Im Rahmen der qualitativen Untersuchung wurden 62, in der offenen Jugendarbeit in kommunaler Trägerschaft tätige (sozial-) pädagogische Fachkräfte zu ihren Erfahrungen mit den Versuchen Jugendlicher, sich selbstzuorganisieren, und der Art und Weise, diese Prozesse zu unterstützen, befragt. Das so generierte Material wurde nach dem Modus der Grounded Theory (Strauss, Glaser, Corbin u. a.) unter Verwendung eines für die Untersuchung entwickelten PC-Programmes ( INCIDENT ) analysiert. Im Focus stand dabei die Frage, ob sich ein verbindender Handlungsmodus der Fachkräfte rekonstruieren liesse, wie diese auf die jugendlichen Selbstorganisations¬prozesse reagieren. Die Untersuchungsergebnisse wurden im Lichte der von Kurt Lewin entwickelten Feldtheorie gedeutet. Als bestimmendes Resultat der Untersuchung kann bilanziert werden, dass es einerseits zwar keinen definier-baren Handlungsmodus der Selbstorganisationsförderung gibt (also ein verbindendes Handlungsmuster [nach dem Motto: so ist es ] fehlt), andererseits aber ein allgemeiner Handlungsrahmen identifiziert werden konnte, nachdem sich Selbstorganisationsförderung als Navigation im Feld charakterisiert. Festzustellen ist, dass die Fähigkeit einer Fachkraft, Selbstorganisationsförderung zu leisten, von ihrer Kompetenz abhängt, 1. das (soziale) Feld wahrzunehmen und zu beurteilen (d. h. insbesondere die Analyse und Einschätzung des Feldes bzw. seiner Feld- und Subregionen sowie der von dort ausgehenden Valenzen und Kräfte) und 2. zwischen den Jugendlichen und deren Umwelt einerseits und andererseits unter den Jugendlichen selbst mittels der (in den Äußerungen der Fachkräfte identifizierbaren) Strategien unter Abschätzung und Bewertung der durch das Handeln eingetretenen Veränderung im Feld (als Wirkung des eigenen Handelns und der Handlungen anderer) navigieren zu können.Identifiziert werden konnten zu 46 Handlungsweisen (sog. Prozeduren und Interaktionen ) verdichtete For-men des Handelns der Fachkräfte einerseits gegenüber den Jugendlichen selbst und andererseits gegenüber der Umwelt (z. B. dem lokalen Gemeinwesen oder der Kommunalpolitik), auf die sich das Handeln der Fach-kräfte beziehen muss, um die Selbstorganisationsversuche der Jugendliche unterstützen (ggfs. auch gegen-über den Interessen der Umwelt absichern) zu können. Deutlich wird, dass sich das konkrete soziale Handeln innerhalb dieses allgemeinen Handlungsrahmens der Navigation stets unterschiedlich ausgestaltet und dabei offenbar in hohem Maße erfahrungsgestützt und nicht methodisch konventionalisiert ist, wie dies im Allgemeinen angenommen und der Ausbildung der Fachkräfte an einer (Fach-) Hochschule zugeschrieben wird. Zwar spielen methodisch abgestützte Prozesse eine Rolle, doch nicht in erster Linie; das Handeln der Fachkräfte folgt im Feld der Selbstorganisationsförderung ganz offensichtlich in der Regel nicht solchen methodischen Prinzipien, sondern erweist sich eher als reflexiver Prozess. Soziales Handeln kann (und darf) in der Regel nicht auf methodisch abgesicherte Routinen zurückgreifen, da jede Situation für sich neu ist und ein flexibles (ihr angemessenes) Handeln notwendig macht. Der zentrale Befund der Untersuchung ermöglicht Schlussfolgerungen in Bezug auf die erforderlichen Wissens- und Könnensressourcen in der Jugendarbeit tätiger Fachkräfte und deren Orientierung auf das Ge-meinwesen, in dem sie handeln; zugleich wird diskutiert, inwieweit ein als Feldstudium modifiziertes Studium der Sozialpädagogik/-arbeit an Fachhochschulen erforderlich ist, um Nachwuchsfachkräften die Möglichkeit zu geben, sich diese Kompetenzen feldgerecht anzueignen. Erörtert wird, inwieweit die organisatorische Einbindung der Fachkräfte in der Regel in eine Kommunalverwaltung angemessen ist, Selbstorganisationsprozesse zu fördern. Schließlich wird durch die Untersuchung angeregt, in Form weiterer Forschungsvorhaben zu überprüfen, inwieweit sich der im Bezug auf die Selbstorganisationsprozesse Jugendlicher identifizierte Modus der Navigation als Handlungsrahmen auch in anderen Handlungsbereichen der Sozialen Arbeit rekonstruieren und insofern eine formale Theorie der Navigation formulieren lässt. ; In the framework of a qualitative study 62 educational specialists were interviewed about their experiences with respect to attempts to help youth organise themselves and with regard to how they proceeded in their supportive roles. All specialists did youth work for local government organisations.The material collected was analysed according to a grounded theory model by using a special software program ( INCIDENT ) especially developed for this study. Focus was placed on the question whether an approach common to all personnel could be determined with regard to their reactions to self-organisation processes of youth groups. The research results were interpreted in light of Kurt Lewin s field theory. The most obvious result of this study is that, on the one hand, there is no definitive mode of approach in supporting self-organisation (a common pattern of action [to which one could say: so that s the way it is ] is missing); on the other hand, it was possible to identify a general framework after characterising support of self-organisation as navigation in the field. It must be noted that the ability of an individual specialist to support self-organisational processes is dependent on his/her competence 1) to perceive and to assess the social environment with which he/she is confronted (that implies an analysis and subjective evaluation of a particular field including any sub-regions as well as the valences and energy originating from such sources); 2) to navigate between the youth and their immediate environment and at the same time to navigate among the youth themselves with the aid of the strategies (ascertained form utterances made by personnel) which are applied depending on the assessment and evaluation of changes in the field resulting from the actions of oneself and of others.In addition to the different behavioural actions (so called procedures and interactions ) the staff members displayed compressed forms of action with respect to the youth themselves and with regard to the local authorities or local political policies. The latter forms are, of course, a prerequisite of any action to support the self-organisational attempts of youth groups (if need be, to coordinate such attempts with respect to outside interests).It becomes clear that concrete social actions within this general navigational framework continually assume varied forms and are apparently, to a large degree, based on experience rather than, as is generally assumed, on methodological conventions which are taught to personnel at colleges or universities. Indeed, certain processes do occur as the result of methodological approaches, but not as primary factors. Personnel involved in self-organisation support take actions which are obviously not, as a rule, based on such methodological principles but are part of a reflexive process. Social interaction can (should, must) not, as a rule, be the result of methodologically founded routines because any given situation is in itself unique and there-fore demands flexible approaches of action.The central findings of this study make it possible to draw conclusions with respect to the knowledge and types of abilities which youth work personnel must possess, as well as with regard to their orientation to-wards the community in which they are active. At the same time a detailed discussion is presented in which the inclusion of field experience in a course of study is considered. An answer is sought to the question of how important it might be to make such experience an integral part of college programs for youth educa-tors/workers so that they can acquire professional competence through concrete situations. The question is also posed as to how closely education specialists need to work with local governments in order to support self-organisation processes. Finally, based on the results of the study, the suggestion is made that further research could be done. It could investigate to what degree the navigation mode implemented by youth within the framework of self-organisation process is applicable to other behavioural areas of social work and thereby lead to actually formulating a formal theory of navigation.
