish you were one or the other, but since you are neither, but only lukewarm, I will spit you out of my mouth . I am the one who reproves and disciplines all those he loves: so repent in real earnest. Look, I am standing at the door, knocking. If one of you hears me calling and opens the door, I will come in to share his meal side by side with him . If anyone has ears to hear, let him listen to what the Spirit is saying to the churches!" (Rev 3:15-22). Fraternity VOLUME 30, 197! 383 PAUL M. BOYLE, C.P. Small Community Experiences ÷ ÷ Paul Boyle, C.P., president of the Conference of Ma-jor Superiors of Men, lives at 5700 North Harlem Ave-nue; Chicago, Illi-nois 60631. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 384 As part of the renewal process initiated by the recent Vatican Council many religious institutes are trying new styles of communal life. It is difficult to characterize these new approaches to life in community. They have received a variety of names in various institutes, such as Experi-mental Communities, Small Community Living, Apart-ment- Style Living, Yet none of these denominations des-ignates those elements which are common to the new approaches. The word "small" comes closest, perhaps, but it is a very relative term. Whatever their common characteristics, it is clear that these new approaches to community living are wide-spread. The Conference of Major Superiors of Religious Men (CMSM) thought it would be well to ~valuate some of these endeavors. A series of six workshops was arranged in different parts of the country. About 30 major superi-ors were invited to each workshop, half men and half women, plus ten resource persons. Generally between 30 and 35 persons participated in each workshop. Many of the major superiors invited had personally participated in these small community experiences. Prior to each workshop the participants received papers describing, very briefly, one new approach to community living in each of the religious institutes represented. Some of these endeavors had already ended in failure. Others were floundering. Some were flourishing. Originally the workshops were entitled "Experiments in Small Community Living." However, the word "exper-iment" was quickly dropped both because it was mislead-ing and because it was apparent that small communities were here to stay. They were no longer considered an experiment, even though the particular mode or style in which this specific small group expressed itself was open to revision. The small size of communities was not precisely the point of consideration either. The participants were stud- ying a significantly new style of community life in small groups. Any common characteristics or integral elements constitutive of this new style could best be learned from the observable data at band. Eventnally the workshop members drew the conclusion that much more than a new style of life was under consideration. It was a differ-ent Christian culture, a different spirituality. The two styles of life in religious communities were expressive of two divergent views of the Christian life. The workshops made no effort to propose specnlative solutions. The approach was an entirely existential one. Current projects on new styles of small community living were studied and discnssed. Information was exchanged and experiences were studied and analyzed. Certain ten-tative conclusions seemed to emerge. Through the days of the workshop the participants attempted to discover common elements in these various efforts. When experiments failed, were there any recur-ring components which contribnted to this lack of suc-cess? Could we discover any factors which angnred well for the success of an endeavor? Where these projects have perdured, have they made any significant contribution to religious life? The workshops were, in other words, attempting to do three things: 1. Evaluate the sti'engths and weaknesses of current programs in small community living. 2. Discover any features to foster in attempting future projects. 3. Discover any features to avoid in initiating further such efforts. As a resnlt of this sharing it was felt there may be some nseful information instructive for the planning phases in preparation for such projects. Obviously an evalnation demands some basis of com-parison. Generally speaking these assumptions were not clearly articulated although they can be gleaned from the discussions. One assumption was clearly stated. Groups which have separated from their religious institute were considere'd failures in respect to their forming a vital part of the parent organization. Hence there was no effort in the sessions to study subseqnent developments within such groups. Indeed it seems that few of them survived their separation from the parent religions organization. It might be well to indicate, briefly, the other norms nsed for evaluation. As mentioned, these were not explic-itly enumerated bnt they were the recurring points under consideration. + 4- 4- Small Communities 1. Personal maturity. Does this style of life promote growth in VOLUME 30, 1971 maturity? 2. Interpersonal relationships. Are the personal relationships 385 "4- "4- ,4. Paul Boyle REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 386 supportive in these communities? Are there clear manifesta-tions of love, trust, and respect? 3. Evangelical counsels. Does this project provide a believable manner of living out one's commitment ;to the evangelical cou nsels? 4. Prayer. Does the individual and communal witness to a life of prayer deepen in communities free to determine their own norms and forms for prayer? 5. Fiscal responsibility. Do such practices as community plan-ning of communal budgets and personal management of funds contribute to fiscal responsibility? 6. Apostolate. Is apostolic ;~ctivity fostered by these renewal efforts? 7. Corporate commitment. Do the individuals and groups find their interest in the larger parent organization is strength-ened or, perhaps, attenuated? Possibly because a nmnber of the superiors ltad been through some very painful experiences, the sessions began by considering the negative aspects of these new styles of life. Then the group brainstormed the positive values of these small groups. Positive and negative elements were then gathered into areas of similarity and discussed at length. Negative Aspects The participants were painfully aware of a host of problems connected with these new approaches to com- ~non life. A number of the areas, however, were quickly seen to be tensions common to other forms of community life also. These problems bad simply been highlighted by the experiment. After some consideration other problems were recognized as not so much connected with this man-ner of life as with the method by which Stlcb projects were initiated or with the people who participated in them. Other difficulties, however, were intimately con-nected with the style of life itself. GOALS AND EVALUATION An often repeated mistake was lack of clear planning. The goals of the project were not enunciated explicitly. Neither the participan(s nor the institute bad anything clear against which to evalnate the program. The mem-bers of the group bad no framework within wtiicb to locate themselves. Often the experimenters were ktealists or visionaries wbo eschewed the mundane realities of goals and organization. A recent study~ of 50 commnnes (30 from the 19th century and 20 contemporary ones) shows some remarka-ble similarities between those of the past and the present. The stndy cites one of the constants by quoting a mem-ber of one current failure: We weren't ready to define who we were; we certainly Psychology Today, July 1970, p. 78. weren't prepared to define who we weren't--it was still just a matter of intuition. We had come together for various rea-sons- not overtly for a common idea or ideal . The differ-ent people managed to work together side by side for awhile, but there really was no shared vision. INITIATED FROM ABOVE Small groups which were regarded as a project of the total religious community fared quite well. The more closely the members of the small group were united with the other religious in the congregation, the better was their chance of success. Sm~tll groups which were alien-ated from the larger parent group had a poor survival rate. Indeed this factor of alienation was probably tlie most constant indicator of failure. Projects which were initiated by decree of the chapter or decision of the administration seem to have been re-garded as a project of the full community. Rarely was there alienation from the parent group. Conversely where these projects were initiated as a result of pressures from those who wished to begin such a small group, almost every one of them dissolved within two years. There were many explanations offered for this fact. Probably the real-ity is as diverse as the persons involved. But the