It has been known for several decades that a constantly growing asymmetry of the military power between the US and their NATO allies complicates transatlantic security relations. If allies cannot communicate in military terms, the risk of political split appears. Therefore one of the main priorities is the necessity to ensure that the allies are able to make their substantial military contribution. Lithuania also contributes to it by taking part in missions together with its allies. Missions are of military (using weapons, executing military operations and performing police functions) and civil character (providing help in case of natural disasters, sending humanitarian aid to voluntary soldiers). This paper focuses mainly on military missions. The subject of the paper: The participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The relevance of the topic: More and more often articles appear in Lithuania and abroad criticising the participation of the Western countries in peace missions, including Afghanistan; casualties, moral validity of these missions and heavy expenses are questioned; a more and more prevailing idea of Neorealism is mentioned. The goals of the paper: • To introduce the main trends of the theories of international relations; • To analyse the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions with reference to the theories; • To introduce a geopolitical context of the participation of Lithuania in foreign missions; • To review Lithuanian foreign military missions; • To discuss the perspectives of the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The method of work: The work is carried out using a descriptive analytical method, a comparative method and the analysis of scientific literature. The aim of the paper: This papers aims to review the participation of Lithuania in peace missions, to discuss its political and military aspects, paying the greatest attention to theoretical aspects. Among many existing theories of international relations, Neorealism and Constructivism are the most appropriate ones to explain the participation of Lithuania in international missions. Although the main conceptions of those theories are contradictory, in Lithuania's case they complement one another. Supporting the power of the US, Lithuania operates in the field of Neorealism theory as well as a common system of values in line with Western countries (especially the US) operates in the field of Constructivism and historic experience with Russia. Since the international system is anarchic, the dominant countries are those having the greatest power. Therefore Lithuania's support of the superpower is an entirely logical behaviour. Moreover, Lithuania is linked with the US by the common identity, which was formed by the US consistent denial of Lithuania's occupation in 1940 and 1944, supporting the restoration of independence and providing help for Lithuanian emigrants. Therefore in Lithuania's case both theories should be applied in analysing the support for the US and NATO and the participation in their foreign military missions. The examination of Lithuania's foreign military missions should not be restricted to the theories of international relations. The geopolitical context, which has a great influence on the country's behaviour, should be taken into consideration as well. The historical context of relations is connected with the current behaviour and the attitude towards such countries as Russia and it also has influence on choosing allies and the support to the policy they execute, including the military one. Attention should also be paid to the reliability of the potential allies and the reality of threats, for instance, whether a real conflict with Russia is possible. Russia should be the starting point since it is the main factor which influences the choice and behaviour of Lithuania. It is impossible to analyse Lithuania's international policy and its participation in missions without taking into consideration Russia, which is the greatest and most powerful neighbour. This country owns some of the biggest natural resources and one of the most powerful armies with the arsenal of almost 4000 nuclear heads. Therefore its influence on Lithuania cannot be neglected. Russian threat is not unreal. Its current behaviour might raise serious concerns. Russian military doctrine, issued in 2000, claims that the possibility of a military conflict with any country or a bloc of countries is very slight and no country is considered as its potential enemy. The main current threats to Russian security and its territorial integrity are international terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and drug smuggling. Other threats are "territorial claims on Russian Federation" and "the expansion of military blocs and alliances which can endanger the security of Russian Federation". According to the military doctrine, Russia does not intend to fight with any country or a bloc of countries. However, it prepares for defence. At the press conference held at the end of January, Russian president Vladimir Putin once again noted that Russia has tested a new complex of ballistic missiles which is not owned by any other country. The warheads of those missiles can outfight any missile defence systems. The ballistic missiles have maneuvering heads. This can already be treated as the nuclear-weapon threat. Unconditional support of the US can be observed not only during the military missions, but also during military programs, such as the missile defence system and its dislocation in Europe. Lithuanian foreign policy has been traditionally oriented towards transatlantic relations and the consolidation of strategic partnership with the US. There is no doubt that such an attitude has been influenced by the US itself because currently it is the only power in the geopolitical arena which can influence Russia in the Baltic Sea region. The amplification of the US influence in the region, the neutralisation of new threats and a greater influence of Lithuania in foreign policy are the main factors that induce Lithuania to support Euro-Atlantism. Also, Lithuanian choice is influenced by the unwillingness to become the object of "exchange". It would become possible if the spheres of influence between Russia and the US or between the EU and Russia changed. It would be much more possible if the Lithuanian priority were Euro-continental security system. Inability to transform the EU and keep balance with Russia may lead Germany and France to the Russian zone of influence. It would be a threat to the independence of Lithuania. Because of these reasons Lithuania intends to limit its participation in ESDP. Officially it is stated as the intention to maintain transatlantic relations. However, it is not the only reason. ESDP is a step towards the federal model of the European Union which would limit the autonomy and decision-making of small countries. Lithuania is unwilling to become the province of the European Union, which, contrary to the NATO, is unable to provide security. Moreover, the participation in ESDP would require huge financial resources, which are allocated to NATO for the same purpose and therefore it is unreasonable to duplicate funds. There is also a problem of dual loyalty. Since the great EU countries and the US often come into conflict, it would become a problem to choose between NATO (the US) and ESDP (Germany, France). The participation of the US in the European defence system enables Lithuania to control political relations with other great countries – Germany and Russia. One more reason why Lithuania tends to support the US is that Germany and France neglect the concerns of small countries for the sake of their relations with Russia. Such behaviour is considered unreliable and therefore the priority is given to the US, since only trustworthy partners can remain in the security sphere. Before the Vilnius Ten supported the US in attacking Iraq, there was an opinion that after becoming a member of the European Union, Lithuania as well as other post-socialist countries would give Europe a sense of freedom. This idea became very relevant during the G. W. Bush visit to Vilnius when he supported and guaranteed security to post-soviet states intending to become the members of NATO, saying "You are needed in NATO". The Vilnius Ten soon proved this necessity but the opinion of the countries which assigned billions for their integration into the European Union and were against the war in Iraq was neglected. Soon after the war in Iraq, the US Congress approved the list of new candidates for NATO. G. W. Bush noted in his speech that those members proved their necessity not only by words but also by their actions. However, until the invasion of Iraq, the tension between the US, its ally Great Britain and France, Germany and Russia was so strong that, according to the US Secretary of Defence D. Rumsfeld, the Vilnius Ten position separated Europe into two parts - the Old and the New one. The reproach expressed by France that the Vilnius Ten lost a good opportunity to remain silent and German reaction towards the participation of Polish soldiers in a post-Hussein Iraq show that either France and Germany do not understand Central Europe or they simply seek for autocracy in the continental foreign policy and therefore a different position of "New Europe" countries is unhandy for them. Currently the dislocation of the US missile defence system is one of the leading issues in international meeting agenda. This issue is extremely important for Lithuania because its two strategic partners - the US and neighbouring Poland – are involved in it. Lithuania's position towards the missile defence system was, and still is, rather complicated. On the one hand, Lithuania must support its strategic allies and partners. On the other hand, it would worsen relations with Russia. A new defence project, National Missile Defence
It has been known for several decades that a constantly growing asymmetry of the military power between the US and their NATO allies complicates transatlantic security relations. If allies cannot communicate in military terms, the risk of political split appears. Therefore one of the main priorities is the necessity to ensure that the allies are able to make their substantial military contribution. Lithuania also contributes to it by taking part in missions together with its allies. Missions are of military (using weapons, executing military operations and performing police functions) and civil character (providing help in case of natural disasters, sending humanitarian aid to voluntary soldiers). This paper focuses mainly on military missions. The subject of the paper: The participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The relevance of the topic: More and more often articles appear in Lithuania and abroad criticising the participation of the Western countries in peace missions, including Afghanistan; casualties, moral validity of these missions and heavy expenses are questioned; a more and more prevailing idea of Neorealism is mentioned. The goals of the paper: • To introduce the main trends of the theories of international relations; • To analyse the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions with reference to the theories; • To introduce a geopolitical context of the participation of Lithuania in foreign missions; • To review Lithuanian foreign military missions; • To discuss the perspectives of the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The method of work: The work is carried out using a descriptive analytical method, a comparative method and the analysis of scientific literature. The aim of the paper: This papers aims to review the participation of Lithuania in peace missions, to discuss its political and military aspects, paying the greatest attention to theoretical aspects. Among many existing theories of international relations, Neorealism and Constructivism are the most appropriate ones to explain the participation of Lithuania in international missions. Although the main conceptions of those theories are contradictory, in Lithuania's case they complement one another. Supporting the power of the US, Lithuania operates in the field of Neorealism theory as well as a common system of values in line with Western countries (especially the US) operates in the field of Constructivism and historic experience with Russia. Since the international system is anarchic, the dominant countries are those having the greatest power. Therefore Lithuania's support of the superpower is an entirely logical behaviour. Moreover, Lithuania is linked with the US by the common identity, which was formed by the US consistent denial of Lithuania's occupation in 1940 and 1944, supporting the restoration of independence and providing help for Lithuanian emigrants. Therefore in Lithuania's case both theories should be applied in analysing the support for the US and NATO and the participation in their foreign military missions. The examination of Lithuania's foreign military missions should not be restricted to the theories of international relations. The geopolitical context, which has a great influence on the country's behaviour, should be taken into consideration as well. The historical context of relations is connected with the current behaviour and the attitude towards such countries as Russia and it also has influence on choosing allies and the support to the policy they execute, including the military one. Attention should also be paid to the reliability of the potential allies and the reality of threats, for instance, whether a real conflict with Russia is possible. Russia should be the starting point since it is the main factor which influences the choice and behaviour of Lithuania. It is impossible to analyse Lithuania's international policy and its participation in missions without taking into consideration Russia, which is the greatest and most powerful neighbour. This country owns some of the biggest natural resources and one of the most powerful armies with the arsenal of almost 4000 nuclear heads. Therefore its influence on Lithuania cannot be neglected. Russian threat is not unreal. Its current behaviour might raise serious concerns. Russian military doctrine, issued in 2000, claims that the possibility of a military conflict with any country or a bloc of countries is very slight and no country is considered as its potential enemy. The main current threats to Russian security and its territorial integrity are international terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and drug smuggling. Other threats are "territorial claims on Russian Federation" and "the expansion of military blocs and alliances which can endanger the security of Russian Federation". According to the military doctrine, Russia does not intend to fight with any country or a bloc of countries. However, it prepares for defence. At the press conference held at the end of January, Russian president Vladimir Putin once again noted that Russia has tested a new complex of ballistic missiles which is not owned by any other country. The warheads of those missiles can outfight any missile defence systems. The ballistic missiles have maneuvering heads. This can already be treated as the nuclear-weapon threat. Unconditional support of the US can be observed not only during the military missions, but also during military programs, such as the missile defence system and its dislocation in Europe. Lithuanian foreign policy has been traditionally oriented towards transatlantic relations and the consolidation of strategic partnership with the US. There is no doubt that such an attitude has been influenced by the US itself because currently it is the only power in the geopolitical arena which can influence Russia in the Baltic Sea region. The amplification of the US influence in the region, the neutralisation of new threats and a greater influence of Lithuania in foreign policy are the main factors that induce Lithuania to support Euro-Atlantism. Also, Lithuanian choice is influenced by the unwillingness to become the object of "exchange". It would become possible if the spheres of influence between Russia and the US or between the EU and Russia changed. It would be much more possible if the Lithuanian priority were Euro-continental security system. Inability to transform the EU and keep balance with Russia may lead Germany and France to the Russian zone of influence. It would be a threat to the independence of Lithuania. Because of these reasons Lithuania intends to limit its participation in ESDP. Officially it is stated as the intention to maintain transatlantic relations. However, it is not the only reason. ESDP is a step towards the federal model of the European Union which would limit the autonomy and decision-making of small countries. Lithuania is unwilling to become the province of the European Union, which, contrary to the NATO, is unable to provide security. Moreover, the participation in ESDP would require huge financial resources, which are allocated to NATO for the same purpose and therefore it is unreasonable to duplicate funds. There is also a problem of dual loyalty. Since the great EU countries and the US often come into conflict, it would become a problem to choose between NATO (the US) and ESDP (Germany, France). The participation of the US in the European defence system enables Lithuania to control political relations with other great countries – Germany and Russia. One more reason why Lithuania tends to support the US is that Germany and France neglect the concerns of small countries for the sake of their relations with Russia. Such behaviour is considered unreliable and therefore the priority is given to the US, since only trustworthy partners can remain in the security sphere. Before the Vilnius Ten supported the US in attacking Iraq, there was an opinion that after becoming a member of the European Union, Lithuania as well as other post-socialist countries would give Europe a sense of freedom. This idea became very relevant during the G. W. Bush visit to Vilnius when he supported and guaranteed security to post-soviet states intending to become the members of NATO, saying "You are needed in NATO". The Vilnius Ten soon proved this necessity but the opinion of the countries which assigned billions for their integration into the European Union and were against the war in Iraq was neglected. Soon after the war in Iraq, the US Congress approved the list of new candidates for NATO. G. W. Bush noted in his speech that those members proved their necessity not only by words but also by their actions. However, until the invasion of Iraq, the tension between the US, its ally Great Britain and France, Germany and Russia was so strong that, according to the US Secretary of Defence D. Rumsfeld, the Vilnius Ten position separated Europe into two parts - the Old and the New one. The reproach expressed by France that the Vilnius Ten lost a good opportunity to remain silent and German reaction towards the participation of Polish soldiers in a post-Hussein Iraq show that either France and Germany do not understand Central Europe or they simply seek for autocracy in the continental foreign policy and therefore a different position of "New Europe" countries is unhandy for them. Currently the dislocation of the US missile defence system is one of the leading issues in international meeting agenda. This issue is extremely important for Lithuania because its two strategic partners - the US and neighbouring Poland – are involved in it. Lithuania's position towards the missile defence system was, and still is, rather complicated. On the one hand, Lithuania must support its strategic allies and partners. On the other hand, it would worsen relations with Russia. A new defence project, National Missile Defence