[ita]A Roma come nel resto dell'Impero, le case dell'élite, sedi delle relazioni affettive e politiche dei proprietari, costituivano un potente strumento di auto-rappresentazione. Per questo, spazi pubblici come atria, tablina, triclinia, generici "ambienti di rappresentanza", portici, percorsi quotidianamente non solo da abitanti ma anche da clientes e amici, dovevano essere particolarmente "eloquenti". Una lussuosa decorazione comunicava il prestigio sociale, economico e culturale del signore a tutti coloro che entravano nella sua domus o villa, luoghi di un sereno otium. Consideriamo in particolare i pavimenti decorati: al pari di un affresco, un mosaico figurato era chiamato a comunicare sensazioni e significati agli abitanti della dimora e ai suoi ospiti. In particolare, la dimensione intellettuale poteva essere affidata a immagini-simbolo quali Muse, poeti, filosofi, attori teatrali oppure a immagini mitologiche, sia sotto forma di ritratti sia di rappresentazioni di vicende con più personaggi coinvolti. Tra queste storie alcune si distinguono per la loro relazione con una o più opere letterarie di carattere epico o teatrale. Nella parte occidentale dell'Impero romano, Africa Proconsularis e Hispania si distinguono per la quantità e la qualità dei tessellati di questo tipo, datati su base stratigrafica o stilistica fra il I sec. a. C. e il V sec. d. C. Nella maggior parte dei casi vi sono rappresentati episodi mitici anticamente molto noti che coinvolgono alcuni personaggi del ciclo troiano: il giudizio di Paride e il rapimento di Elena, lo svelamento di Achille a Sciro, il sacrificio di Ifigenia, la supplica di Crise ad Agamennone, la lite fra Achille e Agamennone (?), l'addio di Achille a Briseide, il confronto tra Glauco e Diomede, l'incontro tra Filottete e l'ambasceria greca, l'offerta della coppa di vino di Ulisse a Polifemo, l'incontro fra Ulisse e le Sirene. Ritroviamo inoltre storie raccontate in opere teatrali come la follia di Ercole, il tormento di Medea, la storia di Fedra e Ippolito. Si tratta di miti di origine greca facenti parte del patrimonio culturale romano fin dall'epoca arcaica della storia di Roma e caratterizzati da una lunga continuità di vita. I principali canali di conoscenza di queste storie erano la scuola e il teatro, importanti strumenti di romanizzazione attraverso cui la cultura greco-romana veniva diffusa nei territori conquistati. Nelle case delle élites provinciali, che guardavano a Roma come a un modello prestigioso, i tessellati con contenuto letterario erano chiamati a comunicare la cultura del proprietario. Immaginiamo che questi, sulla base delle proprie conoscenze più o meno profonde, scegliesse consapevolmente il tema per il mosaico, e poi stabilisse, d'accordo con gli artigiani, i criteri per un'elaborazione originale del soggetto a partire da un modello già esistente, generalmente di origine ellenistico. A partire dal confronto fra le immagini e i testi letterari di riferimento conservati in cui si racconta l'episodio rappresentato nel mosaico abbiamo provato a raccogliere possibili informazioni sulla cultura letteraria dei committenti. La corrispondenza basica fra alcuni "elementi chiave" (personaggi ed eventi peculiari), presenti nella versione scritta della storia e nei tessellati, garantiva la comprensione della vicenda da parte di un pubblico colto. Al di là di questa necessaria coerenza, nella maggior parte dei casi, rispetto ai testi di riferimento gli episodi sono rappresentati in forma semplificata e a volte anche compendiaria (con più sequenze riunite). La volontà di comunicare con successo dei significati, e dunque di ottenere, seguendo la teoria di R. Jakobson, un corretto feedback da parte del pubblico, poteva determinare un distacco dal modello e dal testo. Inoltre, l'epigrafia, soprattutto in Hispania, interveniva nei casi in cui l'immagine poteva essere ambigua, dando sempre una sicura veste colta all'immagine. Lo studio dei mosaici africani e ispanici con contenuto letterario permette dunque di esprimere alcune considerazioni sulla cultura dell'élite presente nei territori, purtroppo anonima e molto probabilmente ancora pagana, in epoca tardoantica. ; [eng]As places for the political relationships of the owners, the houses of the élite, in Rome, like in the rest of the Empire, were a powerful tool for self-representation. For this reason, public spaces like atria, tablina, triclinia or porches, which were crossed daily not only by its inhabitants but also by clientes and amici, had to be particularly significant. A luxurious decoration communicated the social, economic and cultural prestige of the owner to all those who entered his domus or villa. We consider in particular the decorated floors: like a fresco, images in mosaics had to communicate feelings and meanings to the inhabitants of the house and to his guests. Particularly, the intellectual dimension could be entrusted to symbolic images such as Muses, poets, philosophers, actors, or mythological themes — both portraits and representations of episodes with some characters involved. Among these stories, some pictures are distinguished by their relationship to a specific literary work, epic or theatrical. Due to the number and the quality of this kind of mosaics, in the western part of the Roman Empire Africa Proconsularis and Hispania represent two interesting cases that are worth studying. In African and Hispanic mosaics especially (dated from the 1st century B. C. to the 5th A. D.), we can recognize stories that involve Homeric characters: the judgment of Paris, the kidnapping of Helen, the unveiling of Achilles in Skyros, the sacrifice of Iphigenia, Crises' plea to Agamemnon, the farewell of Achilles and Briseis, the encounter between Glaucus and Diomedes, the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon (?), the encounter between Philoctetes and the Greek embassy, the offer of the wine cup of Odysseus to Polyphemus, the encounter between Ulysses and the Sirens. We also find other stories, such as those represented in Greek and Latin plays: the madness of Hercules, the torment of Medea, the story of Phaedra and Hippolytus. The knowledge of these legends and myths, very popular in the Greco-Roman culture at all times, depended on the school and the theatre. Considering the choice of the themes and the way they're treated in each mosaic, this study is aimed to search for some information about the literary culture of the mosaics' owners who, unfortunately, remain anonymous but were most probably members of the provincial élites.