fact remains and is something to be seriously considered. SIZE OF GROUP All recognized that the size of the group was an impor-tant ingredient for the success of a ventnre. Yet experi-ence compelled the members to conclude that there were no absolutes in this matter. For a wide variety of reasons groups consisting of less than five had little success. With some exceptions communities smaller than five disbanded after one or two years. Most members of the workshop thought that groups with more than 10 or 11 merabers Wotlld be too large to attain the goals of this new s~,le of community life. However, they recognized that tl,ey were not speaking from extensive experience. The vast major-ity of the successful small groups consisted of from five to nine religious. There were a few institutes with new styles of community life where the membership was a bit larger than this. Yet the consensus seemed to be that, generally speaking, the best chance for success is in a group from five to nine persons. MEMBERSHIP Perhaps one of the biggest surprises came when the qualities of the membership in these small groups was considered. Were the members of successful groups in similar age brackets, of similar tastes and interests? Or did the membership span the spectrum of age and experi-ence? ÷ ÷ ÷ Small Communities VOLUME 30, 1971 387 Few, indeed, were the homogeneous groupings which survived. Many of the participants in the workshops reg-istered their surprise at this fact. Some interesting specu-lation developed in an effort to explore the reasons, but it is sufficient here to record the phenomenon. On the other hand it would not be correct to say that the small gronps were so heterogeneous that they in-cluded each element in the institute. One essential quality for inelnbership was a willingness to dialog. Granting that and the minilnal maturity re-ferred to above, the presence of diverse age groups and attitudes seems to be a very healthy ingredient. HORARIUM Another frequently mentioned problem was schedul-ing. Small groups fonnd it difficult to get together for community prayers, discussions, and recreation. It was believed that the problem was the same in larger group-ings but its harmful effect was not felt as keenly. Yet, after a period of time, the small groups were able to make suitable adjustments in their schedules. Recogniz-ing the need and value of being together at certain times, they accepted the implied limitations imposed upon their choice of other benefits and valnes. Positive Values The workshops devoted the major portion of their time to the positive values evidenced by this new style of community life. Here the participants discovered some-thing which led them to conclude that this style of life would be normative for apostolic communities of the fu-ture. ÷ ÷ ÷ Paul Boyle REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~88 INTERPERSONAL RELATIONSHIPS This was the most common goal desired by those enter-ing these projects. They wanted to establish an atmos-phere which would foste]- close personal relationships. It was their belief that thi~, in turn, would give a basis for an enriched relationship with Christ. Many religious began these small community projects with unreal expectations. They believed that they could establish a primary relationship with each member of the community. Moreover, it seems they considered these close interpersonal communities a panacea for all the problems of life. One of the significant factors in the faihlre of early efforts was that the participants were frequently imma-ture. Perhaps they were idealists who needed the support of people able to cope with the daily realities of life. Some found the increased demand for personal responsi-bility in small communities too much for them. They longed for the benefits of community but were unable to pay the price demanded. Yet the majority of the religious seem to have found that their experience in the new groupings deeply enriched their lives. They have formed close, personal friendships. It was interesting to note that an increase of personal responsibility was experienced in these new styles of life. Not every religious will thrive in such small ~roups. Some people, for instance, find such satisfaction in their work that they do not need th~ support of interpersonal relations at home. Religious life, for them, is more func-tional than personal. They are religious to perform an apostolic work and the institute exists to facilitate this work. In and through the structures of the institute, moreover, they find that incentive to sanctity which helps them perform their work in a way befitting a consecrated Christian. A growing number of religious, however, need or desire a different kind of relationship in community. An active and persistent striving to realize the opportunities for full development of each person in the small group must be one of the expectations of persons participating in these programs. A certain acceptable level of matnrity is a pre-requisite. In and through these small communities many reli-gious have come to a deeper self-awareness. This has ena-bled them to develop their potential and reach a satisfy-ing level of maturity. Small group living, for reasonably mature people, can clearly contribute to personal growth. Obviously there are tensions and problems experienced in the small communities. One of the most important was the lack of privacy. There was a great need for personal privacy, for places or periods o[ quiet so that a person could be by bi~nself. Too much "togetherness" was harm-rid. Physical and psychic privacy were prerequisites for successful interpersonal community. PERSONAL RESPONSIBILITY One of the common characteristics of these groups was their mutual sharing of community responsibilities. Al-though the name was rarely used, in a number of in-stances there was a superior. Yet the role of the superigr was seen as significantly different from that of the tradi-tional decision-maker. The majority of these small groups, however, were without any designated superior. Nor did it seem correct to assert that one person usually emerged as the de facto leader in the group. Initially the groups generally began by discnssing all decisions to be made. After a while, however, routine decisions were del-egated to varions persons with a periodic review by the group of the manner in which these may have affected ÷ -I- -I-Small Communities VOLUME 30, 1971 389 the community. Harmoni6us community living required a clear delineation of rights and responsibilities spelled out tbrougll months of dialog. There were regular sessions to evaluate their progress in attaining the goals, to consider the policies determined by the group as well as the administrative decision by way of implementation. Conflicts and tensions must be brought into the open in a continuing effort to resolve them. + + + Paul Boyle REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 390 PRAYER A consideration of the various endeavors in the differ-ent institutes reveals a curious pattern in regard to prayer. When these new connnunities first started communal prayer fell off notably. In many instances the only com-munity act of worship was an occasional Eucharistic cele-bration together. At the same time the. religious were gradually experiencing a deeper faith orientation to their life. Through their community discussions they were coming to an awareness of tile place of a living faith in their lives. In a new way they were becoming conscious of the workings of the Holy Spirit. They were experiencing tile faith as a dynamic force in their lives. Then, after many months, something marvelous began to develop. Communities began searching for new forms of communal prayer. Frequent dialog prayer, sharing re-flections on the Scriptures, personal petitions addressed to God, hymns and psalnas of praise, all of these started evolving around the flow of daily life. This is something still very such in tile developmental stage in most com-munities, but it is one of the more exciting prospects. A deep desire for prayer is vibrant in these small communi-ties. Eager and earnest efforts are beingmade to achieve a life of prayer which fits comfortably into the patterns of life of the individual conmaunities. An interesting contrast kept recurring between the quality of these prayer experiences and the relative infre-quency and comparative brevity of these communal pray-ers. The Eucharist is often celebrated with other sectors of the larger community, the parish or the religious institute or work groups. But regular and informal celebrations in tile local community, frequently quite protracted through additional readings and shared reflections, are highlights in their prayer life and cherished experiences. APOSTOLATE Taking the term "apostolate" as the kind of service performed by the religious, s.nall group living does not seem to have