It has been known for several decades that a constantly growing asymmetry of the military power between the US and their NATO allies complicates transatlantic security relations. If allies cannot communicate in military terms, the risk of political split appears. Therefore one of the main priorities is the necessity to ensure that the allies are able to make their substantial military contribution. Lithuania also contributes to it by taking part in missions together with its allies. Missions are of military (using weapons, executing military operations and performing police functions) and civil character (providing help in case of natural disasters, sending humanitarian aid to voluntary soldiers). This paper focuses mainly on military missions. The subject of the paper: The participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The relevance of the topic: More and more often articles appear in Lithuania and abroad criticising the participation of the Western countries in peace missions, including Afghanistan; casualties, moral validity of these missions and heavy expenses are questioned; a more and more prevailing idea of Neorealism is mentioned. The goals of the paper: • To introduce the main trends of the theories of international relations; • To analyse the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions with reference to the theories; • To introduce a geopolitical context of the participation of Lithuania in foreign missions; • To review Lithuanian foreign military missions; • To discuss the perspectives of the participation of Lithuania in foreign military missions. The method of work: The work is carried out using a descriptive analytical method, a comparative method and the analysis of scientific literature. The aim of the paper: This papers aims to review the participation of Lithuania in peace missions, to discuss its political and military aspects, paying the greatest attention to theoretical aspects. Among many existing theories of international relations, Neorealism and Constructivism are the most appropriate ones to explain the participation of Lithuania in international missions. Although the main conceptions of those theories are contradictory, in Lithuania's case they complement one another. Supporting the power of the US, Lithuania operates in the field of Neorealism theory as well as a common system of values in line with Western countries (especially the US) operates in the field of Constructivism and historic experience with Russia. Since the international system is anarchic, the dominant countries are those having the greatest power. Therefore Lithuania's support of the superpower is an entirely logical behaviour. Moreover, Lithuania is linked with the US by the common identity, which was formed by the US consistent denial of Lithuania's occupation in 1940 and 1944, supporting the restoration of independence and providing help for Lithuanian emigrants. Therefore in Lithuania's case both theories should be applied in analysing the support for the US and NATO and the participation in their foreign military missions. The examination of Lithuania's foreign military missions should not be restricted to the theories of international relations. The geopolitical context, which has a great influence on the country's behaviour, should be taken into consideration as well. The historical context of relations is connected with the current behaviour and the attitude towards such countries as Russia and it also has influence on choosing allies and the support to the policy they execute, including the military one. Attention should also be paid to the reliability of the potential allies and the reality of threats, for instance, whether a real conflict with Russia is possible. Russia should be the starting point since it is the main factor which influences the choice and behaviour of Lithuania. It is impossible to analyse Lithuania's international policy and its participation in missions without taking into consideration Russia, which is the greatest and most powerful neighbour. This country owns some of the biggest natural resources and one of the most powerful armies with the arsenal of almost 4000 nuclear heads. Therefore its influence on Lithuania cannot be neglected. Russian threat is not unreal. Its current behaviour might raise serious concerns. Russian military doctrine, issued in 2000, claims that the possibility of a military conflict with any country or a bloc of countries is very slight and no country is considered as its potential enemy. The main current threats to Russian security and its territorial integrity are international terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction and drug smuggling. Other threats are "territorial claims on Russian Federation" and "the expansion of military blocs and alliances which can endanger the security of Russian Federation". According to the military doctrine, Russia does not intend to fight with any country or a bloc of countries. However, it prepares for defence. At the press conference held at the end of January, Russian president Vladimir Putin once again noted that Russia has tested a new complex of ballistic missiles which is not owned by any other country. The warheads of those missiles can outfight any missile defence systems. The ballistic missiles have maneuvering heads. This can already be treated as the nuclear-weapon threat. Unconditional support of the US can be observed not only during the military missions, but also during military programs, such as the missile defence system and its dislocation in Europe. Lithuanian foreign policy has been traditionally oriented towards transatlantic relations and the consolidation of strategic partnership with the US. There is no doubt that such an attitude has been influenced by the US itself because currently it is the only power in the geopolitical arena which can influence Russia in the Baltic Sea region. The amplification of the US influence in the region, the neutralisation of new threats and a greater influence of Lithuania in foreign policy are the main factors that induce Lithuania to support Euro-Atlantism. Also, Lithuanian choice is influenced by the unwillingness to become the object of "exchange". It would become possible if the spheres of influence between Russia and the US or between the EU and Russia changed. It would be much more possible if the Lithuanian priority were Euro-continental security system. Inability to transform the EU and keep balance with Russia may lead Germany and France to the Russian zone of influence. It would be a threat to the independence of Lithuania. Because of these reasons Lithuania intends to limit its participation in ESDP. Officially it is stated as the intention to maintain transatlantic relations. However, it is not the only reason. ESDP is a step towards the federal model of the European Union which would limit the autonomy and decision-making of small countries. Lithuania is unwilling to become the province of the European Union, which, contrary to the NATO, is unable to provide security. Moreover, the participation in ESDP would require huge financial resources, which are allocated to NATO for the same purpose and therefore it is unreasonable to duplicate funds. There is also a problem of dual loyalty. Since the great EU countries and the US often come into conflict, it would become a problem to choose between NATO (the US) and ESDP (Germany, France). The participation of the US in the European defence system enables Lithuania to control political relations with other great countries – Germany and Russia. One more reason why Lithuania tends to support the US is that Germany and France neglect the concerns of small countries for the sake of their relations with Russia. Such behaviour is considered unreliable and therefore the priority is given to the US, since only trustworthy partners can remain in the security sphere. Before the Vilnius Ten supported the US in attacking Iraq, there was an opinion that after becoming a member of the European Union, Lithuania as well as other post-socialist countries would give Europe a sense of freedom. This idea became very relevant during the G. W. Bush visit to Vilnius when he supported and guaranteed security to post-soviet states intending to become the members of NATO, saying "You are needed in NATO". The Vilnius Ten soon proved this necessity but the opinion of the countries which assigned billions for their integration into the European Union and were against the war in Iraq was neglected. Soon after the war in Iraq, the US Congress approved the list of new candidates for NATO. G. W. Bush noted in his speech that those members proved their necessity not only by words but also by their actions. However, until the invasion of Iraq, the tension between the US, its ally Great Britain and France, Germany and Russia was so strong that, according to the US Secretary of Defence D. Rumsfeld, the Vilnius Ten position separated Europe into two parts - the Old and the New one. The reproach expressed by France that the Vilnius Ten lost a good opportunity to remain silent and German reaction towards the participation of Polish soldiers in a post-Hussein Iraq show that either France and Germany do not understand Central Europe or they simply seek for autocracy in the continental foreign policy and therefore a different position of "New Europe" countries is unhandy for them. Currently the dislocation of the US missile defence system is one of the leading issues in international meeting agenda. This issue is extremely important for Lithuania because its two strategic partners - the US and neighbouring Poland – are involved in it. Lithuania's position towards the missile defence system was, and still is, rather complicated. On the one hand, Lithuania must support its strategic allies and partners. On the other hand, it would worsen relations with Russia. A new defence project, National Missile Defence
We can distinguish different approaches to European identity in contemporary Lithuanian and European discourses. Western scholars, such as Jacque Derrida, Jürgen Habermas, Gerard Delanty, Soledad Garcia, Cris Shore and others, stress (and question) the political and economic basis of European identity. This approach is revealed in both normative discussions and actual policies of European identity, and is supported by public opinion surveys, which attest to the mostly pragmatic motivation of citizens of the European Union to identify with "Europeans." Traditionally, Lithuanian intellectuals tend to consider "Europeanness" more as a cultural, but not a political or economic phenomenon. This Lithuanian attitude is greatly influenced by the tradition of philosophy of culture, which thrived during the interwar period in Lithuania. The philosophers, among which the most important were Antanas Maceina, Stasys Salkauskis and Vytautas Alantas, created their definitions and visions of nation, state and culture. They shaped a whole framework of nationalist thinking and provided later generations with powerful rhetoric, strongly expressed in the Lithuanian debates in the last decade of the twentieth century. Nevertheless, this traditional approach to Lithuanian identity has been modified during the twentieth century. First, the debates about national identity continued abroad, mostly in the U.S., after the Soviet occupation where a liberal approach to national identity took shape. In the 1980s, the secession from the Soviet bloc facilitated the circulation of Western liberal ideas, developed both by Western scholars and Lithuanian emigrant intellectuals. These ideas, though contested by nationalist approaches, became more and more usual in Lithuanian "identity talk." Additionally, European integration influenced a more pragmatic attitude towards national identification, as well as acknowledgment of its situational character and relativist nature. This shift is well reflected not only in the writings of intellectuals, but also in the public opinion surveys. The cultural grounds of political identity gained a new meaning, yet continued to matter.It would be impossible to provide a thorough analysis of the extensive discussions during the century. Therefore I will concentrate on the debates that took place from the 1980s to the end of the decade. I have chosen this period for several reasons. First, these debates in a way encompass the ideas and problems that were formulated throughout all the previous years. The period is important also, since the entire Lithuanian tradition of both nationalistic thinking and thinking about nation starts being reconsidered, supported or criticized. Yet, paradoxically, the issue of Lithuanian national identity and its relation to other regional identities, and what is most important in my case, to European identity, has not gained proper attention among Lithuanian scholars. Identity studies, though extremely popular in the West, are only at the initial stage in Lithuania. Additionally, studies of the problems related to nationalism, which would stimulate to analyze the relation between national and supra-national identities, are still rare in Lithuanian academic discourse.Speaking about European identity is very complicated, since there is any consensus neither about its content nor functions. Scholars argue about it from very different and often contradictory perspectives. Some of them understand European identity as the factor that strengthens national feelings (Louis Snyder, Jennifer Welsh), others as a real supra-state identity, potential to diminish dangers of nationalisms (Jürgen Habermas, Jacque Derrida). The others see European identity as the utopian aim, created by elites (Cris Shore, Gerard Delanty). While some thinkers call for concrete policies of the promotion of European identity, which consist mostly of ideological revision of history and cultural policies, similar to those of nation states (Simon Mundy), others criticize the policies just because of the ideological dimension and accuse European identity of being manipulative (Antje Wiener, Cris Shore).The arguments try to solve the tension between economic, political and cultural grounds of European identity. All of them see European history as ambivalent, which may both support and undermine European integration. On the one hand, the history of Europe is the history of many nationalisms, of the fight between political and cultural units for the right of self-determination. Obviously, this "history of conflict" hardly could serve as the ideological glue for European integration. On the other hand, the history of Europe is the history of Western civilization that has developed on the basis of Christian religious and antique philosophical traditions, Renaissance's humanism, and Enlightenment's rationality. The aspects of a shared ethical system, rational reasoning and cultural heritage are often employed to create the illusion of inherited, long lasting "cultural" or "ethical" Europe. Many of the EU's programs stimulate this re-invention of a cultural European tradition, in Eric Hobsbawm terms, while emphasizing the presence of a common cultural heritage in all European countries. Nevertheless, many countries may still interpret that "common European heritage" not only as evidence of the mentality "we, Europeans," but also as a reminder of past conflicts, when that cultural tradition was imported or even coercively imposed. In this way a shared "European culture" is biased by the potential for completely different interpretations and may serve to absolutely different political and social goals.Since the beginning, the debates about European identity have been significantly stimulated by actual political and economic reality. European identity has been widely discussed, opposed and promoted during the last decades as related to the issues of the political legitimacy of the European Union. The problem of European identity gradually has become an object of the EU public policies. Discussions about European identity far transcend the boundaries of the Western Europe and are particularly important in Central East Europe. Namely, in this region, which witnessed late modernization, and late creation of modern nation states, Europeanness was a crucial question. Europe has always existed as a notion that reflected different countries in different periods. The "mirror" of Europeannes was one in which features of some nation were seen, or to put it into other words, Europeanness was one of the instruments in the creation of the notion of national identity.The question of Europeanness has been very significant in the understanding of Lithuanian identity. Because modernization entered Central East Europe as an imported phenomenon, most of the countries felt like smaller brothers of the bigger Europeans. Here Europeanness played an important role in the construction of the sense of national pride. To be Lithuanian has never been to be European, to be equal. In the nationalist discourse it was either to be "less than European," or "more than European."It is possible to distinguish two types of "European talk" among Lithuanians. While one "we, Europeans" means "we, non-Russians" and distinguishes Lithuanians as those of higher working morality and tolerance, the second "we, chasing the train of Europe" connotes continuous backwardness and a desperate need to transcend the "own" in order to overtake "them." In this talk we can note that Lithuanians see themselves positively as Europeans only in contrast to "non-Europeans," usually Russians. Meanwhile, Lithuanians do not conceive themselves as full-value Europeans when comparing themselves with Western Europeans. Paradoxically, this allows Lithuanians to think of themselves as "more Europeans," since then such national values as "spirituality" and the legendary history of the "pagan empire" is juxtaposed against rational and pragmatic, even de-spiritualized "Europeans of the EU."This often painful question of what does it mean to be European for a Lithuanian, sometimes tends to diminish the European dimension in general, and some different regional identity, for example, "Baltic" identification, comes to the fore. I will show how biased the question of Baltic identity is. While the future of the Baltic region (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania), shaped by a common sad past, is an object of a political skepticism, for the same reason it wins the hearts of people, of which about 80% identify themselves as Balts. Nonetheless, despite abundant manifestations of national victimization, considering the western Other was necessary to define Lithuanian national identity. As David Laitin (2000) puts it, "[t]o an important degree, then, it is the Eastern Europeans who have a stronger interest in a utopian vision of "Europe" as a well-defined (and easily mimicked) culture than culturally secure Europeans who are citizens of the West European states." ; Vakarų Europos akademiniame ir politiniame diskursuose europinio identiteto analizė dažniausiai siejama su ES politinio teisėtumo, nusakančio dalyvavimo demokratijos stygių, problema. Tuo tarpu Lietuvoje europinio identiteto problema dažniau diskutuojama pasitelkiant tautinės identifikacijos problematikos prizmę. Abiem atvejais itin pabrėžiama tautinio identiteto politinės ir kultūrinės reikšmės apmąstymo būtinybė kaip neišvengiama europėjimo ir globalėjimo procesų pasekmė. Pagrindinis dėmesys kreipiamas į paskutiniojo dešimtmečio diskusijas, jas analizuojant tarpukario ir pokario laikotarpiais plėtotų idėjų kontekste. Pirmojoje straipsnio dalyje pateikiama Vakarų Europoje vykstančių diskusijų, politinių programų ir viešosios nuomonės apklausų rezultatų analizė siekia suformuoti konceptualinį ir istorinį pagrindą tolesnei Lietuvos situacijos studijai. Pirmiausia apibrėžiamos pagrindinės sąvokos ir nustatomi kertiniai, problemiški intelektinių diskusijų taškai. Nubrėžus šią konceptualinę koordinačių ašį, pereinama prie viešosios nuomonės apklausų rezultatų analizės. Apklausų rezultatai analizuojami ir lyginami su intelektualų ir politikų įvardintomis aprašomosiomis ir normatyvinėmis vizijomis. Šitaip pamėginsiu patikrinti, kiek diskusijose ginamos identifikacijos versijos sutampa ar skiriasi nuo viešojoje nuomonėje funkcionuojančių sampratų.
Migration has become an important phenomenon in many countries of Europe and Central Asia. The development implications of migration in the region were first examined in the flagship report "Migration and Remittances: Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union." This report builds on the World Bank's earlier work and focuses on an aspect of migration which is important, from various aspects, to practically all countries of the Europe and Central Asia region. The role that the diaspora can play is a major part in overall migration policy of the countries of Europe and Central Asia. This report represents a first step towards understanding the role that Europe and Central Asian diaspora can play in their home countries and how the Bank can facilitate these relationships. The report is part of the World Bank's migration program in countries of Europe and Central Asia, which was initiated with the aim to help countries respond to policy, institutional and program challenges of migration and remittances in the quest for sustained economic growth and poverty reduction.