This book presents a series of essays, drawing on the twm concepts of ecosystem management and landscape approaches, to elucidate and reflect on the present situation and future evolution of Mediterranean islands. This publication brings together contributions from Mediterranean individuals, non-Mediterranean individuals, islanders and non-islanders there is, after all, no geographical limit on who and what we can learn from. The essays presented here each contribute a specific perspective on the future evolution of Mediterranean islands. This book presents a series of essays, drawing on the twin concepts of ecosystem management and landscape approaches, to elucidate and reflect on the present situation and future evolution of Mediterranean islands. This publication brings together contributions from Mediterranean individuals, non-Mediterranean individuals, islanders and non-islanders; there is, after all, no geographical limit on who and what we can learn from. The essays presented here each contribute a specific perspective on the future evolution of Mediterranean islands. Following this introductory chapter, the first section of the book focuses on the contributions that can be made by the discipline of landscape ecology. loannis Vogiatzakis and Geoffrey Griffiths first explain the concepts and relevance of landscape ecology, also presenting and discussing a range of applied tools that can facilitate landscape planning in Mediterranean islands. Louis F. Cassar then reviews the 'offshoot' discipline of restoration ecology, making a strong case for offsetting the environmental damage inflicted on natural ecosystems over millennia of human occupation, with constructive efforts to effectively restore and/or rehabilitate ecosystems. The two following chapters bring the socio-economic dimension into the discussion. Godfrey Baldacchino first presents two contrasting paradigms for the development of island territories, reviewing the dual influences of ecological and economic factors, and exploring ways in which the two can be brought together in successful development strategies. Gordon Cordina and Nadia Farrugia then address the demographic dimension of development, presenting a model to explain the economic costs of high population densities on islands. The third block of chapters expands on the relevance of social and cultural dynamics to the management of Mediterranean Islands. Isil Cakcï, Nur Belkayali and Ilkden Tazebay explain the evolution of the concept of a 'cultural landscape', focusing on the challenges of managing change in landscapes with strong heritage values. The chapter concludes with a case study on the Turkish island of Gökçeada (lmbros), which is experiencing major challenges in balancing the conservation of a cultural landscape on the one hand, and the management of inevitable change, on the other. Elisabeth Conrad then discusses the role of social capital in managing the landscape resources of Mediterranean islands, reviewing the potential for this intangible social fabric to facilitate or impede the sustainable evolution of island territories. The fourth section includes four chapters, each of which addresses a different aspect relevant to policy development and implementation in Mediterranean islands. Salvino Busuttil presents an essay outlining the political influences on the management of coastal landscapes, the latter so relevant to Mediterranean island territories. The essay derives from the author's professional experience in various policy-related institutions for environmental management within the Mediterranean region. Maggie Roe then reflects on issues of landscape sustainability, focusing on the neglected aspect of intelligence. She discusses ways in which landscape research, knowledge and understanding can feed directly into frameworks for 'sustainable' landscape planning. In the subsequent chapter, Adrian Phillips takes from his substantial experience with international landscape policy, reviewing the gradual emergence of international and national landscape 'tools', to draw out lessons for application in Mediterranean islands. In the final chapter of this section, Riccardo Priore and Damiano Galla present a comprehensive discussion of the European Landscape Convention, the first international instrument to focus exclusively on landscape. The authors explain the innovative character of this convention, and discuss its potential implementation in Mediterranean islands. The publication concludes with a series of case studies, highlighting specific constraints, experiences and opportunities in different Mediterranean islands. Theano Terkenli explores the landscapes of tourism in Mediterranean islands - perhaps no other industry has played such a fundamental role in shaping the evolution of Mediterranean landscapes in recent years. The author reviews the theoretical relationship between landscape and tourism across Mediterranean islands, before focusing on the specific case of the Greek Cycladic islands. In the following chapter, Alex Camilleri, Isabella Colombini and Lorenzo Chelazzi present an in-depth review of the context and challenges being faced on a number of minor Mediterranean islands, namely those of the Tuscan archipelago (Elba, Giglio, Capraia, Montecristo, Pianosa, Gorgona and Giannutri), and Comino, the latter forming part of the Maltese archipelago. The comparison between these various islands enables an appreciation of both commonalities across these islands, as well as considerations that are specific to the context of each in dividual island. JeremyBoissevain then adopts an anthropological lens to review the cautionary tale of landscape change in Malta, exploring underlying causes of landscape destruction and limited civil engagement. In the subsequent chapter, Jala Makhzoumi outlines the richness of Mediterranean islands' rural landscapes, focusing on olive landscapes in Cyprus. Her research demonstrates the economic and ecological robustness of various olive cultivation practices, and whilst warning of several threats to such sustainable regimes, she outlines strategies for reconfiguring our approach to rural heritage, in order to integrate such assets into sustainable development strategies. Finally, Stephen Morse concludes the section with an evaluation of sustainable development indicators, and the contribution that these can make towards enhancing the management of Mediterranean island territories. He illustrates his arguments with reference to the two island states of Malta and Cyprus. To conclude, in the final chapter of this publication, we review key insights emerging from the various chapters, and summarize considerations for ecosystem management and sustainable development in Mediterranean Islands. We truly hope that this publication makes some contribution towards safeguarding the "magic' of Mediterranean islands, whilst embracing their dynamic characteristics. ; Published under the patronage of UNESCO and with the support of the Maltese National Commission for UNESCO ; peer-reviewed