any particnlar bearing on the apostolate. Considering the apostolate in a broader sense, however, as meaning the mission of religious to bear witness to the world, these new approaches in small group living have ,;ome significant developments. For one thing, unlike the typical monastery or convent, these residences are a normal part of the neighborhood in both location and appearance. The physical facilities .;,~em to help establish a rapport with the local citizenry. Religious in these groups generally establish bonds of friendship with their neighbors and participate in the parochial and civic life of the neighborhood. Frequently, they evidence deep concern [or the social problems of the areas. As the summary from one of these workshops stated: An important test of this quiet witness is whether those around them come to know them as alert, compassionate reli-gious people who have a genuine concern for others. This will depend on whether their style of life speaks quietly to those caught up in an acquisitive and competitive society. It will also depend on the degree they can in proper time and place realize reciprocal influence with their neighbors in the areas o~ spiritual and moral insight or support. In each workshop there were a number of other wflues and dangers, but the above represent the recurring ones which were considered significant. Despite some bad be-ginnings the new style of community life is flourishing. It provides the atmosphere for some wonderful experiences. The experience of those in these new groups and their major superiors strongly suggests the conclusion that this style of life will be normative for the future. + ÷ + Small Communities VOLUME 30, 1971 39] THOMAS H. GREEN, S.J. The House of Prayer: Some Reflections Based on an Experiment Thomas H. Green, S.J., is a faculty member of San Jose Major Seminary; Box 4475; Manila, Phil-ippines. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 392 1. The Need and Conventional Forms of Meeting It The idea of a house of prayer for apostolic religious is a very new one in the Church.t But the fundamental spirit is that of Christ Himself who both taught and exemplified the need for the apostle to "come aside and rest a while."'-' The rest which the Lord gave to His disciples and which He sought Himself was the recreative rest of time and space to truly encounter God. To rest in this way involved many things: the opportunity to get enough distance from apostolic involvement so that the disciples could understand the real meaning of what had happened to them; the chance to "return to the sources" and to deepen their reflective understanding of all that the Lord had previously taught them; the oppoi'tnnity to consolidate their own lives and thus to be open to future growth. They had to learn a lesson that is very important in our time--that certain kinds of devils are driven out only by prayer and fasting, that is, by the quality of the inner life of the exorcist, and not by any techniques or devices of his trade,s That first missionary journey, where they learned the possibilities of God's word in them, appears to have been an essential part of their formation. x For an early statement of the idea, see the article on the subject by Bernard H~iring, C.Ss.R., in REwv.w fOR R~L~CaOUS, September, I967. The early history of the house of prayer movement is sum-marized in Exploring Inner Space by Sister Ann Chester and Brother David, 1970, pp. 8-11. '-'Mk 6:30--4; Lk 9:10; see also Mk 6:46; Lk 6:12; 11:1; Jn 7:53. ~ Mk 9:29. But it was to prove a source of growth instead of despair only on the condition that they returned to the Lord to share with Him, in leisure, their successes and failures, and to learn from Him the true meaning of both. In this work, above all, what the apostle is counts far more than what lie says or does. Saint Paul, the greatest of apostles, was fully aware of this need.4 And, if we are to judge from his own mis-sionary life, the alternation of apostolate and reflective integration is a continual process as long as the apostle lives. Throughout her history, the Church has continued to realize this need. And the Holy Spirit has inspired her to provide various means for meeting it. The idea of daily periods of mental prayer has long been stressed in apostolic commnnities. Moreover, in recent centuries, an annual retreat has been a central spiritual feature of these communities. Finally, many communities have seen the need for a tertianship or "third probation" (postulancy and novitiate being the first two probations) to solidify and confirm the mature interiority of the apostle. All these ideas have proven valuable; but each of them has its limitations today. Perhaps a consideration of these limita-tions will help to snggest why a new instrument of apos-tolic maturity has appeared in our time. The oldest and most basic of means to interior depth is the daily mental prayer of the apostle. It remains a central featnre in any true instrumental union with God. But there are two kinds of difficulties which modern man en-counters. The first is the difficulty of discerning the spirits at work in the soul at prayer--of interpreting prop-erly what God is or is not doing. This has always been a problem, and it led St. John of the Cross, among many others, to insist upon the paramount importance of a good director."~ Such direction is hard to come by, however, and few souls seek until they find it. More often they grow un-certainly, and all too often they read the interior signs wrongly and take for failnre what is really growth. At this point a second, and more distinctively modern, difficulty enters. We live in a higly complex and intensely paced age. The apostle is a child of his times. As a result, he often finds his work occupying most of his energy and attention, even at times which he has kept "free" for prayer. The regular and measured pace of early monasti-cism where the fulfillment of the command "labora" distributed itself evenly and naturally over the days and seasons of the year is but a celestial dream for many mod-ern apostles. The result of these two difficulties combined ~ For an excellent resum~ of the Pauline teaching on prayer, see Romans, Chapter 8, footnote "'o" in the Jerusalem Bible. ~ Living Flame o[ Love, III, 26-53; see also St. Teresa, Interior Castle, pp. 50, 53, 68, and passim in the Image Book edition. 4- Prayer House VOLUME :~0, 1971 393 4. 4. 4. T. H. Green, S. J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 394 is frequently a mystique of work: Good souls despair of ever truly finding God in this life, and they decide, in effect, to lose themselves in their work for God, post-poning nntil eternity any genuine encounter with the Reason for their work. Two of the interior giants of our time, Karl Rahner and Caryl Houselander, have written movingly abont the holy wrongness of this decision.6 Prayer becomes a repetition of canonized formulas and resolutions, combined perhaps with a vagne unease that there should be more. The second means to interior depth, the annual re-treat, has arisen precisely as a response to the need, felt by members of apostolic communities, for periods of as-sessment and consolidation. The apostle cannot give what he dqes not have. The retreat is a chance to come aside and rest a while, and many find it an invalnable part of the year. Like the Biblical Sabbath rest, one of its natural (but not to be despised) fruits is physical rest. For many apostles, it has become the only real vacation they take in the year. And often they find that, rested, they can indeed pray fruitfully. The retreat, however, is very short: in some counnunities, three days; in others, six or eight. And everywhere the tendency is toward shortening it. Partly because retreats have become very impersonal en-counters between one retreat director and a very large group of retreatants. This results, often enongh, in a re-treat which is strongly moralistic, focusing on practical resolutions and planning'for the year, rather than on the "present deep experience of God which should be central to the retreat,v The physical sitnation makes adaptation to the personal needs and situation of the retreatant vir-tually impossible. Another reason why retreats are losing their vitality is the professionalism which characterizes so much of our work, and the failnre of the retreat struc-ture to provide that distance from our daily concerns, along with a real sense of direction in the retreat itself, which will challenge the modern man to seek and find a maturity in Iris prayer commensurate with his profes-sional maturity. The third traditional means to interior depth is the "tertianship" or third probation of many religious com-munities. Similar to this is the summer of renewal which some communities of sisters make available to their mem-bers, perhaps 25 years after profession. This is a true at- ~ K. Rahner, On