Упродовж усіх років від часу створення СРСР комуно-більшовицька кліка Сталіна брехала світові про так звані успіхи комуністичного будівництва в країні нібито найсправедливішого на земній кулі суспільства.У 20–30-х роках знакових представників першої хвилі політичної еміграції заманювали різними обіцянками повернутися додому. В европейських столицях агенти Кремля підшукували й підкуповували низку продажних журналістів, влаштовували їм показові поїздки, стимулюючи цим появу в провідних газетах Заходу фальшивих публікацій про «радянський рай» на одній шостій земної кулі. Особливо послідовно влада взялася за непокірних українців: знищувала інтелігенцію, трудове селянство, національну церкву, і, як і в царські часи, насильно русифікувала.По завершенні Другої світової війни, коли втікачів-українців із того «раю» виявилося в рази більше, Москва насилала в численні табори Ді-Пі так звані репатріаційні комісії, які промивали мізки радянським збігцям, прагнули повернути їх в СРСР із тим, щоб згодом у нелюдський спосіб позбиткуватися над їхнім свободолюбством у сибірських таборах ГУЛАГу.Здавалося, той щедро оплачуваний потік цинічної російської брехні нікому й ніколи не вдасться ні заглушити, ні нейтралізувати, ні зупинити. Та ось у середовищі української еміграції виявився один сміливець, який голосно, на весь світ заявив, чому він не хоче повертатися в СРСР. Це був Іван Багряний. Народжений в Україні 1907 року, будучи поетом за талантом і громадським трибуном за покликанням, він сповна відчув на собі переваги «радянського способу життя». 1932 року репресований за безвинні з політичної точки зору вірші. На еміграції в Німеччині відновив літературну працю. 1947 року обраний заступником голови Української Національної Ради, став лідером Української революційно-демократичної партії.Вихід у світ книжки Багряного «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?» друком і накладом Українського центрального Бюро в Лондоні 1946 року стало своєрідною «бомбою». Передусім для офіційної Москви. Також для політиків, журналістів та інтелектуалів Заходу. Текст брошури складався з 13-ти коротких параграфів. Кожен із них слугує окремим прикладом-аргументом відповіді на поставлене в назві твору запитання.Через трохи більше як шість років у рідкісній на сьогодні газеті «Українські Вісті» (Новий Ульм, Німеччина) з'являється публіцистична стаття цього ж автора «Про свободу слова, совісті і преси за залізною заслоною». Її можна назвати своєрідним продовженням вищезгаданої брошури.На відміну від «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?», яка неодноразово перевидавалася за кордоном, у тім числі і в перекладах англійською, німецькою, французькою мовами, ця стаття полум'яного публіциста в українському журналістикознавстві є, на жаль, призабутою. І хоч написана вона понад 70 років тому, актуальність порушеної автором проблеми (гуманітарна катастрофа, яку зазнала українська нація від колоніальної політики російського «старшого брата») ще більше загострилася натепер, за умов неоголошеної Росією гібридної війни проти українців, зосібно й на інформаційному полі. * * *Драматичною є доля наступного тексту, який «Український Інформаційний Простір» оприлюднює в Україні вперше.Йдеться про розвідку відомого члена Української Центральної Ради, журналіста і вченого Аркадія Животка, життєвий шлях якого передчасно обірвався на еміграції, «Девятьдесять років української студентської преси». Вона мала скласти окремий розділ написаної в еміграції найголовнішої праці цього діяча – «Історія української преси».Видана 1946 року в Регенсбурзі циклостильовим способом (по-нинішньому – ксероксна відбитка машинописного варіанту) «Історія української преси» Аркадія Животка мала урізаний вигляд. Через брак коштів за умов безпросвітної еміграційної дійсності Аркадій Животко змушений був зняти з оригіналу підручника третину тексту. Як вважав, до кращих часів. Однак для цього автора вони так і не прийшли. Хворе й виснажене випробуваннями долі серце зупинилося на 58 році життя – 14 червня 1948 року. Сталося це в таборі скитальників зі Східної Європи Лягарде неподалік німецького Ашафенбурга.Утім, цю свою статтю автор встиг побачити надрукованою. Її було вміщено в спареному числі (1–2) журналу «Студентський Шлях», який на правах рукопису видавав машинописним способом у Мюнхені Центральний Еміґраційний Союз Українського Студентства (ЦЕСУС). Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яких тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику.«Історія української преси А. Животка перевидавалася двічі: 1990 року у Мюнхені заходами Українського Вільного Університету з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Присяжного та 1999 року в Києві заходами видавництва «Наша культура і наука» з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Тимошика. Не опублікований у цій книзі розділ про історію української студентської преси так і залишився в машинописному варіанті рідкісної на сьогодні підшивки машинописного «Студентського Шляху».Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яку тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику – вони розгубилися повоєнними дорогами еміграції бездержавної нації…Текст подається за оригіналом підшивки журналу, який в Україні практично невідомий. Комплект цього раритету подарував авторові цих рядків у канадському Вінніпезі покійний нині викладач Колегії Св. Андрея при Манітобському університеті Тимофій Міненко. ; For all the years since the creation of the USSR, Stalin's communist-Bolshevik clique lied to the world about the so-called successes of communist construction in the country of the supposedly fairest society on the Earth.In the 1920s and 1930s, iconic representatives of the first wave of political emigration were lured by various promises to return home. In European capitals, Kremlin agents searched for and bribed a number of corrupt journalists, arranged for them demonstration trips, and encouraged the false publications' appearance in the leading newspapers of the West about the «Soviet Paradise». Especially consistently, the authorities took on disobedient Ukrainians: they destroyed the intelligentsia, the working peasantry, the national church, and, as in tsarist times, forcibly Russified them.At the end of World War II, when there were too many Ukrainian refugees from that «Paradise,«Moscow sent so-called repatriation commissions to numerous DP camps, which brainwashed Soviet fugitives and sought to return them to the USSR to harm their love of freedom in the Siberian GULAG camps.It seemed that no one would ever be able to silence, neutralize, or stop that generously paid flow of cynical Russian lies. But among the Ukrainian emigrants, there was a brave man who loudly declared to the whole world why he did not want to return to theUSSR. It was Ivan Bahrianyi. Born in Ukraine in 1907, as a poet by talent and a public tribune by vocation, he fully experienced the benefits of the «Soviet way of life.» In 1932 he was repressed, from a political point of view, for innocent poems. During his emigration toGermany, he resumed his literary work. In 1947 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council and became the leader of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party.The publication of Bahrianyi's book «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?» printed by the Ukrainian Central Bureau in London in 1946 became a kind of a «bomb». First of all, for official Moscow. Also, for Western politicians, journalists, and intellectuals. The text of the brochure consisted of 13 short paragraphs. Each of them serves as a separate example-argument of the answer to the question posed in the title of the work.A little more than six years later, a journalistic article by the same author, «On Freedom of Speech, Conscience, and the Press Behind the Iron Curtain», appeared in the now-rare newspaper «Ukrainian News» (New Ulm, Germany). It can be called a kind of the above brochure continuation.Unlike «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?», which had been repeatedly republished abroad, including in English, German, and French translations, this article by an ardent publicist in Ukrainian journalism is, unfortunately, forgotten. And although it was written more than 70 years ago, the urgency of the problem raised by the author (the humanitarian catastrophe suffered by the Ukrainian nation from the colonial policy of Russia's «older brother») has become even more acute now, under the conditions of Russia's undeclared hybrid war against Ukrainians, especially in the information field.* * *The fate of the next text, which «Ukrainian Information Space» publishes in Ukraine for the first time, is dramatic.It is about the activity of a well-known member of the Central Council of Ukraine, journalist and scientist Arkadii Zhyvotko, whose life path ended prematurely in exile, «Ninety years of the Ukrainian student press.«It was to compose a separate section of the most important work of this figure written in exile – «History of the Ukrainian press.»Published in1946 inRegensburgin a cyclostyle way (now a photocopy of a typewritten version), Arkadii Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» had a truncated appearance. Due to the lack of funds in the conditions of a hopeless emigration reality, Arkadii Zhyvotko was forced to remove a third of the text from the original textbook. As he believed, until better times. However, they never came for this author. Sick and exhausted by the trials of fate heart stopped at the age of 58 on June 14, 1948. It happened in the camp of wanderers from Eastern Europe Lagarde near Aschaffenburg,Germany.However, the author managed to see this article published. It was published in a paired number (1–2) by the magazine «Student Way», which was published as a manuscript by typewriting in Munich by the Central Emigration Union of Ukrainian Students (CESUS). The value of this article is that most of the printed materials that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy. A. Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» was republished twice: in 1990 in Munich, in Ukrainian Free University with a foreword and arrangement by M. Prysiazhnyi and1999 in Kyiv, by the publishing house «Nasha Kultura i Nauka» with a foreword and arrangement by M. Tymoshyk. The section on the history of the Ukrainian student press, which was not published in this book, remained in the typewritten version of the currently rare typewritten folder of the «Student Way».The value of this article is that most of the publications that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy – they were lost on the post-war roads of a stateless nation emigration…The text is submitted according to the original folder of the magazine, which is practically unknown in Ukraine. The set of this rarity was presented to the author of these lines in Winnipeg, Canada by the now-deceased professor of St. Andrew's College at the University of Manitoba Tymofii Minenko.
Упродовж усіх років від часу створення СРСР комуно-більшовицька кліка Сталіна брехала світові про так звані успіхи комуністичного будівництва в країні нібито найсправедливішого на земній кулі суспільства.У 20–30-х роках знакових представників першої хвилі політичної еміграції заманювали різними обіцянками повернутися додому. В европейських столицях агенти Кремля підшукували й підкуповували низку продажних журналістів, влаштовували їм показові поїздки, стимулюючи цим появу в провідних газетах Заходу фальшивих публікацій про «радянський рай» на одній шостій земної кулі. Особливо послідовно влада взялася за непокірних українців: знищувала інтелігенцію, трудове селянство, національну церкву, і, як і в царські часи, насильно русифікувала.По завершенні Другої світової війни, коли втікачів-українців із того «раю» виявилося в рази більше, Москва насилала в численні табори Ді-Пі так звані репатріаційні комісії, які промивали мізки радянським збігцям, прагнули повернути їх в СРСР із тим, щоб згодом у нелюдський спосіб позбиткуватися над їхнім свободолюбством у сибірських таборах ГУЛАГу.Здавалося, той щедро оплачуваний потік цинічної російської брехні нікому й ніколи не вдасться ні заглушити, ні нейтралізувати, ні зупинити. Та ось у середовищі української еміграції виявився один сміливець, який голосно, на весь світ заявив, чому він не хоче повертатися в СРСР. Це був Іван Багряний. Народжений в Україні 1907 року, будучи поетом за талантом і громадським трибуном за покликанням, він сповна відчув на собі переваги «радянського способу життя». 1932 року репресований за безвинні з політичної точки зору вірші. На еміграції в Німеччині відновив літературну працю. 1947 року обраний заступником голови Української Національної Ради, став лідером Української революційно-демократичної партії.Вихід у світ книжки Багряного «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?» друком і накладом Українського центрального Бюро в Лондоні 1946 року стало своєрідною «бомбою». Передусім для офіційної Москви. Також для політиків, журналістів та інтелектуалів Заходу. Текст брошури складався з 13-ти коротких параграфів. Кожен із них слугує окремим прикладом-аргументом відповіді на поставлене в назві твору запитання.Через трохи більше як шість років у рідкісній на сьогодні газеті «Українські Вісті» (Новий Ульм, Німеччина) з'являється публіцистична стаття цього ж автора «Про свободу слова, совісті і преси за залізною заслоною». Її можна назвати своєрідним продовженням вищезгаданої брошури.На відміну від «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?», яка неодноразово перевидавалася за кордоном, у тім числі і в перекладах англійською, німецькою, французькою мовами, ця стаття полум'яного публіциста в українському журналістикознавстві є, на жаль, призабутою. І хоч написана вона понад 70 років тому, актуальність порушеної автором проблеми (гуманітарна катастрофа, яку зазнала українська нація від колоніальної політики російського «старшого брата») ще більше загострилася натепер, за умов неоголошеної Росією гібридної війни проти українців, зосібно й на інформаційному полі. * * *Драматичною є доля наступного тексту, який «Український Інформаційний Простір» оприлюднює в Україні вперше.Йдеться про розвідку відомого члена Української Центральної Ради, журналіста і вченого Аркадія Животка, життєвий шлях якого передчасно обірвався на еміграції, «Девятьдесять років української студентської преси». Вона мала скласти окремий розділ написаної в еміграції найголовнішої праці цього діяча – «Історія української преси».Видана 1946 року в Регенсбурзі циклостильовим способом (по-нинішньому – ксероксна відбитка машинописного варіанту) «Історія української преси» Аркадія Животка мала урізаний вигляд. Через брак коштів за умов безпросвітної еміграційної дійсності Аркадій Животко змушений був зняти з оригіналу підручника третину тексту. Як вважав, до кращих часів. Однак для цього автора вони так і не прийшли. Хворе й виснажене випробуваннями долі серце зупинилося на 58 році життя – 14 червня 1948 року. Сталося це в таборі скитальників зі Східної Європи Лягарде неподалік німецького Ашафенбурга.Утім, цю свою статтю автор встиг побачити надрукованою. Її було вміщено в спареному числі (1–2) журналу «Студентський Шлях», який на правах рукопису видавав машинописним способом у Мюнхені Центральний Еміґраційний Союз Українського Студентства (ЦЕСУС). Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яких тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику.«Історія української преси А. Животка перевидавалася двічі: 1990 року у Мюнхені заходами Українського Вільного Університету з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Присяжного та 1999 року в Києві заходами видавництва «Наша культура і наука» з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Тимошика. Не опублікований у цій книзі розділ про історію української студентської преси так і залишився в машинописному варіанті рідкісної на сьогодні підшивки машинописного «Студентського Шляху».Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яку тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику – вони розгубилися повоєнними дорогами еміграції бездержавної нації…Текст подається за оригіналом підшивки журналу, який в Україні практично невідомий. Комплект цього раритету подарував авторові цих рядків у канадському Вінніпезі покійний нині викладач Колегії Св. Андрея при Манітобському університеті Тимофій Міненко. ; For all the years since the creation of the USSR, Stalin's communist-Bolshevik clique lied to the world about the so-called successes of communist construction in the country of the supposedly fairest society on the Earth.In the 1920s and 1930s, iconic representatives of the first wave of political emigration were lured by various promises to return home. In European capitals, Kremlin agents searched for and bribed a number of corrupt journalists, arranged for them demonstration trips, and encouraged the false publications' appearance in the leading newspapers of the West about the «Soviet Paradise». Especially consistently, the authorities took on disobedient Ukrainians: they destroyed the intelligentsia, the working peasantry, the national church, and, as in tsarist times, forcibly Russified them.At the end of World War II, when there were too many Ukrainian refugees from that «Paradise,«Moscow sent so-called repatriation commissions to numerous DP camps, which brainwashed Soviet fugitives and sought to return them to the USSR to harm their love of freedom in the Siberian GULAG camps.It seemed that no one would ever be able to silence, neutralize, or stop that generously paid flow of cynical Russian lies. But among the Ukrainian emigrants, there was a brave man who loudly declared to the whole world why he did not want to return to theUSSR. It was Ivan Bahrianyi. Born in Ukraine in 1907, as a poet by talent and a public tribune by vocation, he fully experienced the benefits of the «Soviet way of life.» In 1932 he was repressed, from a political point of view, for innocent poems. During his emigration toGermany, he resumed his literary work. In 1947 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council and became the leader of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party.The publication of Bahrianyi's book «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?» printed by the Ukrainian Central Bureau in London in 1946 became a kind of a «bomb». First of all, for official Moscow. Also, for Western politicians, journalists, and intellectuals. The text of the brochure consisted of 13 short paragraphs. Each of them serves as a separate example-argument of the answer to the question posed in the title of the work.A little more than six years later, a journalistic article by the same author, «On Freedom of Speech, Conscience, and the Press Behind the Iron Curtain», appeared in the now-rare newspaper «Ukrainian News» (New Ulm, Germany). It can be called a kind of the above brochure continuation.Unlike «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?», which had been repeatedly republished abroad, including in English, German, and French translations, this article by an ardent publicist in Ukrainian journalism is, unfortunately, forgotten. And although it was written more than 70 years ago, the urgency of the problem raised by the author (the humanitarian catastrophe suffered by the Ukrainian nation from the colonial policy of Russia's «older brother») has become even more acute now, under the conditions of Russia's undeclared hybrid war against Ukrainians, especially in the information field.* * *The fate of the next text, which «Ukrainian Information Space» publishes in Ukraine for the first time, is dramatic.It is about the activity of a well-known member of the Central Council of Ukraine, journalist and scientist Arkadii Zhyvotko, whose life path ended prematurely in exile, «Ninety years of the Ukrainian student press.«It was to compose a separate section of the most important work of this figure written in exile – «History of the Ukrainian press.»Published in1946 inRegensburgin a cyclostyle way (now a photocopy of a typewritten version), Arkadii Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» had a truncated appearance. Due to the lack of funds in the conditions of a hopeless emigration reality, Arkadii Zhyvotko was forced to remove a third of the text from the original textbook. As he believed, until better times. However, they never came for this author. Sick and exhausted by the trials of fate heart stopped at the age of 58 on June 14, 1948. It happened in the camp of wanderers from Eastern Europe Lagarde near Aschaffenburg,Germany.However, the author managed to see this article published. It was published in a paired number (1–2) by the magazine «Student Way», which was published as a manuscript by typewriting in Munich by the Central Emigration Union of Ukrainian Students (CESUS). The value of this article is that most of the printed materials that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy. A. Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» was republished twice: in 1990 in Munich, in Ukrainian Free University with a foreword and arrangement by M. Prysiazhnyi and1999 in Kyiv, by the publishing house «Nasha Kultura i Nauka» with a foreword and arrangement by M. Tymoshyk. The section on the history of the Ukrainian student press, which was not published in this book, remained in the typewritten version of the currently rare typewritten folder of the «Student Way».The value of this article is that most of the publications that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy – they were lost on the post-war roads of a stateless nation emigration…The text is submitted according to the original folder of the magazine, which is practically unknown in Ukraine. The set of this rarity was presented to the author of these lines in Winnipeg, Canada by the now-deceased professor of St. Andrew's College at the University of Manitoba Tymofii Minenko.