Globalization of migrations leads states to take into account consequences of these migrations into their development strategies. Thus, they have to put in place a migration policy consistent with objectives of economic policy. Furthermore, migration policy must be consistent with objectives of development policy too; now migration policies in developed countries become more selective. We analyze this need of coherence and political consequences of this need. Thus, the first part of this thesis examines the concept of migration policy and the way of assessing it. Then the second part deals with the effects of migrations in developing countries. The examination of immigration policies leads to establish the need of assessment of their effectiveness and the lack of tools to assess. Thus we suggest an indicator of developed countries' "revealed" opening-up policy to immigration from South. We also assess the effectiveness of policies to reduce illegal migrations. Our study is based on the USA/Mexico case. To do this analysis, we build a migration policy indicator from US immigration laws. Firstly, it shows that a too restrictive legal migration policy leads to an increase in undocumented migrations. Secondly, effectiveness of fight against undocumented migrants appears to be low. Whereas the literature review on the effects of migrations on developing countries doesn't reach a consensus for the most part of these effects, analyses made in the second part of this dissertation maintain that brain drain is harmful to origin developing countries. In a first study, we test impact of emigration on the level of education; we take into account the fact that an increase in the probability to emigrate may lead to the increased numbers of people staying at school. We take also into account the migrants' propensity to come back in their origin country with a surplus of knowledge. This study is made from a simulation of a theoretical model and then from an econometric analysis. Results don't stamp the incentive effect of brain drain on education. A second study tests the impact of emigration on poverty in Cameroon. We take into account the effects of emigration on productivity and remittances. We use a computable general equilibrium model and we introduce results in a microeconomic analysis. It appears that current emigration increases poverty in Cameroon. From what we have obtained in the different analyses, it appears that countries have to fully cooperate in the management of migrations if they want to succeed in reconciling objectives of immigration with objectives of development. Nevertheless, a last study shows that cooperation is not easy to get because interests of origin and host countries may be very different. We establish that remittances sent by undocumented Mexican from USA to their origin country are higher and better-used than remittances sent by documented Mexican. So, Mexico could be not fully interested in cooperation with USA to fight against illegal migrations ; La mondialisation des flux migratoires oblige les Etats à prendre en compte les implications des migrations dans leurs stratégies de développement. Ceci les amène à imaginer des politiques de gestion de ces flux en accord avec leurs objectifs de politique économique. Le corolaire à une immigration sélective peut être une émigration en inadéquation avec les stratégies de développement des pays d'origine. Or, la politique migratoire doit également s'accorder avec les objectifs de la politique d'aide au développement. Nous analysons dans cette thèse ce besoin de cohérence et ses implications politiques. Pour cela, nous rappelons dans une première partie ce qu'est une politique migratoire et examinons les moyens de l'évaluer, puis nous analysons ensuite les effets des migrations dans les pays en développement. La partie consacrée aux politiques migratoires amène à constater le besoin d'évaluation de leur efficacité mais aussi le manque d'outils adéquats pour le faire. Nous proposons ainsi un indicateur d'ouverture des politiques à l'immigration venant des pays en développement construit à partir de la méthode dite " des résidus ". Nous procédons également à une évaluation de l'efficacité des politiques à maîtriser les flux légaux et clandestins grâce à un indicateur que nous élaborons à partir de l'évolution de la législation du pays hôte. Notre étude basée sur le cas Mexique/Etats-Unis montre qu'une politique d'admission légale trop restrictive produit de l'immigration clandestine que la répression peine à combattre de façon efficace. Alors que la revue de la littérature sur les effets des migrations dans les pays en développement ne parvient pas à dégager un consensus clair sur la majorité de ces effets, les analyses effectuées dans la seconde partie soutiennent l'idée que l'émigration qualifiée reste néfaste pour les pays d'origine. Dans une première étude, nous testons l'impact de l'émigration sur le niveau d'éducation en prenant en compte l'incitation à la scolarisation que peut produire une hausse de la probabilité d'émigrer, et la propension des migrants à revenir en ayant acquis un surplus de connaissances à l'étranger. L'étude est effectuée à partir de la simulation d'un modèle théorique, puis par une analyse économétrique. Les résultats infirment la pertinence d'un effet d'incitation. Une seconde étude teste l'impact de l'émigration sur la pauvreté au Cameroun via les effets sur la productivité et les transferts à partir de la simulation d'un modèle d'équilibre général calculable dont les résultats sont introduits dans une analyse microéconomique. Il apparaît que l'émigration telle qu'elle se présente aujourd'hui accroît la pauvreté à court terme. A partir de ce qui précède, nous concluons sur la nécessité de mettre en place un cadre institutionnel de coopération multilatérale large et ambitieux pour espérer concilier les bénéfices attendus d'une immigration sélectionnée avec les effets positifs potentiels de l'émigration dans les pays en développement. Nous admettons cependant dans une dernière analyse que la mise en place de ce cadre ne pourra s'effectuer qu'à long terme du fait de la difficulté de voir converger les intérêts de chaque partie. Nous illustrons ces difficultés par l'étude du comportement de transfert des clandestins mexicains qui établit que le Mexique pourrait ne pas être pleinement coopératif dans la lutte contre ces migrations car elles lui octroient des transferts plus importants et plus productifs à court terme que ceux issus des migrants légaux.
Prospects for forest transitions – regional or national turnarounds in forest cover trend, from net deforestation to net reforestation – in tropical regions would have wide implications for biodiversity, carbon stocks, and human livelihoods. The objectives of this thesis are to answer three questions: (i) Is there a forest transition in Vietnam, and what are its main characteristics? (ii) What are the causes of the reforestation in Vietnam – at local, national and international levels, and did local land managers perceive and react to forest degradation and/or scarcity? (iii) What are the environmental impacts of the forest transition, for forests in Vietnam and abroad? Firstly, existing land cover data were compiled and compared with recent tools of map comparison. A forest transition occurred in Vietnam during the 1990s. The forest cover dropped to 25–31% in 1991–1993, and then increased to 32–37% in 1999–2001 and 34–42% in 2005. About half of the reforestation was due to plantations of mainly fastgrowing exotic species. Secondly, spatial lag multiple regressions at the national scale and a review of local case studies were used to analyze the causes of spatial variations in the reforestation. Forest regrowth in Vietnam was not due to a single process or policy but to a combination of economic and political responses to forest and land scarcity, economic growth, and market integration. The distribution of forestry land to households, new forest management practices, and food crop intensification were combined in "push and pull" effects to decrease the footprint of agriculture on hillsides. A smallholder agricultural intensification path of forest transition partly explains the reforestation. Population growth and land scarcity drove an intensification of agriculture, mainly based on increased labor inputs on the most suitable plots of the marginal regions, and contributed to the abandonment of the least suitable plots and their reforestation. Thirdly, a material flows analysis