Prayer, pp. 7-9; C. Houselander, This War Is the Passion, pp. 33-5. ~ This question of the proper purpose of a retreat has been much discussed in recent years. In an Ignatian context (and, I believe, even more generally), the remarks of Wm. Peters, S.J. (The Spirilual Exercises o~ St. Ignatius: Exposition and Interpretation, pp. 4-9) are very helpful. tempt to enable the religious to update themselves theo-logically, but it is even more what St. Ignatius calls a "schola affectus," 8 a chance for the heart to renew its commitment to God and to make new again that love which alone justified "leaving all things" in the first place. There is the time to settle down and to live deeply --something a retreat scarcely affords. There is the dis-tance from routine worries and preoccupations which even the most mature souls rarely find in their daily lives. And indeed, the house of prayek concept has much in common with the tertiansbip or summer of renewal. Too often, however, these familiar opportunities for renewal come only at a fixed and (,niform time in the life of religious, and the interval of renewal is uniform for all. Moreover, in these times when the communal character of our Christian and religious life is highly valued, there is often little community continuity to these forms. That is, the only principles of continuity from one renewal group to the next are the director (or directress) of the house and, perhaps, the instructional staff. There are, it is trne, customs and traditions which the director will commt, nicate verbally to each new group, but each has virtually to create from scratch that sense of Christian community which is integral to any post-Vatican II re-newal. 2. The Evolution o[ One New Response The house of prayer idea, then, is a recent proposal for meeting,an ancient religious need. One of the earliest and most eloquent advocates of'such houses is Father Bernard H~iring. And the importance which he attaches to the idea may be gathered from the fact that he has been known to say that this may be the most important work of his life. The idea of houses of prayer, though, has not always been as dearly defined as this may suggest. That is, many people have felt the lack of genuine leisure and of interi-ority, as well as of the freedom to respond to the apostolic "sacrament of the present moment," in modern religious structures. But the views as to how to remedy this lack have been almost as numerous as those who have felt it. I was a participant in early discussions at the University of Notre Dame in 1966-67, in which perhaps twenty sis-ter graduate students from as many different communi-ties took part)) At tbat time, we were in close agreement on the need for greater interiority and leisure, but we were far from agreed as to the forms necessary to meet this need. As the group began to establish contact with other like-a lgnatius Loyola, Constitutions o] the Society o] Jesus, n. 516. See the article cited in footnote 1 for the results of these dis- CL1ssiolls. ÷ ÷ ÷ Prayer House VOLUME 30, 1971 ÷ ÷ ÷ T. H. Green, S. ]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 396 minded religious, and to carry the idea back to their own communities, the possible forms gradually began to crystalize. While my own personal obligations1° prechtded close contact with the developing "movement," I followed indirectly but with great interest the emergence of the IHM Clearing Center in Monroe, Michigan, the various intercommunity conversations (and the involvement of such distinguished advisors as Thomas Merton), and the varions summer experiments in house-of-prayer living which were undertaken. But I felt, particularly when I returned to the Philippines in June of 1969, that my own involvement in the movement was at an end. I was mistaken. Through a series of those accidents and coincidences by which providence so often works, I soon found myself involved in an experimental house of prayer conducted by the Philippine province of the Sisters of Saint Paul of Chartres. The experiment has some inter-national importance, for the provincial superior of the St. Paul Sisters secured approval for it with a view to re-porting on the results at the community's next general chapter in 1971. If successful, it conld be extended to other provinces. At any rate, our experiment began full-time operation at a remote and beautifnlly situated mountain house in the northern Philippines.~ The two sisters with whom I had worked in planning the experi-ment during the preceding six months were then joined by two others, for a core group of four. Our house is called "The Home of the Spirit of God," since that seemed to express best wlmt we hope it will be. 3. Complementary but Diverse Options This brief historical excursus was necessary for two reasons. In the first place, the honse of prayer idea is one that has taken shape gradnally and experientially. We did not have a fully articulated concept of what was needed. Indeed, I at least have long believed that it was necessary to stop planning and start living the house of prayer. I felt that we could only learn the problems and possibil-ities- more deeply, that we could only learn whether and where the Spirit of God was leading ns--i[ we gave Him the time and the space to show us.v' Secondly, the living out of our experiment, within the matrix of concrete pos-sibilities afforded us by obedience and circumstance, has ~o First in writing a doctoral dissertation, anti then in pursuing postdoctoral studies at Cornell University aXAt Mount Pico in Trinidad Valley, about 6 kilometers from Baguio City. = For a further discussion of this delicate balance between plan-ning and living, sec Exploring Inner Space, pp. 79-81, 96-7, 111-2. shaped our understanding of God's design for this house of prayer. As I look back on the Notre Dame conversations in the .light of our Philippine experience, it seems to me that there are two basic options open to the house of prayer movement. The first is to establish centers of apostolic availability, for example in the inner city, where religious would be freed from tile institutional demands of our highly structured works and could offer to the people a flexible and prayerful community response to their actual present needs. This less structured type of Christian witness certainly appears to be an essential feature of the post-Vatican II Church. In fact, such a witness will un-doubtedly be a touchstone of the adaptability and rele-vance of the contemporary Church. But this type of experiment will not, by itself,'meet the needs of modern religious--particularly the need [or in-terior growth of which we spoke in the earlier part of the paper. It seems utopian to expect that we could abandon our structured works in the foreseeable future, or that a majority of our apostolic religious could be committed to free-form apostolates in this age of increasing profes-sionalism. And even if these goals could be realized, an elementary knowledge of human nature suggests that these new forms of witness would progressively take on structures of their own. More deeply, however, flexible response by itself would not guarantee mature interiority or the putting on of Christ. Thus there is a second option open to the house of prayer movement--one whose direct finality would be to provide apostolic religious with the . opportunity for full interior 'growth.-It-is this-type of. house of prayer which the Spirit appears to be forming here in the Philippines. Such a house would have as its aim providing a con-temporary response to the needs discussed in the earlier part of this article. It would complement the daily periods of prayer, and the annual retreat, of the apostolic religious. This means that it should provide the leisure and the spiritual direction necessary to read the signs of interior growth correctly, and to avoid that mystique of work which threatens to rob dedicated souls of the perspective described by our Lord in the Last Supper discourse. Moreover, it should provide a much more realistic op-portunity than does tile group annual retreat for apostles to personalize their experience of God and to deepen the sense of the utter uniqueness of their vocation. In this way, an interior maturity commensurate with our pro-fessional maturity would be fostered: a development which would resolve many of our contemporary "identity Prayer House VOLUME 30, 1971 397 crises," and consequently equip us much better to speak the healing word to modern man.1:~ Perhaps the most fruitfid way to conceive this type ot~ house of prayer is as a sort of "floating tertiansbip." That is, it would be a true "schola at~ectus" for people experi-enced in the apostolate and well aware of the difficulty of achieving true spiritual maturity. But it would be avail-able to them when they themselves felt the need for it. Moreover, it would be a continuing community--with a core group