For all the years since the creation of the USSR, Stalin's communist-Bolshevik clique lied to the world about the so-called successes of communist construction in the country of the supposedly fairest society on the Earth.In the 1920s and 1930s, iconic representatives of the first wave of political emigration were lured by various promises to return home. In European capitals, Kremlin agents searched for and bribed a number of corrupt journalists, arranged for them demonstration trips, and encouraged the false publications' appearance in the leading newspapers of the West about the «Soviet Paradise». Especially consistently, the authorities took on disobedient Ukrainians: they destroyed the intelligentsia, the working peasantry, the national church, and, as in tsarist times, forcibly Russified them.At the end of World War II, when there were too many Ukrainian refugees from that «Paradise,«Moscow sent so-called repatriation commissions to numerous DP camps, which brainwashed Soviet fugitives and sought to return them to the USSR to harm their love of freedom in the Siberian GULAG camps.It seemed that no one would ever be able to silence, neutralize, or stop that generously paid flow of cynical Russian lies. But among the Ukrainian emigrants, there was a brave man who loudly declared to the whole world why he did not want to return to theUSSR. It was Ivan Bahrianyi. Born in Ukraine in 1907, as a poet by talent and a public tribune by vocation, he fully experienced the benefits of the «Soviet way of life.» In 1932 he was repressed, from a political point of view, for innocent poems. During his emigration toGermany, he resumed his literary work. In 1947 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council and became the leader of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party.The publication of Bahrianyi's book «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?» printed by the Ukrainian Central Bureau in London in 1946 became a kind of a «bomb». First of all, for official Moscow. Also, for Western politicians, journalists, and intellectuals. The text of the brochure consisted of 13 short paragraphs. Each of them serves as a separate example-argument of the answer to the question posed in the title of the work.A little more than six years later, a journalistic article by the same author, «On Freedom of Speech, Conscience, and the Press Behind the Iron Curtain», appeared in the now-rare newspaper «Ukrainian News» (New Ulm, Germany). It can be called a kind of the above brochure continuation.Unlike «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?», which had been repeatedly republished abroad, including in English, German, and French translations, this article by an ardent publicist in Ukrainian journalism is, unfortunately, forgotten. And although it was written more than 70 years ago, the urgency of the problem raised by the author (the humanitarian catastrophe suffered by the Ukrainian nation from the colonial policy of Russia's «older brother») has become even more acute now, under the conditions of Russia's undeclared hybrid war against Ukrainians, especially in the information field.* * *The fate of the next text, which «Ukrainian Information Space» publishes in Ukraine for the first time, is dramatic.It is about the activity of a well-known member of the Central Council of Ukraine, journalist and scientist Arkadii Zhyvotko, whose life path ended prematurely in exile, «Ninety years of the Ukrainian student press.«It was to compose a separate section of the most important work of this figure written in exile – «History of the Ukrainian press.»Published in1946 inRegensburgin a cyclostyle way (now a photocopy of a typewritten version), Arkadii Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» had a truncated appearance. Due to the lack of funds in the conditions of a hopeless emigration reality, Arkadii Zhyvotko was forced to remove a third of the text from the original textbook. As he believed, until better times. However, they never came for this author. Sick and exhausted by the trials of fate heart stopped at the age of 58 on June 14, 1948. It happened in the camp of wanderers from Eastern Europe Lagarde near Aschaffenburg,Germany.However, the author managed to see this article published. It was published in a paired number (1–2) by the magazine «Student Way», which was published as a manuscript by typewriting in Munich by the Central Emigration Union of Ukrainian Students (CESUS). The value of this article is that most of the printed materials that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy. A. Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» was republished twice: in 1990 in Munich, in Ukrainian Free University with a foreword and arrangement by M. Prysiazhnyi and1999 in Kyiv, by the publishing house «Nasha Kultura i Nauka» with a foreword and arrangement by M. Tymoshyk. The section on the history of the Ukrainian student press, which was not published in this book, remained in the typewritten version of the currently rare typewritten folder of the «Student Way».The value of this article is that most of the publications that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy – they were lost on the post-war roads of a stateless nation emigration…The text is submitted according to the original folder of the magazine, which is practically unknown in Ukraine. The set of this rarity was presented to the author of these lines in Winnipeg, Canada by the now-deceased professor of St. Andrew's College at the University of Manitoba Tymofii Minenko. ; Упродовж усіх років від часу створення СРСР комуно-більшовицька кліка Сталіна брехала світові про так звані успіхи комуністичного будівництва в країні нібито найсправедливішого на земній кулі суспільства.У 20–30-х роках знакових представників першої хвилі політичної еміграції заманювали різними обіцянками повернутися додому. В европейських столицях агенти Кремля підшукували й підкуповували низку продажних журналістів, влаштовували їм показові поїздки, стимулюючи цим появу в провідних газетах Заходу фальшивих публікацій про «радянський рай» на одній шостій земної кулі. Особливо послідовно влада взялася за непокірних українців: знищувала інтелігенцію, трудове селянство, національну церкву, і, як і в царські часи, насильно русифікувала.По завершенні Другої світової війни, коли втікачів-українців із того «раю» виявилося в рази більше, Москва насилала в численні табори Ді-Пі так звані репатріаційні комісії, які промивали мізки радянським збігцям, прагнули повернути їх в СРСР із тим, щоб згодом у нелюдський спосіб позбиткуватися над їхнім свободолюбством у сибірських таборах ГУЛАГу.Здавалося, той щедро оплачуваний потік цинічної російської брехні нікому й ніколи не вдасться ні заглушити, ні нейтралізувати, ні зупинити. Та ось у середовищі української еміграції виявився один сміливець, який голосно, на весь світ заявив, чому він не хоче повертатися в СРСР. Це був Іван Багряний. Народжений в Україні 1907 року, будучи поетом за талантом і громадським трибуном за покликанням, він сповна відчув на собі переваги «радянського способу життя». 1932 року репресований за безвинні з політичної точки зору вірші. На еміграції в Німеччині відновив літературну працю. 1947 року обраний заступником голови Української Національної Ради, став лідером Української революційно-демократичної партії.Вихід у світ книжки Багряного «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?» друком і накладом Українського центрального Бюро в Лондоні 1946 року стало своєрідною «бомбою». Передусім для офіційної Москви. Також для політиків, журналістів та інтелектуалів Заходу. Текст брошури складався з 13-ти коротких параграфів. Кожен із них слугує окремим прикладом-аргументом відповіді на поставлене в назві твору запитання.Через трохи більше як шість років у рідкісній на сьогодні газеті «Українські Вісті» (Новий Ульм, Німеччина) з'являється публіцистична стаття цього ж автора «Про свободу слова, совісті і преси за залізною заслоною». Її можна назвати своєрідним продовженням вищезгаданої брошури.На відміну від «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?», яка неодноразово перевидавалася за кордоном, у тім числі і в перекладах англійською, німецькою, французькою мовами, ця стаття полум'яного публіциста в українському журналістикознавстві є, на жаль, призабутою. І хоч написана вона понад 70 років тому, актуальність порушеної автором проблеми (гуманітарна катастрофа, яку зазнала українська нація від колоніальної політики російського «старшого брата») ще більше загострилася натепер, за умов неоголошеної Росією гібридної війни проти українців, зосібно й на інформаційному полі. * * *Драматичною є доля наступного тексту, який «Український Інформаційний Простір» оприлюднює в Україні вперше.Йдеться про розвідку відомого члена Української Центральної Ради, журналіста і вченого Аркадія Животка, життєвий шлях якого передчасно обірвався на еміграції, «Девятьдесять років української студентської преси». Вона мала скласти окремий розділ написаної в еміграції найголовнішої праці цього діяча – «Історія української преси».Видана 1946 року в Регенсбурзі циклостильовим способом (по-нинішньому – ксероксна відбитка машинописного варіанту) «Історія української преси» Аркадія Животка мала урізаний вигляд. Через брак коштів за умов безпросвітної еміграційної дійсності Аркадій Животко змушений був зняти з оригіналу підручника третину тексту. Як вважав, до кращих часів. Однак для цього автора вони так і не прийшли. Хворе й виснажене випробуваннями долі серце зупинилося на 58 році життя – 14 червня 1948 року. Сталося це в таборі скитальників зі Східної Європи Лягарде неподалік німецького Ашафенбурга.Утім, цю свою статтю автор встиг побачити надрукованою. Її було вміщено в спареному числі (1–2) журналу «Студентський Шлях», який на правах рукопису видавав машинописним способом у Мюнхені Центральний Еміґраційний Союз Українського Студентства (ЦЕСУС). Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яких тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику.«Історія української преси А. Животка перевидавалася двічі: 1990 року у Мюнхені заходами Українського Вільного Університету з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Присяжного та 1999 року в Києві заходами видавництва «Наша культура і наука» з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Тимошика. Не опублікований у цій книзі розділ про історію української студентської преси так і залишився в машинописному варіанті рідкісної на сьогодні підшивки машинописного «Студентського Шляху».Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яку тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику – вони розгубилися повоєнними дорогами еміграції бездержавної нації…Текст подається за оригіналом підшивки журналу, який в Україні практично невідомий. Комплект цього раритету подарував авторові цих рядків у канадському Вінніпезі покійний нині викладач Колегії Св. Андрея при Манітобському університеті Тимофій Міненко.
AMÉRICA LATINAAfectados por la influenza porcinaSe trata de una gripe similar a una que afecta a los cerdos, pero se ha comprobado que se transmite de persona a persona, lo que significa un peligro que se transforme en una pandemia(una enfermedad que afecte a todas las personas del globo).Es en México donde resurgió la epidemia que se cobró la vida de más de 150 personas.La OMS reconoció que el brote puede extenderse e instó a los países a que refuercen sus controles. Gobiernos de todo el mundo dispusieron medidas de control sanitario para contener la propagación del virus de la influenza porcina, sin embargo se han confirmado brotes de la enfermedad en México, Estados Unidos, Canadá, España, Reino Unido, Israel y Nueva Zelanda.La Organización Mundial de la Salud ha elevado el pasado lunes el nivel de alerta que mide el riesgo de que se produzca una pandemia de 3 a 4 (sobre una escala de 6), lo que refleja que no se puede detener la expansión del virus y sólo lo que se puede hacer es atenuar los efectos.A la vez esta organización catalogó el brote epidémico de influenza porcina como "emergencia de salud pública internacional". "Si el virus es un virus eficaz, si se contagia fácilmente de humano a humano, probablemente seguirá propagándose", declaró el portavoz de la OMS responsable del Departamento de Epidemias y Respuesta Pandémica, Gregory Hartl.Varios medios internacionales informan al respecto:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1122236http://www.elpais.com/articulo/sociedad/OMS/aumenta/nivel/alerta/gripe/porcina/elpepusoc/20090427elpepusoc_7/Teshttp://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/28/health/28flu.html?_r=1&ref=worldhttp://edition.cnn.com/2009/HEALTH/04/27/swine.flu.preparations/index.htmlhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30398682/http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/america_latina/2009/04/090424_2216_virus_qa_lp.shtmlhttp://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/health/article6182789.ecehttp://www.latimes.com/features/health/la-fg-mexico-flu28-2009apr28,0,1701782.storyhttp://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/594230.htmlOtro susto para MéxicoSegundos después que el secretario de Salud mexicano anunciara que el virus de la gripe porcina ha cobrado la vida de 149 personas, la ciudad de México tembló. El movimiento de 5,7 grados de magnitud en la escala de Richter sacudió a cinco provincias del país, entre ellas la capital mexicana.El temblor obligó a empleados, residentes y turistas a abandonar edificios, hoteles y casas. El movimiento obligó a interrumpir la conferencia de prensa de las autoridades sanitarias. Para más información:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30437315/http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/fuerte-temblor-de-57-grados-en-la-escala-de-richter-se-sintio-en-ciudad-de-mexico_5076449-1http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/americas/04/27/mexico.quake/index.htmlVictoria de Correa en Ecuador"Más que cambiar de rumbo se trata de profundizar los cambios que ya hemos iniciado, hacerlos radicalmente, más aceleradamente", afirmó Rafael Correa tras su victoria electoral. El actual mandatario obtuvo la victoria (el 49,01 por ciento de votos) en primera vuelta por una amplia ventaja que lo separa de la oposición. De esta forma Correa obtuvo la reelección hasta el 2013.Correa al ser el favorito descartó la posibilidad de ir a un ballotage. La fragmentada oposición quedó lejos de llegar a una segunda vuelta.El partido de Correa, Alianza País, también ha logrado una amplia mayoría en el legislativo obteniendo más de 60 escaños. Críticos del gobierno señalan que la Asamblea podría convertirse en una institución "levantamanos", simplemente refrendaría de los deseos del mandatario.En los comicios también se eligieron prefectos, alcaldes y concejales. Las elecciones se desarrollaron con aparente normalidad. Alrededor de diez millones de ecuatorianos se acercaron a las urnas.La Revolución Ciudadana de Correa tendrá que afrontar la bajada del precio del petróleo, la disminución de las remesas de los emigrantes y las consecuencias que la crisis económica mundial puedan traer a este país dolarizado."Nunca los vamos a defraudar, pueblo ecuatoriano; creo que por eso el inmenso apoyo que hemos recibido. Hemos hecho historia en un país que desde 1996 al 2006 ningún gobierno democrático terminó su periodo.hoy se gana en una sola vuelta(.) Esta revolución está en marcha y nada ni nadie la detiene (.) hoy se gana en una sola vuelta, es algo inédito, un hecho histórico" mencionó Correa.Para más información:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rafael/Correa/reelegido/presidente/Ecuador/primera/vuelta/elpepuint/20090427elpepuint_1/Teshttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1122238http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/americas/04/26/ecuador.election/index.htmlhttp://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/america_latina/2009/04/090427_1845_ecuador_correa_valery_wbm.shtmlhttp://diario.elmercurio.com/2009/04/27/internacional/_portada/noticias/4A5A34BB-6B24-4507-851C-4E33070B89C1.htm?id={4A5A34BB-6B24-4507-851C-4E33070B89C1}http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/con-el-70-por-ciento-de-las-mesas-escrutadas-correa-es-ganador-de-las-elecciones-en-ecuador_5071027-1Perú concede asilo a líder antichavistaEl líder del partido Un Nuevo Tiempo y ex gobernador del estado de Zulia, Manuel Rosales, llegó a Perú el 4 de abril en busca de refugio por considerarse un perseguido político del presidente Hugo Chávez.Rosales enfrenta en Venezuela un proceso por presunto enriquecimiento ilícito durante su gestión como gobernador entre 2000 y 2004, que él afirma está basado en acusaciones falsas.Este hecho tensiona aun más las relaciones entre Venezuela y Perú. El Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores venezolano afirmó que la decisión es "una burla contra el Derecho Internacional, un duro golpe a la lucha contra la corrupción y un agravio contra el Pueblo de Venezuela". El canciller venezolano, Nicolás Maduro afirmó: "Esperamos que el Estado peruano, en su conjunto, y el Gobierno de Perú, de manera específica, cumplan con las leyes internacionales y envíen de vuelta a Venezuela a Rosales, quien está siendo procesado por delitos sumamente graves al patrimonio".Mientras que el canciller peruano, José Antonio García Belaunde, declaró que: "el gobierno peruano, fiel a una tradición histórica, en un compromiso con el derecho internacional, ha decidido otorgar el asilo al ciudadano venezolano Manuel Rosales(.) es un caso de asilo por razones humanitarias, no es el primero y no tiene por qué alterar las relaciones entre dos países hermanos".Para más información:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Peru/otorga/asilo/politico/lider/oposicion/venezolana/elpepuint/20090427elpepuint_11/Teshttp://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/america_latina/2009/04/090427_1908_rosales_asilo_peru_mf.shtmlhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30440122/http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/peru-concedio-el-asilo-politico-al-lider-opositor-venezolano-manuel-rosales_5077288-1http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/61387.htmlAtaques a LugoPara más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1122095Paraguay y Bolivia sellan pacto fronterizoPara más información:http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/61388.htmlESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADÁHillary Clinton en BagdadEn su visita sorpresa mencionó que los Estados Unidos no dejará solos a los iraquíes, a pesar del retiro de tropas del país asiático. "El retiro se llevará a cabo de modo responsable y cuidadoso y que no afectará el plan para mejorar las fuerzas de seguridad iraquíes ni para completar la reconstrucción (.) Permítanme asegurarles y repetirles lo que dijo el presidente Obama, que estamos comprometidos con Irak y que deseamos ver un Irak estable, soberano y autosuficiente" mencionó la secretaria de Estado estadounidense. Su llegada coincide con una de las olas de violencia más graves de los últimos meses que se tradujo en más de 150 muertos en dos días. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1122113http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/internacional/2009/04/090425_0840_clinton_irak_alf.shtmlPánico en Nueva YorkUn ejercicio de la Fuerza Aérea de Estados Unidos con avión presidencial en Manhattan trajo recuerdos del 11 de setiembre. Para más información:http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/euycanada/ejercicio-de-la-fuerza-aerea-de-estados-unidos-con-avion-presidencial-causa-panico-en-manhattan_5075889-1http://thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/04/28/obama-orders-review-of-ny-jet-flyover/EUROPAGordon Brown visita AfganistánPara más información:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Gordon/Brown/visita/soldados/Afganistan/elpepuint/20090427elpepuint_9/Teshttp://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/asiapcf/04/27/uk.brown.afghanistan/index.html Benedicto XVI visitó zona afectada por el terremoto en ItaliaPara más información:http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/594181.htmlFugas radioactivas de submarinos británicosPara más información:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/flota/submarinos/nucleares/britanicos/sufrio/varias/fugas/radiactivas/elpepuint/20090427elpepuint_8/TesChoque entre militantes y la policía en Estambul: 3 muertosPara más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/28/world/europe/28turkey.html?ref=worldUnión Europea amenazada por la influenza porcinaPara más información:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30431245/ ASIA- PACÍFICO/ MEDIO ORIENTESri Lanka: fin de la ofensiva militarEl Gobierno de Sri Lanka ha anunciado el pasado lunes el fin a las acciones de combate contra las zonas controladas por el grupo rebelde Tigres Tamiles."El Gobierno ha decidido que las operaciones de combate han llegado a su conclusión. Nuestras fuerzas de seguridad han recibido la orden de poner fin al uso de armas pesadas, a los combates aéreos y al uso de armas que puedan causar víctimas civiles(.) Nuestras fuerzas de seguridad limitarán sus acciones a rescatar a los civiles que permanecen como rehenes" lee en el comunicado del Ministerio de Defensa ceilandés. Sin embargo las autoridades de Sri Lanka no aclararon que la guerra aún no ha terminado y que no estaba declarando un cese el fuego.Se cree que miles de personas han muerto debido a los bombardeos del gobierno sobre el último reducto tamil en el norte del país. Los desplazados por el conflicto se cuentan por decenas de miles. Las cifras más pesimistas ofrecidas por los organismos internacionales señalan que unas 150.000 personas están atrapadas entre los dos fuegos, como rehenes de dos fuerzas enfrentadas desde hace 25 años. Unos 50.000 soldados esrilanqueses, que avanzan implacables practicando la política de tierra quemada, y unos 1.000 tigres, los combatientes que aún quedan vivos de un grupo terrorista muy disciplinado y sanguinario, mantienen entre sus espadas en alto a los desplazados sin comida, sin hogar y sin apenas ayuda humanitaria.(*)(*)Según:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Sri/Lanka/anuncia/fin/combates/tamiles/llegada/enviado/ONU/elpepuint/20090427elpepuint_5/TesPara más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/internacional/2009/04/090427_1030_sri_lanka_sinfin_dv.shtmlhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30430703/http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-sri-lanka-box28-2009apr28,0,49577.storyhttp://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/asiapcf/04/27/sri.lanka/index.htmlMilitantes talibanes suspenden diálogos de pazPara más información:http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/asiapcf/04/27/pakistan.taliban.talks/index.htmlCorea del Norte: entre el rearme y la presión internacionalPara más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/28/world/asia/28korea.html?ref=worldhttp://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/internacional/2009/04/090425_1115_corea_norte_nuclear_alf.shtmlhttp://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30419034/ÁFRICA Piratas somalíes atacaron un crucero italianoPara más información:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/30419164/http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/africa/04/26/somalia.pirates/index.htmlAtaque al parlamento somalí Para más información:http://edition.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/africa/04/25/somalia.attack/index.htmlOTRAS NOTICIAS"The Economist" publica su informe semanal "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=13528889
Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.
Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal.
Forming in the first months after the February Revolution, sections of the extremely leftist branch of the Polish Socialist Party, the Polish Socialist Party – Left and the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania almost immediately made contact with Polish soldiers dispersed in the Russian Army, as well as serving in the Polish Rifle Division being part of the Army. Promoted in Russia after the Bolshevik revolution the idea of creating "Polish workers and peasants formations" initially received moderate attention from Polish military circles. This attitude was observed both among those who were still in active service, as well as among their demobilized companions. The widespread pacifist attitude among Polish military was a serious obstacle in attracting people ready to serve in revolutionary formations. It was previously infused by the very same emigrant radicals who, after November 7, 1917, for a change, had encouraged armed support for the revolution. In such a situation without the support of the Soviet civil and military authorities, any organizational initiatives from the Polish communist circles in Russia had no chance to be implemented. ; Translation and edition co-financed by Faculty of History and Sociology & Institute of History and Political Sciences of University of Bialystok ; adam.miodowski@uwb.edu.pl ; Adam Miodowski - historian since 1994 associated with the Institute of History and Political Sciences of the University of Bialystok. His research interests focus primarily on the political and military history of the 19th and 20th centuries. A parallel field of interest is women's history and press studies. In the territorial dimension, he directs his research towards Central and Eastern Europe, primarily Poland, as well as the space of his small homeland defined by the borders of the contemporary Podlasie Voivodeship. Apart from dozens of articles and publications of source materials, he also published five book monographs: -Wychodźcze ugrupowania demokratyczne wobec idei polskiego wojska w Rosji w latach 1917-1918, Białystok 2002; - Przewłaszczenia dóbr dojlidzkich na tle kampanii politycznej przełomu lat 1921/1922, Białystok 2003; - Związki Wojskowych Polaków w Rosji (1917-1918), Białystok 2004; - Polityka wojskowa radykalnej lewicy polskiej (1917-1921), Białystok 2011; - Wspólnota doświadczeń i odrębność historii ziem województwa podlaskiego. Wybrane zagadnienia z XIX i XX- wiecznych dziejów Białostocczyzny, Suwalszczyzny i Łomżyńskiego, Białystok 2016. ; Wydział Historyczno-Socjologiczny Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku ; Alexandrowicz Stanisław, Karpus Zbigniew, Rezmer Waldemar (eds), Zwycięzcy za drutami: jeńcy polscy w niewoli (1919–1922). Dokumenty i materiały, Toruń 1995. ; Bagiński Henryk, Dokumenty z okresu organizacji i walk wojska polskiego na wschodzie 1917–1918. 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Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal. ; Začasne ali stalne, lokalne ali mednarodne, prostovoljne ali prisilne, legalne ali ilegalne, registrirane ali neregistrirane migracije posameznic in posameznikov, celih družbenih skupnosti ali posameznih skupin predstavljajo pomemben dejavnik v konstruiranju in spreminjanju (sodobnih) družb. Razsežnosti mednarodnih migracij so resnično ogromne, saj je bilo vanje v času nastajanja te publikacije po ocenah Združenih narodov v enem letu vključenih več kot 200 milijonov ljudi. Po ocenah Gallupovega inštituta pa se jih še trikrat toliko želi preseliti, največ iz podsaharske Afrike ter proti nekaterim gospodarsko najbolj razvitim območjem sveta (Esipova, 2011). Nekateri avtorji zato, čeprav ob zavedanju, da ne gre za nov fenomen, govorijo o dobi migracij (Castles, Miller, 2009) ali o globalizaciji migracij (Friedman, 2004). Zagotovo je na globalne razsežnosti migracij vplivalo tudi to, da so vse bolj vidne značilnosti sodobnih družb nenehno spreminjanje razmer, nestabilnost, fluidnost, negotovost ipd. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).Na obseg, smeri in vrste migracij ter na njihove posledice vplivajo številni družbeni in naravni dejavniki, tako na območjih odseljevanja kot tudi na območjih priselitev. Poleg tega si raziskovalke in raziskovalci iz številnih znanstvenih disciplin, ki proučujejo migracije, v raziskavah zastavljajo »neverjetno raznovrstna« vprašanja (Boyle, 2009, 96), uporabljajo različne metodološke pristope in iščejo različne interpretacije, in sicer v različnih prostorskih, časovnih in vsebinskih okvirih. Vse bolj prihaja do izraza, da so migracije kompleksen, večplasten, spremenljiv in kontekstualen proces, ki poteka na več ravneh. Prav zaradi tega spoznanja je raziskovanje migracij postajalo vse bolj interdisciplinarno polje, saj so teme in problemi tako kompleksni, da jih ni mogoče zagrabiti zgolj in izključno iz perspektive ene same znanosti ali teorije. Zato smo priča pravemu bogastvu »obrazov migracij«, ki ga odraža ter obenem k njemu tudi prispeva pričujoča tematska številka revije Ars & Humanitas.Čeprav mobilnost oziroma migracije niso nov pojav, saj so se ljudje selili in preseljevali skozi celotno zgodovino človeštva, pa se šele v zadnjem času, v zadnjih nekaj desetletjih, z njimi resno teoretsko in raziskovalno ukvarjamo. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih so se pojavili številni raziskovalni projekti, univerzitetni programi in predmeti, raziskovalni inštituti, znanstvene konference, posveti, revije, knjige in druge publikacije, pri katerih sodelujejo tako raziskovalna in akademska sfera kot tudi politika in različne civilnodružbene organizacije. To priča o v zadnjem času izjemnem zanimanju za vprašanje migracij, tako kar zadeva poznavanje samih procesov in njihovo mapiranje v zgodovini človeštva kot tudi teoretski razvoj migracijskih študij in vsakodnevno urejanje tega politično občutljivega vprašanja.Migracije zadevajo številne subjekte na številnih ravneh: posameznice in posameznike, njihove družine ter celotne skupnosti tako na lokalni ravni v družbi emigracije kakor tudi na vseh teh ravneh v imigrantski družbi. Z migracijami se spreminjajo ne samo življenja posameznikov in posameznic, ampak se spreminjajo celotne skupnosti oziroma družbe in družbeni odnosi, zamikajo se kulturni vzorci, prihaja do pomembnih družbenih transformacij (Castles, 2010). Ob tem se seveda odpirajo številne teme, problemi in vprašanja, ki se gibljejo v širokem razponu od kršenja človekovih pravic do literarnih presežkov. Nekaterih od njih se dotikajo tudi prispevki v pričujoči tematski številki.Povezovalni naslov prispevkov v tej tematski številki revije, »Številni obrazi migracij«, smo si sposodili iz že omenjenega poročila Gallupovega inštituta o globalnih selitvah (Esipova, 2011). Temeljno vsebinsko vodilo pri izbiri prispevkov je bila raznovrstnost, kar nakazuje tudi pregled znanstvenih disciplin, iz katerih prihajajo avtorji: sociologija, geografija, etnologija in kulturna antropologija, zgodovina, umetnostna zgodovina, sodobne sredozemske študije, študiji spola in medijski študiji. Tak pristop nujno pripelje ne le do raznolikih, ampak tudi do vsaj navidezno neskladnih, morda celo nasprotnih pogledov na obravnavane tematike. Vendar nismo želeli utišati glasov iz »drugih« znanstvenih disciplin, temveč smo raje v recenzentske postopke povabili znanstvenike s področij, s katerih so tudi avtorji. Bogastvo zbranih prispevkov torej ni v njihovi medsebojni skladnosti in potrjevanju, temveč prav v mnogoterosti pogledov, zgodb in interpretacij.Prispevek Zore Žbontar obravnava odnos do tujcev v antični Grčiji, kjer je bilo gostoljubje do tujcev tako častivredna vrlina, da je vsak moral »izkazati gostoljubje in zaščititi kateregakoli tujca, ki je potrkal na vrata«. Zlasti je izzivalen kontrast med gostoljubjem v antični Grčiji in sodobnim pojavljanjem ksenofobije ter načini soočanja z migracijsko problematiko v gospodarsko razvitih državah. »Antični Grki so v odprti gesti gostoljubja do tujcev prepoznali svojo civiliziranost.«Čeprav omenjene raziskave Združenih narodov in Gallupovega inštituta podpirajo nekatere uveljavljene stereotipe o glavnih globalnih tokovih migrantov ter o območjih, o katerih »sanjajo« potencialni migranti, Bojan Baskar opozarja na sočasen obstoj tudi drugačnih migracijskih želja, tokov migracij in njihovih interpretacij. Posebej se osredotoči na preseganje in relativizacijo stereotipov in teorij o nemobilnem in nepodjetnem (alpskem) hribovskem prebivalstvu in migracijah.O tem, kako različne strategije pri prehajanju, prestopanju in prečkanju meja razvijejo migrantke, piše Mirjana Morokvasic. Označi jih kot prave socialne inovatorke, ki izumijo različne načine transnacionalnega življenja in tako od spodaj navzgor prispevajo k integrativnim procesom po vsej Evropi. V svoji inovativnosti gredo nekatere tako daleč, da premikajo različne, tako realne kot simbolne meje pripadanja naciji, spolu in poklicu.Elaine Burroughs in Zoë O'Reilly izpostavita tesno povezanost med sicer uveljavljeno terminologijo, s katero v statistiki in tudi znanosti označujejo imigrante na Irskem in širše v EU, ter negativnimi reprezentacijami nekaterih tipov migrantov v politiki in javnosti. Razpravo navežeta zlasti na iskalce azila in nezakonite priseljence, ki pridejo iz držav zunaj EU. Raba jezika lahko hitro postane politični način izključevanja, zato predlagata razvoj in uporabo obzirnejše in pravičnejše migracijske terminologije.Za spremembo izhodišča opredeljevanja in interpretacije sicer dobro proučenih selitev v nekdanji Jugoslaviji se zavzame Damir Josipovič. Predlaga zamenjavo dualističnega pogleda na te migracije s celostnim. Namesto njihovega poenostavljenega razumevanja kot mednarodnih in notranjih ali prostovoljnih in prisilnih migracij pa se zavzema za koncept psevdoprostovoljnih migracij.Na zanimiv fenomen zamikanja ustaljenih vzorcev spolnih vlog opozori tekst Maje Korać-Sanderson, katere zaključki izhajajo iz študije družinskega življenja kitajskih trgovcev v tranzicijski Srbiji. Medtem ko številne študije ugotavljajo, da skrbstveno delo v zadnjih desetletjih v imigrantskih družbah v glavnem opravljajo migrantke, njena študija ugotavlja, da v Srbiji kitajske trgovke skrb za svoje otroke večinoma zaupajo lokalnim ženskam srednjega razreda. Ta obrat vlog pri »delitvi dela« v skrbstveni sferi, ugotavlja avtorica, je v prid obema vpletenima stranema.Specifičen del mozaika sodobnih migracij v Sredozemlju, bangladeške skupnosti imigrantov na visoko industrializiranem severovzhodu Italije, razkriva Francesco Della Puppa. Izsledki poglobljenega kvalitativnega proučevanja odstirajo dejavnike, ki oblikujejo ta segment bangladeške diaspore, izkušnje migrantov ter učinke selitve na njihove družbene in biografske trajektorije.Izsek iz bolj tipičnih sredozemskih migracijskih procesov na primeru priseljevanja na Malto predstavita John A. Schembri in Maria Attard. Ugotavljata zmanjševanje števila selitev med Malto in Veliko Britanijo ob hkratnem povečevanju priseljevanja iz ostalih držav Evrope in podsaharske Afrike. Med učinki priseljevanja na Malto izpostavita izredno zgoščenost priseljenega prebivalstva, ki presega gostote celotnih prebivalstev v nekaterih evropskih državah.Miha Kozorog obravnava povezavo med migracijami in konstruiranjem krajev, iz katerih te migracije izvirajo. S pomočjo Ardenerjeve teorije »odročnost« izrazito emigracijske Benečije izrazi ne toliko v topografskem kot v topološkem smislu, v razmerju do drugih krajev. »Odročnost« nastaja v razmerju z »zunanjim svetom«, s tistimi, ki govorijo o »odročnih krajih« iz privilegiranih središč. Na primeru umetniškega dogodka, s katerim želijo organizatorji »odpreti tak kraj zunanjemu svetu« in »spodbuditi produkcijo bolj svetovljanskega kraja«, pokaže zgolj začasnost učinka tega dogodka na zmanjšanje »odročnosti«.O temeljnih časovnih in prostorskih značilnostih selitev »prebivalcev z ustvarjalnim poklicem« v Sloveniji piše Jani Kozina. Pri opredeljevanju tega specifičnega dela prebivalstva in pristopa k proučevanju njegovega migriranja se opre zlasti na dela Richarda Floride. Ugotavlja, da so prebivalci z ustvarjalnim poklicem v Sloveniji prostorsko zelo nemobilni in po tem kriteriju precej podobni ostalim poklicnim skupinam v Sloveniji, obenem pa tudi prebivalcem z ustvarjalnimi poklici v južni in vzhodni Evropi, za katere velja, da so med najmanj mobilnimi v Evropi. Podrobnejše analize pokažejo, da se ustvarjalci bolj razvitih regij načeloma intenzivneje selijo in so tudi v večji meri pripravljeni na selitev.O izkušnjah migrantk pri dostopu do trga delovne sile v Sloveniji govori članek Mojce Pajnik in Veronike Bajt. Obstoječa zakonodaja in posamezne politike namreč migrantke potiskajo v položaj, ko, če hočejo priti do zaposlitve, pristajajo na manj zahtevna dela. Pri tem so tarče stereotipnih reakcij in praks diskriminiranja tako na podlagi spola kot tudi starosti, pripisane etnične in religiozne pripadnosti ali kakšne druge okoliščine, še posebej dejstva, da so migrantke. Obenem pa prav zadnje vpliva na to, da s strani države niso deležne nikakršne zaščite.Migracijske študije pogosto domnevajo, da so ciljne države »moderne«, države izvora pa »tradicionalne«. Razprava Anıl Al-Rebholz ugotavlja, da takšna dihotomija pojmovanja modernega in tradicionalnega dodatno spodbuja stereotipne, esencialistične in homogenizirajoče predstave o muslimanskih ženskah v »zahodnem svetu«. Na podlagi biografskih pripovedi mlade Maročanke in Kurdinje ter razmerij med materami in hčerami prikaže raznolike strategije opolnomočenja mladih žensk v transnacionalnem migracijskem kontekstu.Specifični obraz migracij prinaša tekst Svenke Savić, namreč obraz umetniških migracij med Slovenijo in Srbijo po drugi svetovni vojni. Avtorica v njem ugotavlja, da je v treh ansamblih (opernem, gledališkem in baletnem) več kot trideset umetnic in umetnikov iz Slovenije s svojim pionirskim delom pomembno zaznamovalo razvoj gledališke umetnosti v Srbskem narodnem gledališču v Novem Sadu.Verjamemo, da nam je uspelo v pričujočo tematsko številko ujeti pomemben del sodobnega evropskega raziskovalskega utripa s področja migracij. Poleg uveljavljenih znanstvenikov s tega področja se je v ožji izbor prispevkov uvrstilo tudi več mladih avtoric in avtorjev, ki začenjajo raziskovalne kariere. Njihov uspeh nas veseli, saj obeta živahnost tega raziskovalnega področja tudi v bodoče. Obenem nas veseli, da so se vabilu odzvali predstavniki tako številnih znanstvenih disciplin ter da je število prispevkov, ki smo jih prejeli, znatno presegalo največji možni obseg revije. Spoznavanje in razumevanje številnih obrazov migracij sta pomembna koraka proti celovitemu znanju, potrebnemu za uspešno soočanje z izzivi migracijske problematike danes in, kot kaže, še posebej v prihodnosti. Zato je izjemnega pomena, da raziskovalci najdemo načine prenosa svojih znanstvenih spoznanj v prakso – na vse ravni izobraževanja, v medije, širše strokovne javnosti ter seveda tudi odločevalcem v lokalnih, državnih in mednarodnih ustanovah. Poziv velja tudi vsem avtorjem prispevkov v tej številke revije.