quantified and characterized the displacement of deforestation abroad that accompanied the transition. From 1987 to 2006, displacement of forest extraction to other countries represented 49 (34– 70) Mm3, or around 40% of the regrowth of Vietnam's forests. Leakage due to policies restricting forest exploitation and displacement due to growing domestic consumption and exports contributed respectively to an estimated 58% and 42% of total displacement. About half of wood imports during this period were illegal. Exports of wood products from Vietnam also grew rapidly, amounting to 84% of the displacement. Around 60% of the regrowth in Vietnam was thus not associated with displacement abroad. Fourthly, the main environmental effects of this forest transition at the national scale were studied. The outcomes of the transition are contrasted, and not highly beneficial. The carbon stock in forests followed a transition similar to forest area, decreasing to 903 (770–1307) TgC in 1991–1993, and then increasing to 1374 (1058–1744) TgC in 2005. However, forest density declined during the same period, with an increasing proportion of young and degraded forests. The effects on habitats measured with landscape pattern indices varied between ecoregions: in several regions, the reforestation decreased forest fragmentation, while in others, clearing of oldgrowth forests continued and/or forest fragmentation increased. Fifthly, four village case studies were used to understand feedbacks from local environmental degradation on land use practices of local land managers, their roles in the forest transition and the conditions under which they occur. This showed that forest scarcity is perceived, interpreted and evaluated before possibly affecting land use practices. In one case, beliefs and attitudes of the actors did change because of environmental degradation. Vietnam is one of the few tropical countries that experienced a forest transition, but similar dynamics occur in other countries. Knowledge about this case is, therefore, important to understand forest and land use transitions elsewhere. ; La thèse s'intéresse à la notion de « transition forestière », c'est à dire un basculement d'une tendance nette de déforestation à une tendance nette de reforestation à une échelle spatiale relativement vaste (nationale ou régionale). De tels évènements se sont produits entre autres dans plusieurs pays européens au cours du 19ème siècle. L'idée de départ de la thèse était d'étudier, dans le contexte de pays tropicaux contemporains en développement, la possibilité d'une transition de ce type et la pertinence des théories explicatives développées pour les pays occidentaux tempérés en cours de modernisation. La thèse poursuit trois objectifs: (i) établir la présence éventuelle d'une transition forestière au Vietnam et décrire ses principales caractéristiques, (ii) étudier les causes de cette transition, à l'échelle locale, nationale et internationale, et (iii) dresser le bilan des principaux effets environnementaux de cette transition. Le travail a établi qu'une transition forestière a effectivement eu lieu au Vietnam au cours des années 90, ce qui en fait l'un des rares pays tropicaux dans lequel cette transition s'est produite. La reforestation s'est faite autant par régénération naturelle des forêts que par plantations, et le couvert forestier en 2005 était supérieur à celui de 1980. La reforestation a été causée par une combinaison de processus dans les domaines agraires et forestiers, sous-tendus par des politiques de d'allocation des terres aux ménages, de libéralisation, et de renforcement des règlementations forestières, par des changements dans les marchés agricoles et forestiers, ainsi que par la dégradation des forêts et des terres de montagne et les réactions des acteurs locaux à celle-ci. Selon les contextes, les effets de ces changements sur la situation des habitants des régions reboisées est variable. La reforestation s'est également accompagnée d'un déplacement de la déforestation à l'extérieur du pays, pour combler la demande croissante de bois du Vietnam, qui représente environ 40% de la reforestation dans le pays. L'importation de bois est composée pour moitié de bois illégal coupé dans les forêts naturelles des pays voisins, et la majeure partie de ce bois n'est pas consommée sur place, mais réexportée après transformation. La transition a permis de séquestrer annuellement dans les forêts vietnamiennes plus de carbone que la quantité émise par la consommation d'énergies fossiles au Vietnam. Par contre, la dégradation des forêts continue, et la transition n'a dans l'ensemble pas permis de stopper l'érosion de la biodiversité des forêts vietnamiennes. ; (GEOG 3) -- UCL, 2009
Prospects for forest transitions – regional or national turnarounds in forest cover trend, from net deforestation to net reforestation – in tropical regions would have wide implications for biodiversity, carbon stocks, and human livelihoods. The objectives of this thesis are to answer three questions: (i) Is there a forest transition in Vietnam, and what are its main characteristics? (ii) What are the causes of the reforestation in Vietnam – at local, national and international levels, and did local land managers perceive and react to forest degradation and/or scarcity? (iii) What are the environmental impacts of the forest transition, for forests in Vietnam and abroad? Firstly, existing land cover data were compiled and compared with recent tools of map comparison. A forest transition occurred in Vietnam during the 1990s. The forest cover dropped to 25–31% in 1991–1993, and then increased to 32–37% in 1999–2001 and 34–42% in 2005. About half of the reforestation was due to plantations of mainly fastgrowing exotic species. Secondly, spatial lag multiple regressions at the national scale and a review of local case studies were used to analyze the causes of spatial variations in the reforestation. Forest regrowth in Vietnam was not due to a single process or policy but to a combination of economic and political responses to forest and land scarcity, economic growth, and market integration. The distribution of forestry land to households, new forest management practices, and food crop intensification were combined in "push and pull" effects to decrease the footprint of agriculture on hillsides. A smallholder agricultural intensification path of forest transition partly explains the reforestation. Population growth and land scarcity drove an intensification of agriculture, mainly based on increased labor inputs on the most suitable plots of the marginal regions, and contributed to the abandonment of the least suitable plots and their reforestation. Thirdly, a material flows analysis quantified and characterized the displacement of deforestation abroad that accompanied the transition. From 1987 to 2006, displacement of forest extraction to other countries represented 49 (34– 70) Mm3, or around 40% of the regrowth of Vietnam's forests. Leakage due to policies restricting forest exploitation and displacement due to growing domestic consumption and exports contributed respectively to an estimated 58% and 42% of total displacement. About half of wood imports during this period were illegal. Exports of wood products from Vietnam also grew rapidly, amounting to 84% of the displacement. Around 60% of the regrowth in Vietnam was thus not associated with displacement abroad. Fourthly, the main environmental effects of this forest transition at the national scale were studied. The outcomes of the transition are contrasted, and not highly beneficial. The carbon stock in forests followed a transition similar to forest area, decreasing to 903 (770–1307) TgC in 1991–1993, and then increasing to 1374 (1058–1744) TgC in 2005. However, forest