providing the continuity--whose whole apos-tolic function would be to provide a climate of peace and prayer and joy into which others could easily enter for that period of time (whether a summer or a semester or a year) which seems best to them. Since this seems to be the type of house of prayer taking shape among us here, per-haps a Jew preliminary experiential comments are in order.1~ 4- 4- 4- 4. Some Reflections Based on Experience The question of the location o[ houses of prayer was much discussed in tile Notre Dame conversations. In the light of our experience, I believe the location shonld be a function of the type of house of prayer envisioned. For our type, whose apostolate is directed to the active reli-gious themselves and which is geared primarily to people coming for a lengthy stay, the best location would be that which best meets their needs and desires--that is, one sufficiently removed from their daily concerns to sacra-mentalize their coming aside to rest a while. At the same time, however, an important part of their growth will be their continuing education. St. Teresa of Avila wisely mistrusted a deliberately ignorant piety. For this reason (unless the core members themselves can provide classes, especially in Scripture and spiritual theology), the house should be near a sister-formation center or a university with a good theology program. The question of continuing education brings us to the broader question of the program of the house of prayer. Since the whole reason for the existence o~ snch a house is to provide tile leisure to hear God, it is clear that the program should be so arranged that whatever is done, especially the liturgy and other forms o~ communal and private prayer, can be done deeply and well. At tile same time, if there is not a common and reasonably busy rhythm to the day, leisure can easily deteriorate into mere idleness; our hearing God can become a mere intro- T. 11. Green, $. ~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 398 a'~ For moving evidence of the liberative and maturing influence of actual house of prayer experiments, see the reports in Exploring In-ner Space, pp. 40-75. ~ A basically (but not totally) similar idea of the house of prayer is found in Exploring Inner Space, pp. 12-4. spective analysis of ourselves,is ~Ve have tried, gradually and as experience dictated, to articulate a program which provides for daily private prayer (1~/2 hours), study re-lated to prayer (2 hours), classes in conjunction with a neighboring formation program (from 2 to 6 hours a week depending upon the interests and aptitudes of the individual sisters), and work--in addition to the litnrgy antl an adapted form of the Divine Office with which we are experimenting. In addition, the sisters have agreed upon assigned days for receiving guests and inquirers and for handling the small shop which helps to support the house. (The mountain peoples are expert weavers, and locally woven cloth is the principal object for sale.) Various other activities, such as catechetical work in the neighborhood and a coffee hour for the people after Sunday Mass, have arisen naturally. But perhaps enough has been said to indicate the general program of the house. As far as possible we try to work out the details of living communally in the light of experience. One detail which has evoked a uniformly enthusiastic response is an hour in the evening devoted to "creative leisure," a somewhat pretentious title for a time "to do those things you have always wanted to do, but for which you have never had the time." The results have been wonderful in their variety: so much so that the adviser is developing a sense of cultnral inferiority! Thus far the experiment has been enthusiastically re-ceived by the core members and the guest members. The latter have been relatively few until now since we have tried to give the core group an opportunity to get to know one another and to establish the spirit of the house. But there appears to be considerable interest, both among the St. Paul Sisters and among other religious com-munities in the Philippines. Sevkra( of the latter have sent representatives to inquire about our project, anti also to participate in the life--sometimes with a view to establishing similar honses,t~ And within the year we hope to hold an intercommnnity retreat in the house of prayer itself. a~ As Exploring Inner Space makes clear, this was not a problem iu the shorter summer experiments there reported o,~. But we have recognized the danger in a continuing house of prayer; that the danger is real for any small community is suggested by the remarks of Brother Gabriel Moran in his recent book, The New Community, pp. 58-62. He refers to "the uarcissistic obsession with the experi-ence of commu,fity," and quotes with approval Father Henri Nouwen's "spoiled child" analogy. Our experience would tend to confirm these obser\'ations. ~6 The question is ofteu asked whether houses of prayer should be intercommunity or intracommunity. The a,~swer is unclear to me, but experience does suggest that an intracommunity begimting has definite practical advantages in terms of common background, com-munity support, and so forth. + 4- + Prayer House VOLUME 30, 1971 399 + + T. H. Green, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS A final question may be raised: What qualities should be sought in a member of the house of prayer? Guest members (those there for a temporary period) should, we believe~ be mature women, experienced in and dedicated to the apostolate of their community, who have felt the need and expressed the desire for greater interior growth. The house would not normally be for those in, or newly out of, formation. Nor, it goes without saying, should it be a last stopping-off point for those preparing to leave religious life. Some, it is true, will come to the house of prayer with questions about the real relevance of many of our contemporary structures (particularly our mystique of work), but they should be anxious to find the answers within the context of their fimdamental religious com-mitment. The core members should possess all these qualities and should also have a genuine desire to make this house their apostolate. Sound emotional and psychological bal-ance should be especially sought for, since they are to be "bridge people" committed both to a continual openness to the experience of God (a more difficult task than any of the exterior works we undertake) and to the sharing of their search with others. Since community appears to be a central feature of our evolving experiment, they should also be adaptable people, and chosen with a view to the general compatibility of the particular core group in question. Beyond this, it seems very desirable to have a healthy diversity of talents and personalities. For example, it would be ideal to have in the core group a sister well trained in Scripture and another in spiritual theology, who could offer their services to the community and to guest members. But all need not be scholars, providing they are at peace in accepting their own limitations and anxious to put their own gifts at the service of the com-munity. 5. Conclusion These, then, are the reasons I see for a house of prayer, the nature of such a house, and some points of detail which our experience with one house of prayer has sug-gested. It would be wrong to imply that there have not been problems. There have been so many, and such unusual ones in fact, that I have become convinced that the Lord is doing something very important here. More-over, the very problems, and the equally unusual ways in which they have been resolved, suggest that the experi-ment must be approached with great openness and de-tachment. Since the cry for the "liberation" of woman is by no means as loud among Filipinas as among American sisters, the priest adviser can still play a more explicit and less self-conscious role here. But it is no less true here that the life style must be determined, and the problems re-solved, from within. From the outset we have sought to "hang loose" in the hands of God and to let Him lead ns wherever He wished. This has not been easy, and I am sure we have failed often. Bnt the success of our experi-ment will ultimately depend upon our learning to bang loose, particularly since the masters of the interior life all tell us that this "disponibilitd" is the ultimate achieve-ment of mature nnion with God. Our conviction that this is the reason for our existence, and our principal con-tribution to the apostolic life, is sacramentalized in onr name: The Home of the Spirit of God. + 4- + Prayer House VOLUME 30, 401 SISTER MARY JEANNE SALOIS, R. S, M. Pilot Study of xperimentation in Local Community Living Sister Jeanne is Director of Re-search Services; Sis-ters of Mercy; 10000 Kentsdale Drip, e, Box 34446; Bethesda, Maryland 20034. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Religious communities of women are experimenting with many new practices in their living together in com-munity. There is, however, a dearth of reliable and valid evaluation of this experimentation, largely because it is difficult to assess outcomes so subjective in nature. The study reported here was made in a large religious congre-gation (545 local houses) to (1) identify the new practices being implemented and the ends which these practices were to promote, and (2) assess the attitudes of sisters re-garding the effects of this implementation. Procedure: The 73 local conamunities participating in this study were volunteers who agreed (1) to construct ;t plan for local community living for the year, 1969-1970, which would include goals, a plan of action, and meth-ods of evaluation, and (2) to complete an Attitude Scale to be administered to all participants at the close of the year. The investigator visited each local community in the study to: 1. develop the basic assumptions for the study with the lo-cal group in keeping with the new practices they were imple-menting and the ends they hoped to achieve. 2. interview a random sampling of one-fifth of the sisters to obtain an oral expression of opinion regarding the results of changes in government, prayer life, and temporalities. 3. obtain the information necessary for an accurate descrip-tion of the living situation. Treatment of the Data: The Attitude Scale entitled "Scale to Evaluate Sisters' Attitndes Toward Experimen-t; tl Practices in Local Community Living" was sent to 73 local houses totaling 875 sisters. Four hundred and seventy (54 percent) responded, representing the follow- ing cross section of sisters: TABLE I Distribution of Sisters Responding to Attitude Scale Sisters in Religion Over Sisters in Religion Less Sisters Giving No Indica- 25 Years than 25 Years lion of Number of Years in Religion Consensus* Coordinatort 32 155 Consensus Coordinator 70 153 Consensus Coordinator 11 49 * Local houses with government by consensus with no authority figure. "~ Local houses with elected or appointed coordinator. Thus, respondents include 113 sisters with government by consensus and 355 with ;t local coordinator. Respond-ents represent 187 sisters in religion over 25 years, 233 in religion less than 25 years, and 60 sisters who did not indi-cate the number of years in religion. The split-half reliability coefficient was obtained for this scale by correlating individnal's scores on the odd-numbered items with their scores on the even-numbered items, rising the deviation score method of computing the Pearson product-moment coefficient of correlation cor-rected by the Spearman-Brown formula. Tile obtained coefficient of equivalence for the Attitnde Scale was .85. Findings from. local plans. Goals enumerated in tile plans placed heavy emphasis on the spiritual aspects of re-ligious life. There was ~t frequently expressed concern for the psychological aspects of the person, especially for the nniqueness of the individual. The sisters also aimed at improving the apostolic dimension of religious life. The desire to witness to an authentic community of love was evident in m~tny of the goals formnlated. Some plans emphasized the elements of freedom and informality. Procedures for achieving goals inchtded variations in government: 33 houses were governed by consensus, 25 had elected coordinators, and 15 had an appointed co-ordinator. There was much participation and shared re-sponsibility in the local situation. In all personal aspects of living, sisters assumed responsibility for their own de-cisions. Daily prayers said in common varied from the usual Lauds, Vespers, and Encharistic Celebration to Grace be-fore dinner in the local community. Some innovative ap-proaches were tried to enrich the liturgy. In general, lo-cal communities fouml that unless communal prayer was strnctured as to time and place, not much communal prayer took place. Personal monthly allowances ranged from $5 to $80. Ahhough there was some variation in the items to be + 4- 4- Pilot Study VOLUME 30, 1971 4~3 ÷ ÷ Sister M. Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 4O4 pnrcbased with the personal allowance, in many instances tbe same items were to be purchased with $20 in one house and $40 in another. Local comlnunities found ewdnation the most ditficult, partly becanse objectives were not sufficiently specific and they were not expressed in measurable terms. Methods nsed inchlded community discnssions, reports, question-naires, minutes of meetings, periodic assessment of goal achievelnent, and schedule of activities which took place. Findings from interviews. The investigator found much polarity, with sisters in younger, middle, and older cate-gories differing significantly in their thinking about reli-gions life. Older sisters (over 60 years of age) would like to see many things being (lone under the name of ex-perimentation discontinued. They believe that unless sisters return to former practices, soon there won't be any religions. Many middle-aged sisters (35-59) believe that the actnal growth of each sister as a resnlt of the new freedoms depends on each individual; some will profit and some will not. Younger sisters (up to 35) are happy to have the freedom which they are being given, but the grave questions concerning the purposes and values of religious life which they are asking make freedom some-what dangerous from the standpoint of actually living .the religious life. Without an understanding of the pur-poses of religions life to gnide decisions, young religions are uncertain concerning the best means to take in practi-cal situations. Older and middle-aged sisters are happy about many of the changes--participation in decisiou-making, having an allowance, being able to visit relatives more fre-quently, having the freedom to dress for the occasion-- all of these changes are considered helpful to religious living. Changes observed which do not meet the approval of these sisters include the wearing of inappropriate lay clothing, the sharing in the social life of the laity, and being free from a local antbority figure. Older sisters fear that religions are becoming worldly and that prayer life is disappearing; younger sisters [ear that there might be a division in the community and re-ligious life may have no future. Sisters of all age groups are recommending that younger sisters be given more direction and guidance, that forma-tion programs becolne more structnred. When asked their views on reasons for sisters leaving, the sisters mentioned the following reasons: 1. Some sisters don't have anything to hang on to because of inadequate training for religious life. 2. Some sisters are disillusioned with the pettiness of re-ligious life. 3. Some can't live the life and they don't know why. 4. Sisters who are leaving see no purpose in religious life. They wish to marry. 5. Some sisters don't want to become like some older reli-gious they know. Findings from Attitude Scale. Respondents completed. a Likert-type Attitude Scale in order to provide evidence in support or rejection of basic assumptions formulated by the investigator and sisters in each local community at the time of the site visit. These assumptions will be listed followed by a summary of findings from the Atti-tude Scale as completed by the sisters. 1. A basic condition of equality in Christian dignity and freedom will provide a meaningful way of living out one's commitment of obedience. Sisters were asked their understanding of the phrase "equality in Christian dig-nity and freedom" when applied to religious in a local community. Most of the sisters believe that equality in Christian dignity and freedom flows from one's common membership in the People of God with God as Father of all. 56 percent of older sisters (in religion over 25 years) believe the person designated as superior in a commu-nity represents the authority of God, whereas only 14 percent of younger sisters (in religion under 25 years) believe this. 74 percent of younger sisters believe that all sisters have equal responsibility for discerning the will of God for the group, compared to 48 percent of older sisters. 30 percent of younger sisters do not consider di-rection and correction when needed part of the role of the authority figure; 9 percent of older sisters support this view. If the concept of "equality in Christian dignity and freedom" held by the majority of younger sisters is to provide a meaningful way of living out one's commit-ment of obedience, obedience needs to be defined in terms which exclude an authority figure who represents the authority of God (70 percent do not accept this). If the vow of obedience requires that one see in the author-ity figure a representative of the authority of God, then a basic condition of equality in Christian dignity and freedom as defined by approximately 70 percent of sis-ters professed under 25 years does not provide a mean-ingful way of living out one's commitment of obedience. One item in the Attitude Scale was "The concept of equality which excludes a superior can be reconciled with the vow of obedience." 