El huracán Ike dejó al menos 64 muertos y miles de damnificados en Haití, cuya fuerza al golpear la isla de La Española fue de 4 en la escala Saffir-Simpson (de un máximo de 5). Con este balance, se eleva a más de 600 el número de víctimas fatales que han provocado entre los cuatro fenómenos, Fay, Hanna, Gustav y Ike en las últimas semanas. En la vecina República Dominicana, Ike obligó a la evacuación de 44 mil personas. Ike avanzaba este lunes frente a la costa sureste de Cuba con categoría 2 y vientos máximos sostenidos de 170 kilómetros por hora. Ante la alarma que han traído sus vientos y sus olas de siete metros, las autoridades cubanas han ordenado la evacuación de un millón de personas, el 10% de la población total del país. "El País" de Madrid: "Ike amenaza Haití, República Dominicana y Cuba convertido en un peligroso huracán: La región, en alerta máxima, ha iniciado evacuaciones preventivas.- Hanna provoca inundaciones en el sureste de EE UU y el área metropolitana de Washington": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Ike/avanza/Bahamas/convertido/peligroso/huracan/categoria/elpepuint/20080906elpepuint_5/Tes "El huracán Ike obliga a evacuar los cayos de Florida tras golpear Cuba: El ciclón avanza hoy frente a la costa sureste de la isla caribeña con categoría 2. -Ha dejado 64 muertos en Haití": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/huracan/Ike/obliga/evacuar/cayos/Florida/golpear/Cuba/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_4/Tes "Cuba rechaza la ayuda de EE UU por los destrozos del huracán Gustav": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cuba/rechaza/ayuda/EE/UU/destrozos/huracan/Gustav/elpepuintlat/20080907elpepuint_2/Tes "CNN": "Ike roars over Cuba; 900,000 evacuated": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/US/weather/09/08/hurricane.ike/index.html "Ike's floods kill dozens, cut off aid to parts of Haiti": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/weather/09/07/ike.haiti.ap/index.html "Ike looms as Haiti counts the dead from 3 storms": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/09/06/Haiti.floods.ap/index.html "CNN" publica sitio con links relacionados a la temática: "Hurricanes and Cyclones": http://topics.cnn.com/topics/hurricanes_and_cyclones "La Nación": "El huracán Ike golpea a Cuba: Afecta a las provincias orientales y centrales con vientos máximos sostenidos de 160 kilómetros por hora; inundaciones, evacuados y destrozos": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047744 "Máxima alerta en Cuba por la llegada del huracán Ike: El ciclón se dirigía anoche hacia la isla; miles de personas fueron evacuadas": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047645 "BBC": "Cuba hammered by Hurricane Ike": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7603319.stm "China Daily": "Hurricane Ike weakens to Category 2 over Cuba": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-09/08/content_7008890.htm "Times": "Four killed as Hurricane Ike rakes Cuba": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article4715379.ece "El Universal": "Abandona Ike Cuba, se dirige al Golfo de México": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/536977.html "Time": "Haiti Gets No Mercy from Hanna, Ike": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839710,00.html "El Tiempo": "La Habana se salvó, pero los daños son enormes en Cuba tras el paso del huracán 'Ike'": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/home/la-habana-se-salvo-pero-los-danos-son-enormes-en-cuba-tras-el-paso-del-huracan-ike_4519836-1 "El huracán 'Ike' deja cuatro muertos y grandes destrozos en el oriente y centro en Cuba: Con ráfagas de viento de hasta 261 kilómetros se abatió este lunes sobre la isla, lo que obligó a la evacuación de más de un millón de personas. Petroleras del Golfo de México toman medidas.": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/relaciones/el-huracan-ike-deja-cuatro-muertos-y-grandes-destrozos-en-el-oriente-y-centro-en-cuba_4519213-1 "Embates de 'Ike' someten a La Habana a un "estadio de sitio"": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/relaciones/embates-de-ike-someten-a-la-habana-a-un-estadio-de-sitio_4519787-1 AMERICA LATINA El pasado Domingo 7 de setiembre, Cristina Kirchner participó junto a Lula de los actos por la independencia de Brasil. La jefa de Estado asiste como "huésped de honor" de Lula a los desfiles militares. Luego de la reunión de los mandatarios, en el Palacio del Planalto, se reunieron para firmar acuerdos comerciales y de cooperación. Llegaron a un acuerdo sobre términos de intercambio en lo que respecta al comercio bilateral: los brasileños podrán utilizar el real y los argentinos el peso, en las importaciones y exportaciones. "La Nación" informa: "Afirmó Lula que el comercio bilateral sin dólares es un avance hacia la integración monetaria regional: El brasileño celebró el acuerdo firmado para que el intercambio entre ambos países se haga en pesos y reales; "es el paso inicial", afirmó; Cristina defendió el modelo económico y abogó por la llegada de capitales del país vecino": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047751 "JB" anuncia: "Brasil e Argentina farão trocas comerciais em moeda local": http://jbonline.terra.com.br/extra/2008/09/08/e080910876.html "Globo" publica: "Brasil e Argentina assinam convênio para comércio em moeda local": http://oglobo.globo.com/economia/mat/2008/09/08/brasil_argentina_assinam_convenio_para_comercio_em_moeda_local-548127507.asp "El País" de Madrid analiza: "La cuerda floja de las remesas: El dinero de los emigrantes bolivianos supera la inversión extranjera, espantada por la caótica situación, y puede hacer peligrar el crecimiento económico": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/cuerda/floja/remesas/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_3/Tes "La Nación" informa: "Golpe a una de las mayores organizaciones: Detienen al jefe de un cartel mexicano. Se trata de Alberto "El Tony" Sánchez Hinojosa y se sospecha que controlaba las operaciones del Cartel del Golfo; está acusado de secuestrar y extorsionar a empresarios y policías en Tabasco, en el sudeste de ese país": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047823 "Time" informa: "Behind Mexico's Wave of Beheadings": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839576,00.html "CNN" publica: "Russia, Venezuela may hold joint naval maneuvers": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/09/08/russia.venezuela.ap/index.html "Time" anuncia: "Russia to Send Ships, Planes to Venezuela": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839692,00.html "CNN" infroma: "Police seize 2.75 tons of cocaine in Peru": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/09/08/peru.drugs.ap/index.html "La Nación" anuncia: "Prepara Brasil un plan para fortalecer el sector de defensa": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047647 "El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "Ingrid Betancourt gana Premio Príncipe de Asturias de la Concordia 2008; se lo dedica a secuestrados": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/ngrid-betancourt-gana-premio-principe-de-asturias-de-la-concordia-2008-se-lo-dedica-a-secuestrados_4521623-1 "El Universal" de México publica: "Reclama Betancourt reconocimiento a víctimas de terrorismo: La ex candidata presidencial colombiana hizo pública esa petición durante su intervención en la primera reunión mundial de víctimas del terrorismo convocada por el secretario general de la ONU": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/536851.html ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA "El País" de Madrid informa: "El primer ministro de Canadá convoca a elecciones anticipadas para el 14 de octubre: El primer ministro Stephen Harper busca afianzar su poder.- Serán los terceros comicios en el país en cuatro años": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/primer/ministro/Canada/convoca/elecciones/anticipadas/octubre/elpepuint/20080907elpepuint_5/Tes Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac son compañías que cotizan en la Bolsa estadounidense y que están patrocinadas por el Congreso para brindar financiamiento en el mercado de la vivienda. Los gigantes hipotecarios, cuyas acciones perdieron casi la mitad de su valor en la bolsa de Nueva York, se encuentran en el corazón del mercado de la vivienda de Estados Unidos. Ellas garantizan o son dueñas del cerca de la mitad del mercado hipotecario de EE.UU., que en total asciende a US$12 billones. El pasado Domingo, en la mayor operación de rescate financiero de la historia del país, el gobierno de Estados Unidos asumió el control directo de los gigantes hipotecarios Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac, y destinó hasta 100.000 millones de dólares a cada una, con el fin de estabilizar el mercado inmobiliario que amenaza con colapsar la economía del país. Varios Medios informan: "El Mercurio" de Chile: "Monto de US$ 200 mil millones es el más grande rescate federal hecho por el país del norte: EE.UU. activa histórico plan de salvataje para las dos mayores hipotecarias": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/09/08/_portada/_portada/noticias/91BD8ACD-123B-43D2-B988-88E9FBE6C2DC.htm?id={91BD8ACD-123B-43D2-B988-88E9FBE6C2DC} "CNN": "U.S. seizes Fannie and Freddie: Treasury chief Paulson unveils historic government takeover of twin mortgage buyers. Top executives are out.": http://money.cnn.com/2008/09/07/news/companies/fannie_freddie/index.htm?cnn=yes "China Daily": "Fannie and Freddie shares dive, debt rallies": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-09/08/content_7009080.htm "El País" de Madrid: "EE UU inyectará hasta 140.000 millones para salvar a las hipotecarias: Bush evita la quiebra de Freddie y Fannie, que controlan la mitad del mercado": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/EE/UU/inyectara/140000/millones/salvar/hipotecarias/elpepueco/20080908elpepieco_4/Tes "La Nación": "Gigantesco rescate financiero en EE.UU.: El gobierno asumió el control de las empresas hipotecarios Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac; para Bush, suponían un "riesgo inaceptable"": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047689 Continua la carrera a la Casa Blanca: "El País" de Madrid informa: "El 'efecto Palin' catapulta a McCain en las encuestas: Un sondeo de Gallup sitúa al candidato republicano cuatro puntos por delante de Obama": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/efecto/Palin/catapulta/McCain/encuestas/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_6/Tes "Le Monde" anuncia: "John McCain repasse devant Barack Obama selon un nouveau sondage": http://www.lemonde.fr/elections-americaines/article/2008/09/08/john-mccain-repasse-devant-barack-obama-selon-un-nouveau-sondage_1092555_829254.html#ens_id=1089564 "La Nación" publica: "McCain supera a Obama por primera vez: Según la última encuesta difundida, el candidato republicano obtendría una ventaja de cuatro puntos": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047746 "BBC" anuncia: "White House race enters high gear The US presidential rivals have begun campaigning in earnest, as a new opinion poll put Republican John McCain ahead of Democrat Barack Obama": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7604333.stm "Time" publica sitio con links a artículos relacionados con las elecciones estadounidenses: http://thepage.time.com/ MOISÉS NAÍM analiza para "El País" de Madrid: "La carrera hacia la Casa Blanca: La telenovela más importante del mundo": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/telenovela/importante/mundo/elppgl/20080907elpepiint_2/Tes EUROPA "El País" de Madrid informa: "Los socialdemócratas de Alemania nominan al ministro de Exteriores como candidato a canciller: Frank-Walter Steinmeier enfrentará a Ángela Merkel en las elecciones del próximo año.- Kurt Beck renunciará como presidente del Partido Socialdemócrata (SPD)": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/socialdemocratas/Alemania/nominan/ministro/Exteriores/candidato/canciller/elpepuint/20080907elpepuint_6/Tes "El País" de Madrid publica: "El SPD elige a Steinmeier para competir con Merkel en 2009: El vicecanciller liderará a los socialdemócratas en Alemania": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/SPD/elige/Steinmeier/competir/Merkel/2009/elpepuint/20080908elpepiint_7/Tes "Le Monde" anuncia: "M. Steinmeier sera le candidat du SPD à la Chancellerie contre Mme Merkel": http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/09/08/m-steinmeier-candidat-a-la-chancellerie-contre-mme-merkel_1092518_3214.html#ens_id=1059312 "La Nación" publica: "España: otra noche de incidentes con inmigrantes: Cuatro personas fueron detenidas a raíz de un nuevo enfrentamiento con la Guardia Civil durante una protesta por la muerte de un senegalés": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047797 "Times" informa: "Gordon Brown to invite Gaddafi to London": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article4712488.ece "El País" de Madrid informa: "Brown reúne a su Gabinete para relanzar su discutido liderazgo: El primer ministro británico ha convocado a sus ministros en Birmingham, donde la crisis económica será el asunto prioritario": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Brown/reune/Gabinete/relanzar/discutido/liderazgo/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_9/Tes "El País" de Madrid anuncia: "La UE reconoce a Ucrania como país europeo: Bruselas ofrece a Kiev un Acuerdo de Asociación que no cierra ninguna puerta": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/UE/reconoce/Ucrania/pais/europeo/elpepuint/20080909elpepuint_18/Tes "Times" anuncia: "European Union fails to offer Ukraine membership": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4719154.ece Continua el conflicto del Cáucaso: "El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Rusia amenaza bases de E.U. en Europa del Este y crece tensión en Georgia": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/rusia-amenaza-bases-de-eu-en-europa-del-este-y-crece-tension-en-georgia_4521659-1 "New York Times" publica: "Russia's Recognition of Georgian Areas Raises Hopes of Its Own Separatists": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/10/world/europe/10separatists.html?ref=world "El País" de Madrid informa: "Rusia mantendrá 7.600 soldados en Osetia del Sur y Abajazia: Moscú establece relaciones diplomáticas con los dos territorios independentistas y anuncia que firmará tratados de ayuda militar": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rusia/mantendra/7600/soldados/Osetia/Sur/Abajazia/elpepuint/20080909elpepuint_15/Tes "El País" de Madrid informa: "Rusia retirará en un mes sus tropas de Georgia: Medvédev y los dirigentes europeos, encabezados por Sarkozy, confirman que unos 200 observadores civiles visitarán la zona de conflicto": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rusia/retirara/mes/tropas/Georgia/elpepuint/20080908elpepuint_8/Tes "Le Monde" publica: "Moscou accepte une mission de l'UE aux compétences limitées": http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/09/08/la-russie-s-oppose-au-deploiement-d-une-mission-de-l-ue-en-georgie_1092878_3214.html#ens_id=1036786 "CNN" informa: "Russia agrees Georgia withdrawal deadline": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/09/08/russia.georgia.eu.sarkozy/index.html "BBC" anuncia: "Russians 'agree Georgia deadline'": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7604376.stm "China Daily" publica: "Medvedev: Russia ready for Georgia buffer pullout": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-09/08/content_7009103.htm ASIA – PACÍFICO /MEDIO ORIENTE El viudo de la asesinada Benazir Bhutto, Asif Alí Zardari, ha conseguido auparse a la Presidencia de Pakistán y suceder a Perez Musharraf (quien dimitió el pasado 18 de agosto para evitarse un proceso de destitución) al imponerse con una clara mayoría en una votación parlamentaria. El copresidente del gubernamental Partido Popular de Pakistán (PPP) ha jurado defender la Constitución del país en un acto que se ha desarrollado en inglés. "Que Alá me ayude y me guíe", ha pronunciado el presidente al finalizar de su jura. Varios medios informan al respecto: "Times": "Asif Ali Zardari sworn in as Pakistani President": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4714467.ece "Time": "Pakistan's Unlikely President": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839935,00.html "El Universal" de México: "Jura viudo de Benazir Bhutto como presidente de Paquistán: Asif Ali Zardari ya es oficialmente presidente paquistaní tras una ceremonia realizada en el Palacio Presidencial de Islamabad, el mandatario de Afganistán presenció el evento": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/536756.html "El Tiempo" de Colombia: "Nuevo presidente de Pakistán, Asif Alí Zardari, asume el poder en un país en pleno caos": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/otrasregiones/home/nuevo-presidente-de-pakistan-asif-ali-zardari-asume-el-poder-en-un-pais-en-pleno-caos_4519323-1 "New York Times": "Widower of Bhutto Takes Office in Pakistan": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/10/world/asia/10pstan.html?ref=world Corea del Norte ha celebrado el pasado martes su 60 aniversario con múltiples eventos entre los que ha destacado un multitudinario desfile militar, el mayor de su historia, según funcionarios del Gobierno. Corea del Norte cumple 60 años sumida en la hambruna, crisis del proceso de desnuclearización, y ante la incógnita sobre la salud de su líder, Kim Jong-il, quién lleva semanas sin ser visto en público. La salud del máximo mandatario norcoreano, que oficialmente desempeña sólo el cargo de presidente de la Comisión de Defensa Nacional, está íntimamente relacionado con el destino de Corea del Norte, ya que Kim heredó el liderazgo del régimen comunista de su padre, Kim Il-sung. Varios medios informan al respecto: "CNN": "North Korea prepares for 60th anniversary": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/09/08/north.korea.60th.anniversary.ap/index.html "Los Angeles Times": "North Korea's Kim Jong Il may be gravely ill": http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-kim10-2008sep10,0,7264304.story "Times": "Has anyone seen the Dear Leader Kim Jong Il?": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4720013.ece "El Universal" de México: "Celebra Corea del Norte 60 años en crisis de hambruna: al menos 60 millones de dólares en los próximos tres meses evitarían que se derive una hambruna generalizada, alerta Programa