density declined during the same period, with an increasing proportion of young and degraded forests. The effects on habitats measured with landscape pattern indices varied between ecoregions: in several regions, the reforestation decreased forest fragmentation, while in others, clearing of oldgrowth forests continued and/or forest fragmentation increased. Fifthly, four village case studies were used to understand feedbacks from local environmental degradation on land use practices of local land managers, their roles in the forest transition and the conditions under which they occur. This showed that forest scarcity is perceived, interpreted and evaluated before possibly affecting land use practices. In one case, beliefs and attitudes of the actors did change because of environmental degradation. Vietnam is one of the few tropical countries that experienced a forest transition, but similar dynamics occur in other countries. Knowledge about this case is, therefore, important to understand forest and land use transitions elsewhere. ; La thèse s'intéresse à la notion de « transition forestière », c'est à dire un basculement d'une tendance nette de déforestation à une tendance nette de reforestation à une échelle spatiale relativement vaste (nationale ou régionale). De tels évènements se sont produits entre autres dans plusieurs pays européens au cours du 19ème siècle. L'idée de départ de la thèse était d'étudier, dans le contexte de pays tropicaux contemporains en développement, la possibilité d'une transition de ce type et la pertinence des théories explicatives développées pour les pays occidentaux tempérés en cours de modernisation. La thèse poursuit trois objectifs: (i) établir la présence éventuelle d'une transition forestière au Vietnam et décrire ses principales caractéristiques, (ii) étudier les causes de cette transition, à l'échelle locale, nationale et internationale, et (iii) dresser le bilan des principaux effets environnementaux de cette transition. Le travail a établi qu'une transition forestière a effectivement eu lieu au Vietnam au cours des années 90, ce qui en fait l'un des rares pays tropicaux dans lequel cette transition s'est produite. La reforestation s'est faite autant par régénération naturelle des forêts que par plantations, et le couvert forestier en 2005 était supérieur à celui de 1980. La reforestation a été causée par une combinaison de processus dans les domaines agraires et forestiers, sous-tendus par des politiques de d'allocation des terres aux ménages, de libéralisation, et de renforcement des règlementations forestières, par des changements dans les marchés agricoles et forestiers, ainsi que par la dégradation des forêts et des terres de montagne et les réactions des acteurs locaux à celle-ci. Selon les contextes, les effets de ces changements sur la situation des habitants des régions reboisées est variable. La reforestation s'est également accompagnée d'un déplacement de la déforestation à l'extérieur du pays, pour combler la demande croissante de bois du Vietnam, qui représente environ 40% de la reforestation dans le pays. L'importation de bois est composée pour moitié de bois illégal coupé dans les forêts naturelles des pays voisins, et la majeure partie de ce bois n'est pas consommée sur place, mais réexportée après transformation. La transition a permis de séquestrer annuellement dans les forêts vietnamiennes plus de carbone que la quantité émise par la consommation d'énergies fossiles au Vietnam. Par contre, la dégradation des forêts continue, et la transition n'a dans l'ensemble pas permis de stopper l'érosion de la biodiversité des forêts vietnamiennes. ; (GEOG 3) -- UCL, 2009
Due to the increasing need for transportation and environmental concerns, there is a social and political will to transfer transportation services from roads to rail. The increasing demand for railway transportation services has a significant effect on important stakeholder requirements, such as safety, punctuality, dependability, sustainability and costs. This in turn affects railway practices concerning operation, maintenance and modification. Simultaneously, the ongoing deregulation of state-owned railways has caused new organizations to enter the railway sector. Hence, the punctuality of the railway is dependent on a combination of multiple required functions that are concurrently provided by different stakeholders, e.g. the infrastructure manager, infrastructure maintenance contractors and traffic operators. In Sweden, Banverket (the Swedish National Rail Administration) is the infrastructure manager and has the overall responsibility for railway punctuality. This means that Banverket has to coordinate and stimulate the stakeholders to provide the required functions in order to achieve the delivery of punctual transportation services. The purpose of this research is to explore and describe how information about the condition of technical systems can support stakeholders within the Swedish railway in improving punctuality by means of more effective and efficient maintenance. The focus is on delays that are caused by the absence of required infrastructure functions, even though the interaction with the rolling stock is considered through the study of critical interfaces. Condition monitoring technologies are focused on as the primary application for obtaining condition information on technical systems. Hence, the research is intended to provide knowledge about how condition information can be used in the quest to provide the quality required from the Swedish railway transportation service at an adequate cost for society. To fulfil the stated purpose, empirical data have been collected by document studies, interviews, work-shops, observations and field measurements. Examples of covered data are train delay statistics, failure statistics, No-Fault-Found events and wheel impact forces. The data have been analysed through statistical and analytical approaches (e.g. Failure Mode and Effects Analysis, FMEA), as well as by applying theories related to principal agent problems, Scientific Management and international dependability standards. The thesis describes how the maintenance effort required by infrastructure maintenance contractors is affected by the maintenance effort conducted by traffic operators (and vice versa). The interaction between infrastructure and rolling stock has a significant effect on the systems' punctuality and the degradation of bound capital. Hence, effective punctuality improvements through maintenance efforts must be based on a holistic railway system perspective, i.e. a joint consideration of infrastructure and rolling stock. The thesis also presents how condition information can be used as a management tool to stimulate the fulfilment of performance requirements made on railway stakeholders. It is also shown that the same information can be used to predict and plan necessary preventive maintenance tasks, as well as to support continuous improvement of the technical systems. However, unless stakeholder needs are acknowledged and unless proper scientific investigations precede the formation of requirements and the applications of condition monitoring technologies, it is likely that the desired system performance improvements will not be realised. In summary, the thesis outlines a possible scenario in which condition information could support railway stakeholders in improving the punctuality of the railway system by means of more effective and efficient maintenance. ; Det ökande behovet av transporter samt en ökande miljömedvetenhet har ökat efterfrågan på och nyttjandet av järnvägstransporter. Det ökande behovet av järnvägstransporter har en signifikant påverkan på viktiga intressentkrav såsom säkerhet, punktlighet, tillförlitlighet, hållbarhet