53 percent of all respondents agreed with this statement. This percentage included 47 percent of older sisters with consensus government, 30 percent with a coordinator, 97 percent of younger sisters with consensus government, and 67 percent with a co-ordinator (total of 228 sisters). 2. Opportunities to make personal decisions in an open 4- 4. 4. Pilot Study VOLUME 30, 1971 405 ÷ ÷ ÷ Sister M. Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 406 atmosphere where adult professional roomen act as peers will promote growth in maturity as expressed by concern for the other person's welfare, sensitivity to others' needs, and a sharing of responsibility [or the welfare of the group. The group which believes most heartily that sis-ters readily assume responsibility on their own is the younger sisters with consensus government (76 percent). In the older group, only 31 percent agreed with this opin-ion. Younger sisters had the highest percentage agreeing that sensitivity to the needs of others increases as author-ity decreases (85 percent); 41 percent of the older sisters agreed with this statement. In the opinion of a majority of the sisters, added opportunities to make personal de-cisions provided during this period are promoting growth in maturity as expressed by a sensitivity to the needs of others and the assuming of responsibility for the wel-fare of the group. 3. When sisters participate in organizational planning, the amount of structure zoill vary with each community and it will be appropriate to the situation. A majority of sisters believe that organization for community living in the local house this year met the sisters' needs better than was true in the past. Highest gronp in believing this was younger sisters with consensus government (86 percent); lowest was tim older sisters with a coordinator (48 percent). Among older sisters, the schedule planned was most satisfactory to those with a coordinator; among younger sisters, the schedule planned was most satisfac-tory to those with consensus government. 4. Unity will grow as local communities accept a di-versity o[ living styles among their members, and sisters in the total province community accept diversity of living among local groups. Approximately 75 percent of older sisters believe that acceptance of diversity has much to do with promoting unity in community; over 90 per-cent of yotmger sisters believe this. Respondents were practically unanimous in their opinion that a full re-sponse to the totality of Christian revelation on the part of each sister will promote unity. Over 60 percent of older sisters consider integration of differences and bar-riers conducive to unity; only 23 percent of younger sis-ters agree with this. The great number of undecided responses to an item suggesting that identification with the goals and values of the foundress is conducive to unity (ahnost 30 percent) seems to indicate that these are not consciously functional in the lives of many sisters today. Responses to items related to assumption 4 permit the acceptance of this statement; however, these responses indicate that much more than acceptance of diversity needs to be considered in promoting unity. 5. Community will be fostered on a local level as au-thority effective in the apostolate can be kept from in- [htencing decisions and planning related to home living. Younger sisters are opposed to dual authority (70 per-cent) more than is true of older sisters (44 percent). A majority of sisters agree that authority in the apostolate when exercised in community makes living difficult. 6. A supportive, Christ-centered community attempt-ing to establish interpersonal relationships based on love, trust, and respect will redound to the benefit of the apos-tolate. Groups with consensus government in both younger and older categories were most ready to say that noth-ing had greater effect on their apostolate than their living situation. 64 percent of all sisters agreed that sisters in their local house profited from their day-to-day experi-ence in community living in .meeting the challenges of the apostolate. 7. Spirituality deepens when each sister is free to de-termine her prayer life with no specified prayers. Older and younger sisters differ greatly in their thinking on specified daily requirements in the area of prayer. 76 per-cent of older religions believe there should be specified daily requirements; 38 percent of younger religious be-lieve this. Polarity of younger and older sisters is also shown in beliefs regarding benefits of traditional forms of com-munal prayer. 47 percent of older sisters and 16 percent of younger sisters believe that traditional forms of prayer do much to promote a religious spirit among local groups. Most sisters acknowledge the need for daily personal prayer (90 percent). A majority of older sisters (56 percent) believe that when no prayers are specified, fewer and fewer prayers are said; 18 percent of the yonnger sisters believe this. The sisters are ahnost unanimous in rejecting the no-tion that discussion and/or apostolic work is an ade-quate substitute for personal prayer. The 6 percent who believe this number about 28 sisters out of 470 respond-ents in this study. In summary, sisters in religion over 25 years tend to reject assumption 7, and sisters in religion less than 25 years support it. 8. Community life deepens when local communities are free to respond to their common needs for prayer, and group members support individuals who introduce new forms of common worship. 83 percent of younger sisters with consensus govermnent and 52 percent with a co-ordinator believe that their communal prayer which flowed from the felt needs of the group was a help in ,4, .4- ar Pilot Study VOLUME 30, 1971 407 Sister M. Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 408 promoting community. Over half o[ the Older groups responded in a positive manner to this item. At this time when so much emphasis is placed on the commnnity-forming aspects o[ communal prayer, over 90 percent believe that communal prayer is an expres-sion o[ adoration, praise, and thanksgiving to God. While emphasizing spontaneous small intimate group-ings in prayer, sisters are continuing to emphasize the vertical dimension. Communities which introduced new [orms o[ communal prayer [onnd these condncive to a deepening of community li[e. 9. Personal management of money and cooperative planning of community budgets will promote an appre-ciation [or the value o[ money, be practical, and be conducive to a responsible use o[ material goods. The per-sonal responsibility which sisters are assuming in finan-cial affairs is making them aware o[ the cost of living. Sisters are finding the allowance (average $26 per month) practical and, in general, adequate. Many sisters are un-certain as to the effects of increased responsibility in fi-nancial matters on the practice of poverty. Some sisters find it difficult to speak in terms of poverty at all because o[ the many connotations the term has, for example, synonymous with destitution. 10. Emphasis on personal responsibility in financial a[- [airs will el]ect greater simplicity o] liIe style or more meaning[ul "ordered minimalness.'" Opinions of over hal~ of the sisters do not snpport the concept that empha-sis on personal responsibility in financial affairs will ef-fect greater simplicity o[ li[e style. The investigator sought to determine the thinking o[ the sisters on the meaning of the vow o[ poverty. A ma-jority of sisters identi~y poverty with a collective sharing of material goods, o~ availability, and o~ love for the poor. Concepts accepted by older sisters and rejected by younger groups are a "willingness to divest onesel~ o~ all things here on earth in order to obtain the riches o~ heaven," and "abandonment of oneself--sacrifice o[ com- [orts and material possessions." Both older and younger sisters agree that poverty means complete and fidl com-mitment to Christ; both groups reject the notion that poverty means dependence on superiors [or material things. 11. Diversified living will enable each sister to develop as a total person and encourage individual initiative in the use o[ her unique talents in promoting the good o[ the community. 25 percent o[ older sisters believe that total development o[ each sister was promoted by partic-ipation in a wide range o[ activities outside the primary apostolate, as compared to 75 percent o[ younger sisters with consensus government and 54 percent with a coordi-nator. In the thinking of most sisters, diversified living does promote the development of each sister and the good of the community. A majority of sisters rejected the idea that diversified living promotes individual satisfaction rather than the total good of the community. 