Mundial de Alimentos": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/536527.html "Time": "Officials: N Korea's Kim Possibly Ill": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1839884,00.html "New York Times": "Kim Had Surgery After Stroke, South Koreans Say": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/11/world/asia/11korea.html?ref=world "El País" de Madrid analiza: "Afganistán se hunde en el caos: El elevado número de víctimas civiles de las fuerzas internacionales y la falta de desarrollo del país dificultan la lucha contra los talibanes": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Afganistan/hunde/caos/elpepuint/20080907elpepiint_3/Tes "Le Monde" anuncia: "L'Inde obtient un feu vert international pour importer de la technologie nucléaire": http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2008/09/08/l-inde-obtient-un-feu-vert-international-pour-importer-de-la-technologie-nucleaire_1092682_3216.html#ens_id=1077533 "CNN" publica: "Israeli police recommend charges for PM Olmert": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/09/07/olmert/index.html "New York Times" publica: "Earthquake Shakes Southern Iran": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/11/world/middleeast/11iran.html?ref=world "CNN" informa: "Iran calls for oil output cut ahead of OPEC meeting": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/09/08/opec.meeting.ap/index.html "China Daily" analiza: "Commerce minister: China to top Asian consumer markets in 2009": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-09/08/content_7008871.htm "Times" anuncia: " Hundreds missing in Chinese landslide": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/asia/article4715978.ece AFRICA "CNN" publica: "Death toll from Egypt rockslide reaches 47, expected to climb": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/08/egypt.rockslide.ap/index.html "BBC" anuncia: "Cairo rockslide death toll climbs": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7603690.stm "Le Monde" informa sobre elecciones en Angola: "Le parti au pouvoir en Angola se dirige vers une large victoire aux élections législatives": http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2008/09/07/le-parti-au-pouvoir-se-dirige-vers-une-large-victoire-aux-elections-legislatives_1092437_3212.html#ens_id=1088606 "CNN" publica: "EU: Historic Angolan election 'a disaster'": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/05/angola.elections.ap/index.html "BBC" informa sobre situación política en Zimbabwe: "Mbeki bids to save Zimbabwe talks": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7603532.stm "Los Angeles Times" publica: "Zimbabwe bloggers shine a light on their troubled country": http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-zimblogs10-2008sep10,0,1482204.story "CNN" anuncia: "Mbeki tries to resolve Zimbabwe political deadlock": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/08/zimbabwe.mbeki.talks.ap/index.html "CNN" informa sobre visita de Condolezza al continente africano: "Rice meets with Libya leader": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/05/libya.us/index.html ECONOMIA "The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week": http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12073648 "CNN" informa: "Oil flat as mortgage rescue boosts dollar: Investors also worry about slumping global demand ahead of the OPEC meeting and eye Hurricane Ike's threat to Gulf of Mexico production.": http://money.cnn.com/2008/09/08/markets/oil/index.htm?cnn=yes "Times" publica: "Oil falls below $100 a barrel ahead of Opec meeting": http://business.timesonline.co.uk/tol/business/industry_sectors/natural_resources/article4714253.ece "Miami Herald" anuncia: "Oil prices slip even after inventories US shrink": http://www.miamiherald.com/news/top-AP-stories/story/679959.htmlOTRAS NOTICIAS "CNN" publica: "U.S. cancels nuclear deal with Russia": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/09/08/us.russia.ap/index.html?iref=topnews"La Nación" informa sobre reunión de la OPEP en Viena: "En vísperas de la reunión en Viena: Busca la OPEP estabilizar el precio del crudo: Mañana se reúnen los representantes de la Organización de Países Exportadores de Petróleo en la capital austríaca; podrían recortar la producción para modificar los valores":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1047745 "El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Tribunal exime a Holanda de responsabilidad en el genocidio de Srebrenica": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/tribunal-exime-a-holanda-de-responsabilidad-en-el-genocidio-de-srebrenica_4521629-1
Part one of an interview with Irene Vilakari of Leominster, Massachusetts. Topics include: Irene Vilakari was born in Helsinki, Finland in 1922. Her parents both died while she was a child. She was cared for by her older sisters. They came to the U.S. just after World War II and lived with relatives in Boston. They got Social Security cards and then found jobs at the Harvard printing press. Their trouble staying in the U.S. legally as immigrants from Finland. What life was like in Helsinki. How Irene and her sisters got along after their parents died. The work they did. What life was like during World War II. How they moved to the U.S. from Finland. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: Mrs. Vilakari, where were you born? MRS. VILAKARI: I was born in Helsinki, Finland, 19… SPEAKER 1: What? MRS. VILAKARI: Uh, uh, 22. SPEAKER 1: Can you briefly describe your early years in your homeland, like your family, the jobs, your parents, things like that? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, you know, uh I eh I was uh three years old were my father died and I was twelve years old when my mother died, and since, ever since I lived with my two sisters. And uh, uh they were uh two and uh three years older than I was. And ah, ah um I, I lived you know – I, I, I consider myself having now happy, happy life, you know. I never felt anything, you know, it wasn't too rich because there are no not too many rich people in Finland anyway. They're all uh kind of a middle class. And I, I had very happy childhood. And the only thing was, you know, when my parents died, that was the saddest part, which when you're young, your fortunate that you know it doesn't, it doesn't hit you as hard as you know if thus one you know… SPEAKER 1: Oh. MRS. VILAKARI: Experience something like that when your old – older, I mean. I know we are old. [Laughter] But, you know, my sisters died here just a few years ago and that was quite different. And uh then the war was the next uh, uh… the two wars, I was in Finland. I was right in Helsinki all the time, you know, when we had the 1939 War, First, the winter war. And then the Second World War, you know, it started in 1941. There was one year in between, you know, one year of peace. And then uh, you know, I uh I… right after that, I left for America. And we never had any idea. We had the uh our half-sister was living here, and uh after war she wrote to us that, you know, we – if we maybe would like to come to visit America, and we got at all excited. Of course, we wanted to come2 to visit America. And she said that maybe you like to live here, you know, if you like it well enough, so we started to get out papers ready. That is very hard to get them. I don't exactly know how to say it, you know. You have to have a permission to leave the country at that time, you know, because it was shortly after war. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: And they were very short of men. And we were doing men's job because of the war. We have started to do a line at that operating in a newspaper. That's why they didn't want us to leave. So they say that, you know, they won't give us a permit because they said for sure we are not coming back if we go to America. They didn't know that you're just not going to stay in this country if you have a visitor's visa, you know. Everybody in Finland know that, you know, same as years before, if you came to this country, you could stay if you wanted to. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: But, no, the laws were so strict at that time already, that you couldn't, you could have stayed if you never had anything to do with the law or if you didn't want to work with the permission and you could never have anything to do with the, whatever you have to do with the state or pensions or anything like that, you know. You could have – it's just like an outlaw, you know. You could have stayed here but, you know, not – we didn't want to… when we wanted to come here. And then again with the legal papers so that we know that we can stay and be citizens who are now these days. We have very nice here, you know, that year when we were here; that's why we liked it so well, you know. Our sister, half-sister, and her husband, of course, they had a – I don't know how you… would you call it rooming house? SPEAKER 1: Yeah, boarding house.3 MRS. VILAKARI: Boarding house, yes. But they didn't serve food, you know. They had students from MIT and Boston University. They bought an old millionaire's house on Commonwealth Avenue. SPEAKER 1: Wow. MRS. VILAKARI: And they had lots of students, so they were all young people. They cleaned their rooms and changed the linens you know, but no food. SPEAKER 1: No food. MRS. VILAKARI: No. And that's where we lived that first year and we had such a nice time that we didn't want to – SPEAKER 1: Just here visiting first. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, that's right, yes. But, you know, do you have room enough you know? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: So like I tell, I have a lot to tell. SPEAKER 1: Okay. MRS. VILAKARI: When we came, we told our brother-in-law because that's what they said on the boat, you know. The officials said many times that we cannot work because we had visitors visa, and when we came we told our brother-in-law that we wanted to work because we wanted to get some money for ourselves. But we said we cannot work because they said it's illegal, you know, because we have to have a permanent visa. SPEAKER 1: Working visa. MRS. VILAKARI: That's right, yes, if we are able to work. [Laughter] And he said that if we can get the Social Security card, that's the permission to work. I think that he really thought that that was the, you know… SPEAKER 1: The right to work. MRS. VILAKARI: Permission we needed, because when he came—I think now we would be more than 50 years ago—he didn't have to have any permission so, you know, he was so sure that if we get the Social Security Card…4 SPEAKER 1: That's all you need, yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: We are able to work. So we sent to the Social Security office. And they don't ask you a passport; they don't ask what kind of visa you have. Do you know that? SPEAKER 1: No. MRS. VILAKARI: No, they don't ask anything. And we didn't know English. We all got our Social Security cards and we were so happy. My goodness, why did they say so many times that we can't work if it's so easy? But we were just happy that we were able to work. So we went to Harvard; we worked at the Harvard Printing press that year. We went to Harvard, and they searched our papers very carefully and they have a special person – now I can't remember her name. But anyway, she was the person that knew all the research because there a lot of students that come from other countries, so they are very familiar with their visa business you know. And when we went there, that lady happened to be on a lunch, and they told us we have to go and see her. And then there was another person, a man, who was kind of a taking care of her business while she was on lunch. He shook our hands and said, "Welcome to work," and so we thought, "Aha, everything is okay." [Laughs] SPEAKER 1: Geez. MRS. VILAKARI: Wasn't that funny, you know? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: That test? SPEAKER 1: Yeah, yeah, you were just lucky. MRS. VILAKARI: Luck, yes. When we think there so many places we had to go through and we always told the truth. And then we worked there until our visa… we had visa for one year. SPEAKER 1: Uh-huh.5 MRS. VILAKARI: And when six months was gone, it said in our papers that then we would have to ask permission for the other six months but we would get it but we would have to apply again. So we went to the Immigration office and we said we would like to have more visa. They asked right away, "How come you've been working?" Then we told, you know, they took us in separate rooms and interviewed us separately so that we wouldn't know what one was saying. But we decided, we said that we tell everything just as it is, so you know everybody would – SPEAKER 1: Everything was the truth. MRS. VILAKARI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: It was the truth. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: It was just like you said. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, I did, because it wasn't our fault. We told everybody that we have visitor's visa. And then they warned that the interview of me – I think that I know little more English than my sisters, you know, like some people learn a language a little bit better. I didn't know it well, but anyway, he wrote 17, you know, sheets of papers. SPEAKER 1: Wow. MRS. VILAKARI: And all very, very, very close, you know. He ended up with that much about, you know, that thing; I never think it would have been that bad. Then they said that now we have to see their boss and he will tell us what to do. And when we went to see the boss, oh he was so mad. We were crying, you know, because felt that we haven't done anything wrong. SPEAKER 1: Really? MRS. VILAKARI: But then the fellow who interviewed me—his name was Mr. Powers—he told the other fellow, "Please read the papers first and then decide if they have done so wrong." And then he said, "Okay, don't do anything now. Don't quit in Harvard before I write you a 6 letter. It would be coming in a week or two," he said, to know after he has a chance to read the interview. "Then I will let you know what you have to do." That was in April when we applied for more visa. SPEAKER 1: What year was this again? MRS. VILAKARI: April. SPEAKER 1: What year? MRS. VILAKARI: That was 1947. SPEAKER 1: Okay. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. But then when we applied for more visa, it was 1948 already because we came 1947 July, and then next spring we started to apply for more permission to stay. But that letter never came. It came in August the next year. He let us work because we said we don't have money to go back, that we have to make so much money. Because we understood that we can stay here if we wanted to, we never thought we have to leave, so it was kind of we came here with false pretense – how do you say…? SPEAKER 1: False pretence. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. Because we didn't know that you actually cannot work and you cannot stay here. They said that you have to first vote. SPEAKER 1: Where did you get your ideas from? The ones that you – because everybody else had told you it was… like your relatives? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, no, all the emigrants that had come before. We were almost the only ones that left Finland at that time because after war, nobody could get the permission to go out from Finland SPEAKER 1: But everybody else had told you it was – MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. Oh everybody said, "Oh, you can." But, you know, they really thought so. SPEAKER 1: Yeah MRS. VILAKARI: They didn't know that the laws had changed, you know. They thought it was the same thing. When they stayed, you know, from 7 the boats, there were lots of seamen working on the boats. They came here and they stayed; they never had to go back. I don't remember what year it was when they changed the law that you cannot stay anymore. SPEAKER 1: But they didn't know why. MRS. VILAKARI: Everybody who had come 1920 before that could stay without any papers. I'm not saying that it is so but anyway I know that there was a year when they changed the law that you cannot stay without coming to this country with the proper papers. SPEAKER 1: And they never informed you people. MRS. VILAKARI: No, no, no. SPEAKER 1: So it was an innocent mistake, really. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, that's right, yes, because we didn't know. I was seventeen or… no, no, I was old at that time when we came here. When the war started, I was seventeen, but I think I was twenty-five, but I mean, you know… SPEAKER 1: Still young. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. And when people told me it was so, I believed. I didn't even think that – because they had stayed here. My sister came here to study English. She was studying languages in Helsinki University and she came here to study English and, see, on one year's permission, but she got married, you know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: And that's how she stayed. But she could have stayed at that time, because it was before that time that the law was changed, so that's how, you know… [Laughter] You know, that's quite a story. SPEAKER 1: How about us go back to when you were living in Finland? What kind of jobs did your parents have? MRS. VILAKARI: My mother was a housewife, and my father was, in very early years, he was a blacksmith from his occupation, but then he had 8 the – I don't know. Maybe we'll call it trucking business, like the deliveries, you know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: He delivered things, you know, that kind of a business. Then before he died, you know, or later. Yes, because I was only three years old when he died, so I really don't remember much, and because I was only twelve when my mother died, you know… SPEAKER 1: So you could not – MRS. VILAKARI: There wasn't any that I could ask anything. SPEAKER 1: Remember anything. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, that's it. Now I am sorry because, you know, there would have been so many things I would like to know about the early years but I just know what people are telling and there are nobody close. My sisters were, you know, one was two years older than I and the other one was three years older than I, so they didn't know much better, you know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: That's why I – SPEAKER 1: Who brought you up? MRS. VILAKARI: We… just three of us. SPEAKER 1: Just three you girls? MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, we're three girls. SPEAKER 1: You mean you didn't have anybody else to help you? MRS. VILAKARI: Well, you know, first, when our mother died, I was twelve and she was fifteen, so we couldn't live with just three of us. We had one lady that we used to live in Helsinki earlier. She was living in the next door and she was in Salvation Army, a very religious person, you know, and we always liked her so much and we know that she was living alone. And then when our mother died, first we lived with our aunt and then our cousins, but, you know, it was too much. They had three daughters themselves and then three of us,9 you know, it was too much for them and it wasn't nice for us either, because we really didn't have a… SPEAKER 1: Get along, yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: Kind of a home feeling. Yes. And we had a condominium; we own a condominium, and then we said that we would like to live in our own condominium and have somebody live with us, you know, adopt us. And when we went to ask Miss [Kowalkowski] was her name, she thought that it was a sign from the God that she had a thing to do, you know, to bring us up. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: And then she lived with us until war, then she went to live with her own. I think they were her brother's daughters, you know, then she went there because they were living outside of the Helsinki and she didn't want to be in Helsinki when the war [broke] and everything. So, that's how she lived. SPEAKER 1: Who supported your family, though, that lady you sought? MRS. VILAKARI: No, we worked. SPEAKER 1: You all worked. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, you know – SPEAKER 1: Did any of you go to school for a while? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, you know, elementary school is a must in Finland, but then after that, you have to pay for your own schooling. You don't get high school for nothing like here. So we went to school at nights and we worked during daytime. SPEAKER 1: Oh. What kind of jobs did you do? MRS. VILAKARI: You know… SPEAKER 1: Besides – well, you told me about the [liner] type. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. I was 13 years old when I went to do work for the newspaper as an errand girl. That's when I started. I was there since I came to this country. I was then already 50 years before I came to this country.10 SPEAKER 1: Wow. MRS. VILAKARI: And as an errand girl, I think I was couple of years and then they took me as an apprentice, you know, to the… SPEAKER 1: [That in the bottom]… MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yes, that's right. SPEAKER 1: Did your sisters work in the same place? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. Yeah, we all worked at the Helsinki Sanomat. That's Finland's biggest newspaper. SPEAKER 1: So you made enough to you made enough to live a comfortable life? MRS. VILAKARI: Oh, yes, you know, it's a very good, you know, very well paid occupation in Finland. SPEAKER 1: So it wasn't that difficult to live then? MRS. VILAKARI: No, no, we didn't had… and you know when you're young… I remember sometimes, not before, you know, it's a five-year apprenticeship so you don't get the pay so fast, you know, although you get it eventually but you don't [indulge] when we all didn't have so much, you know. Oh, we didn't have a worry. One thing was good that, you know, we didn't have to pay any rent. Our condominiums in Finland are so old already that they have them so long time. They are condominium that we owned. We didn't have to pay any rent; we got dividend. SPEAKER 1: Ah-huh. MRS. VILAKARI: Instead of paying rent every month, imagine, you know, we got quite a lot of dividend every year. We could live free and still get money from the place, because it was a big apartment house and they had oak stores on the street level, so those stores paid very good rent. That's why, you know, the other expenses were paid by the stores, so – SPEAKER 1: That really fortunate.11 MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. Yes, it was. Sometimes I remember we didn't have much money, and we wanted to go to movies. Oh, American movies, boy, they were, they were the most. SPEAKER 1: Really? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. Sometimes with our last money we went to movies and we said, "Oh somebody will lend us some money tomorrow," and we always got some money, you know. [Laughter] SPEAKER 1: Really? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, next day, so that we lived to the next payday. Those were happy days. I never remember, you know, anything bad – SPEAKER 1: Well, you were younger during the depression time so… MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, I wasn't born exactly – no, no, yes, I was. I was, yes. SPEAKER 1: You found freedom. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, that side, yes, because 32 was the depression. But I really don't remember having any famine. SPEAKER 1: Being hungry or anything. MRS. VILAKARI: And I don't think that that was so much felt in Finland because there, like in this country, they made it so big because there are so many rich that lost everything so it was felt so much. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: But in Finland – SPEAKER 1: Even the common people felt that the bread lines… MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, yes. SPEAKER 1: And people are starving, you know. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, that time, I don't remember at all. I don't think that there was anything like that. SPEAKER 1: Where you live, was it more country-like or…? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, no Helsinki, it's just a… Sp SPEAKER 11: It's a city? MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: So you didn't have –12 MRS. VILAKARI: Five hundred thousand people. SPEAKER 1: Like you can grow your own food or anything. MRS. VILAKARI: No, no. SPEAKER 1: So you had to work. It was right in the city. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, but I don't remember having shortage of food any other time but during war time. That was the only – SPEAKER 1: Was it that bad during war time? MRS. VILAKARI: It was kind of bad, you know, for people who would like [Swiss] and things, but we never cared for that. We never bought any black market stuff like that. We really were very fortunate. We like bread, you know, and you could get bread with coupon they give us, you know. They started very early because the First World War was so bad and they got experience from that. When this second war started… SPEAKER 1: They were ready for it. MRS. VILAKARI: Right, they started right away in Finland to ration it, so that they didn't run low first and then started but they said that it's better to start to do it right away so that we would have a little reserved. So, you know, even there war time wasn't bad, you know. We were in that age, you know, you don't worry too much. SPEAKER 1: You don't think about it. MRS. VILAKARI: That's right, it is. When you are under twenty, you know, you're kind of taking it day after day. The only thing was, you know, bombings were awful. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah, can you remember some of the military things like the bombings? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah, they were awful, you know. Very often we had to sit hours in a cellar. You know, they make kind of shelters in houses, in the cellar. But the worst was just before the peace came, you know, and they were bombing Helsinki, they came every tenth night.13 SPEAKER 1: Oh yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: They came three times in a row, and it started 7 o'clock at night and we stayed until daylight, you know. In the morning, it was you know… SPEAKER 1: It was horrible to come out and see what had happened. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. But no – I don't know if this is nice to say, but it was so poor bombing that they didn't do nearly as much damage that, you know, as many bombs they dropped. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, that was very fortunate. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. And Helsinki is so among sea that a lot of them went to sea, you know, in the water. There was a bomb dropped right next – you know, when we had our apartment here, a bomb dropped but it didn't explode. Wasn't it impossible? SPEAKER 1: You got a lot of luck, you know. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah. It would have been a big one, you know. It's 500 kilos; that would have made lots of damage if it had exploded, but it didn't. And we didn't know. We were seating in a show. Then they were making, you know, dead tallies… SPEAKER 1: I know what you mean. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, yeah. So we didn't even know, but afterwards they told us. It was sitting there and they said it was awfully exciting for the people who had to go there, you know. It had dropped in a hallway and then people had had their linen in a suit case, you know, so it would be easy if something came and you have to take your belongings if there's burning or something. You know, it was just a flat sheet of cloth and it was so heavy, the bomb, and it was it has been rolling under the suitcase that it had flattened the linen and all, you know, flat. But, you know, we were very fortune. I think almost everybody's windows were broken. I don't think that there were any home that didn't have any, that their whole windows left open when the war was ended. But we had only 14 cardboards; it was no sense to replace them during the war because, you know, they would have just a vibration, you know. It was so scary SPEAKER 1: Do you remember what it was like when peace finally came? Was there lots of celebrations? MRS. VILAKARI: Oh, it was it was wonderful feeling when the lights came on, on the streets. That time I remember to have a tickle, you know. SPEAKER 1: You could have a … MRS. VILAKARI: No. And everybody had to cover their window so that you couldn't see because they always came every night and, you know, they couldn't shoot them when they were in the dark; that's why they came during night. That was the only thing that I remember so clearly, that how happy we were when the streets lights came on and it look just like a heaven in a night, you know, when it was so light, but you get used to it. And it was funny, you know, people were, I think, much better during war time. There was no crimes or… SPEAKER 1: Everybody – MRS. VILAKARI: People were much more helpful and honest. SPEAKER 1: They had to be, to survive. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, that's right, you know. SPEAKER 1: And then when you weren't under pressure anymore? MRS. VILAKARI: People were much healthier when they couldn't get this rich food. They said people were much healthier because they were skinnier. No, no. SPEAKER 1: Probably. MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, yes, all the cholesterol, you know. They had to do without then, you know. That's why all the doctors said that people were much healthier because they were so skinny. SPEAKER 1: It has its good and bad effects of the war.15 MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, that's right. Yes, there is always good and bad. You know, you couldn't think that you can take war so many years, but it's amazing, you know, and you don't even bother with all that fat – SPEAKER 1: You probably had to get used to that. MRS. VILAKARI: That's right, yes. Yes, you do, yes. But oh it was nice when it ended and you didn't have to think about the alarms, you know. You are all somehow thinking, especially those days when they were coming so frequently, "Now I'm here. Where is the next shelter in case? SPEAKER 1: That's usually part of war, you know. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, you could see always when people are running, you know; you run after them. SPEAKER 1: So you came to this country, like it's to visit the first time. Why did you decide to come to this country to live? MRS. VILAKARI: Because we liked it so much. We liked it very well when we are here the first time. But when we went to Finland, we really didn't think about it. We went right away to the American embassy to put our name on a list. You have to wait for your turn; you have to get a number. And because in 19, I think, I don't really know. It was 1980 when they made the law so that how many people they know – they made the quota system. At that time, there were so few people coming from Finland. Finland got very low number, you know, so that there were only about 500 people allowed to leave Finland in a year – I mean to come to this country from Finland. So, you know, we had to wait. They said at first that we might have to wait three or four years. But I don't know what happened. It was two and half years when we got the notice from the embassy that "now your turn is coming; you better start to prepare your papers." Then after that, we didn't even think if we are coming back or not because we didn't have any bad life in Finland. We didn't. It was mostly because of the Russians; it's 16 just always that feeling that, you know – now it's different. It's kind of settled, but during that time, still it was… SPEAKER 1: You didn't know what was going to happen. The Russians were… MRS. VILAKARI: Yeah, yes, that's right yes, for us the uncertainty of thing, you know. That's why we thought that we would come back. But then when we got to the notice, then we got all excited again. [Laughs] We started to get our papers ready. SPEAKER 1: So you planned for everything? And how much time did they tell you will be able to go, when they give you the notice then? MRS. VILAKARI: It would happen, I suppose, you know in our own… when we could get our papers and packed. But the only thing was that we had to reserve the boat. SPEAKER 1: Passage, yeah. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, because those were very hard to get at that time too, and that's why that was the only thing that we had to know when to leave. But, otherwise, you know, the papers –I'm sure that in time they would have become too old, but it wasn't anything in two months or so you have to go, but just you know to prepare your papers. But we had our number and that was our number. I don't know how many years they would have hold it, but because we had waited for the number, we had it – SPEAKER 1: All the time you are waiting to hear from them, you're probably still thinking how much how you want to go and everything. That didn't occupy your mind that much but it still was there. MRS. VILAKARI: Oh, yes, yes we were thinking that, you know, we were going someday, but we didn't think every moment that's all, boy… SPEAKER 1: After a couple of years of waiting, you don't… MRS. VILAKARI: That's right. You can't wait that long, you know, to think about it every minute. SPEAKER 1: How about other people? How did they feel about you going? Were they happy for you and or they tell not to?17 MRS. VILAKARI: No, no, they didn't tell us. They thought that we are very lucky to get here but they were sad that we were leaving. We have lots of very good friends in Finland. But otherwise they thought that we are very lucky to be able to because there were very few people who could do it. Financially and everything, you know, it's very expensive but we couldn't have paid our trip in Finnish money at that time. Finland didn't give dollars so we had to get the money from here and then pay back when we came here. SPEAKER 1: How did you go about doing that? Did you send it to the relatives? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes. We have that half-sister here but then, you know, when we came the second time… she's not my cousin, you know. She is her cousin from her mother's side; we have same father, and she sponsored us then, because when you sponsor three people to be an immigrant, you have to have a certain amount of money. And that time, they were just leaving from Boston to New Hampshire and they had everything in a kind of a mess, you know. I mean, not that not anything was wrong, but I mean, you know, everything was unsettled. So her cousin said that they were [taken] into it because they were very well off, you know. And then the second time, my sister was already living in New Hampshire, the half-sister, so we didn't want to go there; it was too much like country; we wanted to go the city. SPEAKER 1: How about, when did you leave your homeland? What was the date, do you remember? Well, even the month. MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, we arrived here the second time when we stayed permanently, 13 February. It took two weeks, so it must have been in the beginning of February. SPEAKER 1: What year was this, again? MRS. VILAKARI: 1951 was the one we came the second time. SPEAKER 1: And how did you come here? MRS. VILAKARI: First, we arrived in New York.18 SPEAKER 1: By boat? MRS. VILAKARI: Yes, by boat, by [Gripson] 51; we arrived by that boat. And our cousins and - no, no in the meantime, we had met some people from New Canaan in Connecticut we have met in Finland and they visited us and we took them around a lot. And when we came they said, "Please, come to our house first and then we will take you to Pittsburg – or Maine." We were going to Maine then. And that's how we spent one week, you know, with them in New Canaan first. It's so near New York and we spent one week with them and we went to New York to see [Anget Yogan]. [Laughs] We had very, very nice time there, and then we came to Maine and… SPEAKER 1: What was the cost, do you remember, the boat ride? How much it cost from over… MRS. VILAKARI: I think that for three for us, they took loan from a workers' credit union. That's how we asked. We said that you know if they can get the loan from somewhere that we can then pay back to straight to the bank so they don't have to tie their own money, and they did that – because we knew from the first time that you can do things like that. So in Pittsburg, you know, there is workers credit union and that's where they had borrowed the money. It was some 600 and something for three of us, I think, you know. I can't remember exactly but I remember it was something a little over 600 dollars. So it must have been 200 and something for one person, the ticket for the boat trip. SPEAKER 1: So who came with you? You had your two sisters? Anybody else you knew? MRS. VILAKARI: No, no. We met on the boat but there wasn't anybody with us, you know, just three of us./AT/jm/ee