samt kostnader. Detta påverkar i sin tur järnvägens tillämpningar beträffande drift, underhåll och modifieringar. Samtidigt har den pågående avregleringen av järnvägen medfört att nya organisationer har kommit in på järnvägsmarknaden. Följaktligen är punktligheten på järnvägen beroende av en kombination av många krävda funktioner som för närvarande är tillhandahållna av olika intressenter, till exempel infrastrukturhållare, underhållsentreprenörer för infrastruktur och trafikoperatörer. I Sverige är Banverket infrastrukturhållaren.Syftet med denna forskning är att utforska och beskriva hur information beträffande tekniska systems hälsa kan stödja intressenter inom den Svenska järnvägen till att förbättra punktligheten genom ett effektivare underhåll. Fokus ligger på förseningar som är orsakade av frånvaro av krävda infrastrukturfunktioner, även om interaktion med rullande materiel beaktas genom studier av kritiska gränsytor. Tillståndsövervakningsteknologier är fokuserade som den primära applikationen för erhållandet av information om de tekniska systemens hälsa. Därmed är forskningen avsedd att bidra med kunskap om hur tillståndsinformation kan användas för att tillhandahålla krävd transportservice på den svenska järnvägen till en adekvat kostnad för samhället. För att tillfredställa syftet med forskningen har data inhämtats genom dokumentstudier, intervjuer, seminarier, observationer och fältmätningar. Exempel på avhandlad data är; tågförseningsstatistik, felrapportstatistik, inget-fel-funnet-händelser (No-Fault-Found, NFF) samt hjulkrafter. Data har analyserats genom statistiska och analytiska ansatser, till exempel felmod- och effektanalys (FMEA), men även genom teorier relaterade till principal-agent-problemet, Scientific Management och internationella tillförlitlighetsstandarder.Avhandlingen beskriver hur den av en underhållsentreprenör krävda underhållsinsatsen påverkas av det underhåll som trafikoperatörer utför (och vice versa). Detta har en signifikant påverkan på systemets punktlighet samt degraderingen av bundet kapital. Följaktligen så måste effektiva punktlighetsförbättringar genom underhållsinsatser baseras på ett holistiskt järnvägssystemperspektiv, till exempel ett gemensamt beaktande av infrastruktur och rullande materiel. Avhandlingen visar också hur tillståndsinformation kan användas som ett ledningsverktyg för att stimulera uppfyllandet av prestationskrav lagda på järnvägsintressenter. Det är också illustrerat att samma information kan användas för att prediktera och planera nödvändiga förebyggande underhållsåtgärder likväl som att stödja kontinuerlig utveckling av det tekniska systemet. Emellertid, om intressenternas behov inte tillkännages och om inte vederbörliga vetenskapliga utredningar föregår utformandet av krav samt tillståndsövervakningsapplikationerna, är det troligt att de eftersträvansvärda systemprestandaförbättringarna uteblir. Sammanfattningsvis så bidrar avhandlingen med ett möjligt scenario för hur tillståndsinformation kan stödja järnvägsintressenterna till att förbättra punktligheten hos järnvägssystemet genom effektivare underhåll. ; Godkänd; 2008; 20080825 (ysko)
Bis heute wurden acht Handschriften der Wundarznei des Heinrich von Pfalzpaint entdeckt. Nach einer Revision der "Breslauer Handschrift" wurde am Medizinhistorischen Institut der Universität Würzburg bereits mit einer textkritischen Gesamtedition aller bisher bekannten Pfalzpaint-Texte begonnen. Was nun die Konzeption und die Makrostruktur der vorliegenden Studie angeht, hat sich die Grobgliederung in einen allgemeinen Teil, einen Kommentar zur 'Wündärznei' und einen pflanzenmonographischen Abschnitt bewährt. Somit kann sowohl über den Pfalzpaintschen Text ein schneller Zugriff auf den alphabetisch geordneten Pflanzenteil erfolgen. Aber auch der umgekehrte Weg ist möglich, da in den einzelnen Monographien stets sämtliche Synonymnamen sowie die Indikationsbereiche mit genauer Kapitelnummer angegeben wurden. Durch Erstellen eines Kommentars konnten zunächst zahlreiche wundärztliche Begriffe geklärt und der Textinhalt in eine heute verständliche Sprache gebracht werden. Dabei muß festgehalten werden, daß die am Ende der 'Wündärznei' positionierten Pestrezepte mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit nicht von Pfalzpaint stammen, sondern zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt angehängt wurden. Textaufbau, Schreibstil, verwendete Fachtermini und das Fehlen in Pfalzpaints Register sprechen für diese Annahme. In der vorliegenden Studie wurden alle arzneilich verwendeten Pflanzen registriert, auch wenn es nicht möglich war, jede mit absoluter Sicherheit zu identifizieren. Hier hat sich das bereits in der Einleitung erwähnte Differenzierungsschema bewährt. Es ermöglicht, daß man schon bei Betrachtung der Pflanzenkapitel anhand der Identifikationsklassen I-V sofort erkennen kann, ob es sich um eine eindeutig identifizierte Pflanze handelt. Bei unsicherer Zuordnung erfolgt in der Monographie jeweils eine argumentative Abwägung der konkurrierenden Identifikationsmöglichkeiten. Nun möchte ich, um hinsichtlich der Identifizierung der Statistik zu genügen, noch einige Prozentangaben bereitstellen: Bei der Auswertung der fünf erwähnten Identifikationsklassen konnte festgestellt werden, daß fast zwei Drittel der verwendeten Pflanzen (65%) bereits über den Namen zu identifizieren waren. Durch Pfalzpaints Nennung von Synonymen, botanischen Beschreibungen und Indikationen wurde es weiterhin möglich, weitere 18% sicher zuzuordnen. In 25 Fällen (15%) konkurrierten mehrere Lösungsansätze, und es mußte eine eindeutige Identifizierung unterbleiben. Von den 171 bearbeiteten Pflanzen sind heute noch 20% (34 Drogen) offizinell im Europäischen Arzneibuch, Nachtrag 2001, verzeichnet; hier seien beispielhaft die Enzianwurzel, der Tormentillwurzelstock, die Gewürznelken und die Salbeiblätter genannt. Beim Vergleich mit dem "Leitfaden Phytotherapie" von Schilcher/Kammerer fällt auf, daß etwa 40% des Pfalzpaint-Repertoires heute noch verwendet werden und daß weitere 17% zwar erwähnt, aber mit einer Negativmonographie belegt sind. Bei etwa 15% der Arzneipflanzen handelt es sich um importierte Drogen (z.B. Mastix, Zitwer, Ingwer), die stets eindeutig identifiziert werden konnten. In diesem Zusammenhang vermute ich - gestützt auf das 'Circa instans' -, daß durch den Import und die damit verbundenen Handelsgeschäfte die Identifizierung bereits beim Kauf erfolgte (auch wenn es sich möglicherweise um Fälschungen wie z.B. beim Safran handeln konnte). Was machte die Bearbeitung der 'Wündarznei' des Heinrich von Pfalzpaint so interessant und einmalig? Zum einen enthält der Text einen überraschenden Reichtum an wundchirurgischen Arbeitsweisen - angefangen mit der Versorgung einer einfachen Schnittwunde bis hin zu progressiven operativen Verfahren: ich erinnere an die Nasenersatzplastik, an die Hasenschartenoperation oder an das Vorgehen bei Darmoperationen. Bei der Nasenersatzplastik handelt es sich um eine Erstbeschreibung eines hochkomplexen Verfahrens, was erkennen läßt, daß Pfalzpaint ein Meister im Umgang mit der Sprache ist und erstmals solch schwierige Techniken zu erklären vermag. Auch auf dem Gebiet der Arzneistoffkenntnis und der galenischen Herstellungstechnik von Salben, Pflastern und anderen Arzneiformen kennt sich Pfalzpaint sehr gut aus. Auch durch die politische Situation bedingt, nämlich durch die Belagerung der Marienburg, erhält man Einblick in die medizinische und arzneiliche Versorgung von Kranken in Notzeiten. Alle diese Aspekt machen die 'Wündärznei' Heinrich von Pfalzpaints zu einem wichtigen Dokument des medizinischen Systems des Spätmittelalters. ; Today we know of eight manuscripts of 'Heinrich von Pfalzpaint'. Let's now turn to the concept and macrostructure