12. Community living will improve as the sisters imple-ment the proposals in Mercy Covenant which are related to community life. Over two-thirds of the sisters indicated that there has been much implementation of Mercy Cove-nant (interim guide for the Sisters of Mercy of the Union). All groups believe that Mercy Covenant has improved community living, with the younger gronp with consensus government being the most enthusiastic (78 percent), and older sisters with a coordinator the least favorably im-pressed (41 percent). Of the groups involved, younger sisters with consensus government believed they experience(! community togeth-erness in a spirit of creativity to the greatest extent (60 percent), and older sisters with a coordinator, to the least extent (45 percent). In summary, most of the sisters in this study believe that proposals on community living have been imple-mented, and that this implementation has made a con-siderable difference in community living. 72 percent say that acceptance of others whose opinions differ from one's own is one area of improvement. 13. Problems and advantages of group living vmy with the size of the group. Nearly 70 percent of all sisters in the study think size has something to do with successful group living. Over half of the sisters prefer a group size of 7 to 12. Advantages cited for small gronps (4-9) were (1) deep and personal relationships, (2) sensitivity in dis-covering the needs of others, (3) less chance of cliques forming, (4) cohesiveness, togetherness, and a sense of belonging, (5) simplified group planning, dialog, and communication, (6) unity through an understanding and acceptance of each individnal, (7) flexible, more easily changed plans, and (8) homelike atmosphere. Disadvan-tages listed were (1) insnfficient variety in personalities for maximum growth opportunities, (2) heavy workload, (3) incompatibility of community members, (4) loneliness when one is not closely related to other members of the gronp, (5) lack of privacy, (6) individual problems affect-ing all members, and (7) demand for much cooperation from each member. Advantages of medium size groups (l 0-18) included (1) diversity in relationships, (2) adequate number available for community activities, (3) reasonable distribution of ÷ 4- ÷ Pilot Study VOLUME ~0, 1971 409 Sister M. Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 410 work, (4) flexibility of life style and constant presence of community nucleus, (5) adequate privacy, (6) less chance of someone being left out, and (7) easy interchange of ideas. Disadvantages listed were (1) too many divisions possible in community, (2) consensus is difficult, (3) quiet people are swallowed up, (4) lack of personal concern, (5) can make for institutional living, (6) too large for total group activities, (7) too many bosses. Advantages of large groups (19-) included (1) variety of talents, activities, personalities, (2) shared responsibil-ity, (3) better apostolic coverage, (4) easier financially, (5) greater freedom, (6) uncongenial members do not dis-rupt harmony as seriously as in small group, (7) much company and companionship. Disadvantages included (1) lack of family spirit, (2) tendency to form cliques, (3) lack of personalism, (4) difficult to assemble gronp for meet-ings, (5) only a few are heard, (6) can become efficiency oriented, (7) too easy to isolate oneself from community, (8) less responsibility assumed by individuals, (9) lack of communication, (10) too much structure needed. 14. Advantages and disadvantages ol group living vary with the amount of diversity in apostolic worhs repre-sented by group members. Half of the sisters in this study see no particular advantage or disadvantage in profes-sionally diversified groups, with many sisters undecided, perhaps because they never had this experience. In order to obtain further information regarding the effects of diversity of apostolic work, self-selection, and assignment to a group on community living, the sisters were asked to cite advantages and disadvantages of these situations if they had experienced them. Results are summarized be-low. Advantages of diversity of apostolic works in the same community included (I) diversity of viewpoints and inter-ests, (2) conversation not bogged down in perpetual dis-cussion of work situation, (3) can lead to involvement in other works, (4) forced to leave undesirable problems be-hind, (5) source of enrichment, (6) encourages sharing, and (7) promotes appreciation for other's difficulties. Disadvantages included (l) difficulty in planning ac-tivities for entire group, (2) failure to understand other apostolates, (3) confidential information can be unknow-ingly disseminated, and (4) minority groups are sometimes left out of considerations. Adw~ntages of self-selected groups mentioned by re-spondents included (1) provides the satisfaction and com-fort of living with people who accept you as you are and insures a feeling of belonging to the group, (2) contributes to peace and harmony in community because of common ideals, interests, attitudes, goals, (3) increases nnity among members of the group and a sense of responsibility for each other, (4) enhances group spirituality and depth of commitment to apostolate, (5) reduces personality con-flicts and violations of charity, (6) encourages sisters to take responsibility for their own actions, (7) promotes community by size and flexibility of group, and (8) re-duces time and energy needed to adiust to one another. Disadvantages of self-selected groups included (1) group members may be disappointing, (2) can cause loss of com-munity spirit in the larger community, (3) is divisive, (4) is a means of self-gratification, (5) is an unrealistic divi-sion of age groups, (6) can be a cause of added expense, (7) is less a living on faith, less the living of witness to religious life. Advantages of assigned groups mentioned by respor~d-ents included (1) true life style with its variety of ages and temperaments, (2) challenges sisters to new heights of love and consideration for all, (3) provides opportunities for the cultivation of new friends, (4) implements the principle of "being sent" to form community of love, (5) facilitates the keeping of corporate commitments, (6) re-duces the rejection of undesirable persons. Disadwmtages of assigned groups included (1) lack of agreement its to life style with resulting conflict and lack of adjustment, (2) incompatible persons can create prob-lems, (3) unity in diversity is often lacking, (4) restdts in submissiveness and dependence, (5) work may be nnde-sirable, (6) nnhealtl~y friction is often present, (7) lack of personalis~n. One item on the Attitude Scale attempted to find out which areas in the lives of sisters shonld be governed by personal, community, or higher authority decisions. Find-ings were as follows: Areas of Decision Making a. Daily personal prayer b. Daily communal prayer c. Leisure activities within community d. Leisure activities outside community e. Primary work commitment f. Work commiunent in ad-dition to primary apos-tolate Conclusions Source of Decisions Individual (83%) Local Community (58%) Individual (31%) Local Community (29%) Individual (63%) Individual (24%) Higher Authority (20%) Individual and Higher Author-ity (18%) Individual and Higher Author-ity (26%) Individual (22%) Higher Authority (21%) All of the assumptions listed can be accepted with the exception of the four given below which need to be modi-÷ ÷ ÷ Pilot Study VOLU~E 30, 1971 fled and explained in terms used in the text of this manu-script. A basic condition of equality in Christian dignity and free-dom will provide a meaningful way of living out one's com-mitment of obedience. Advantages and disadvantages of group living vary with the amount of diversity in apostolic works represented by group members. Spirituality deepens when each sister is free to determine her prayer life with no specified prayers. Emphasis on personal responsibility in financial affairs will effect greater simplicity of life style or more meaningful "or-dered minimalness." In the opinion of the writer, an understanding of the theology of religious life and mnch dialogue on the real issues which are causing conflict are the needs of the day. Only if conflict, distrnst, and disunity can be replaced by love which can cope with various forms of outward ex-pression will religious turn the present confusion into hopefulness for the future. + + + Sister M. Jeanne REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 412 Pra.,ver as CARL STARKLOFF, s.J. "Justi cation by Faith" Although the title may not indicate it, this article will deal with prayer and activity. To explain why one should risk further cluttering the storeroom of spiritual theology with another such study, let me hasten to add that our di