of the study at hand. The following method proved to be most rewarding: a division into a general part, a comment on 'Wündärznei' and a section on botanical monographs. Hence, the Pfalzpaint text provides quick access to the alphabetically arranged section on plants. Nevertheless, the reverse method is also possible because the single monographs specify all synonyms and the indication fields with the exact chapter numbers. In creating a commentary one could identify numerous terms in the area of medicinal wound treatment and translate their respective meanings into an easily comprehensible present-day language. While doing so, it has to be kept in mind, however, that in all probability the prescriptions on plague treatment situated at the end of the 'Wündärznei' do not go back to Pfalzpaint. They were added at a later time. Text structure, writing style, used terminology and the lack of a Pfalzpaint index support this presumption. The study at hand registers all medicinally used plants although it was not possible to classify all of them with absolute certainty. The system of differentiation mentioned in the introduction, proved to be very useful in that regard. Consequently, using the categories of identification no. I-V for a closer inspection of the chapters on plants, one is able to find out immediately if the respective plant is clearly identifiable or not. In case of uncertain classification, the monograph uses an argumentative approach to deal with the various competing possibilities of identification. I would like to meet the requirements of statistical identification methods and provide some proportional data. The examination of the five given possibilities of identification revealed that almost two thirds of the used plants (65 %) could be identified by their names. In addition, Pfalzpaint's naming of synonyms, botanical descriptions and indications made it possible to clearly categorize an additional 18 % of the plants. In 25 cases (15 %), however, several suggested solutions compete with each other which makes an absolute classification impossible. 20 % (34 drugs) of the 171 plants dealt with in this study are still listed in the European drugs register (supplement 2001); for example "Gentianae radix", "Tormentillae rhizoma", "Caryophylli flos" and "Salviae folium". A comparison with the "Phytotherapy Guide" reveals, that about 40 % of the Pfalzpaint repertoire is still used today. In addition, about 17 % are mentioned there; however, they are listed with a negative monograph. About 15 % of the medicinal plants are imported drugs and therefore clearly identifiable (e.g. "Mastix resina", "Zedoaria rhizoma", "Zingiberis rhizoma"). Using the "Circa Instans" as basis for my argument, I suppose that in cases of import and respective trade business the identification of medicinal plants happened at the time of purchase (although fake identification was likely to take place here as well, as in the case of saffron). Now, why is it that work on the 'Heinrich von Pfalzpaint's' 'Wündärznei' appears to be that interesting and unique? On the one hand, this document lists an astonishing variety of methods in the area of wound surgery: from the treatment of ordinary cuts to progressive surgery methods. Let's just recall the nose spare part surgery, the hare lip surgery, or the intestinal surgery in that regard. The nose spare part surgery, for example, is considered to be the first description of a very complex scientific method. It shows Pfalzpaint's excellency in handling the language and his ability to explain such highly difficult techniques. Pfalzpaint is also very well-informed in the area of drug knowledge and familiar with the Galenic method of producing ointments, plasters and other types of medicine. Besides, the political situation of the time, namely the siege of the fortress Marienburg, provides further insight into the medical and medicinal treatment of ill people in times of need. All these fore-mentioned aspects illustrate why the 'Heinrich von Pfalzpaint's' 'Wündärznei' is such an important document of the medical system in the Late Medieval Age.
Bis heute wurden acht Handschriften der Wundarznei des Heinrich von Pfalzpaint entdeckt. Nach einer Revision der "Breslauer Handschrift" wurde am Medizinhistorischen Institut der Universität Würzburg bereits mit einer textkritischen Gesamtedition aller bisher bekannten Pfalzpaint-Texte begonnen. Was nun die Konzeption und die Makrostruktur der vorliegenden Studie angeht, hat sich die Grobgliederung in einen allgemeinen Teil, einen Kommentar zur 'Wündärznei' und einen pflanzenmonographischen Abschnitt bewährt. Somit kann sowohl über den Pfalzpaintschen Text ein schneller Zugriff auf den alphabetisch geordneten Pflanzenteil erfolgen. Aber auch der umgekehrte Weg ist möglich, da in den einzelnen Monographien stets sämtliche Synonymnamen sowie die Indikationsbereiche mit genauer Kapitelnummer angegeben wurden. Durch Erstellen eines Kommentars konnten zunächst zahlreiche wundärztliche Begriffe geklärt und der Textinhalt in eine heute verständliche Sprache gebracht werden. Dabei muß festgehalten werden, daß die am Ende der 'Wündärznei' positionierten Pestrezepte mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit nicht von Pfalzpaint stammen, sondern zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt angehängt wurden. Textaufbau, Schreibstil, verwendete Fachtermini und das Fehlen in Pfalzpaints Register sprechen für diese Annahme. In der vorliegenden Studie wurden alle arzneilich verwendeten Pflanzen registriert, auch wenn es nicht möglich war, jede mit absoluter Sicherheit zu identifizieren. Hier hat sich das bereits in der Einleitung erwähnte Differenzierungsschema bewährt. Es ermöglicht, daß man schon bei Betrachtung der Pflanzenkapitel anhand der Identifikationsklassen I-V sofort erkennen kann, ob es sich um eine eindeutig identifizierte Pflanze handelt. Bei unsicherer Zuordnung erfolgt in der Monographie jeweils eine argumentative Abwägung der konkurrierenden Identifikationsmöglichkeiten. Nun möchte ich, um hinsichtlich der Identifizierung der Statistik zu genügen, noch einige Prozentangaben bereitstellen: Bei der Auswertung der fünf erwähnten Identifikationsklassen konnte festgestellt werden, daß fast zwei Drittel der verwendeten Pflanzen (65%) bereits über den Namen zu identifizieren waren. Durch Pfalzpaints Nennung von Synonymen, botanischen Beschreibungen und Indikationen wurde es weiterhin möglich, weitere 18% sicher zuzuordnen. In 25 Fällen (15%) konkurrierten mehrere Lösungsansätze, und es mußte eine eindeutige Identifizierung unterbleiben. Von den 171 bearbeiteten Pflanzen sind heute noch 20% (34 Drogen) offizinell im Europäischen Arzneibuch, Nachtrag 2001, verzeichnet; hier seien beispielhaft die Enzianwurzel, der Tormentillwurzelstock, die Gewürznelken und die Salbeiblätter genannt. Beim Vergleich mit dem "Leitfaden Phytotherapie" von Schilcher/Kammerer fällt auf, daß etwa 40% des Pfalzpaint-Repertoires heute noch verwendet werden und daß weitere 17% zwar erwähnt, aber mit einer Negativmonographie belegt sind. Bei etwa 15% der Arzneipflanzen handelt es sich um importierte Drogen (z.B. Mastix, Zitwer, Ingwer), die stets eindeutig identifiziert werden konnten. In diesem Zusammenhang vermute ich - gestützt auf das 'Circa instans' -, daß durch den Import und die damit verbundenen Handelsgeschäfte die Identifizierung bereits beim Kauf erfolgte (auch wenn es sich möglicherweise um Fälschungen wie z.B. beim Safran handeln konnte). Was machte die Bearbeitung der 'Wündarznei' des Heinrich von Pfalzpaint so interessant und einmalig? Zum einen enthält der Text einen überraschenden Reichtum an wundchirurgischen Arbeitsweisen - angefangen mit der Versorgung einer einfachen Schnittwunde bis hin zu progressiven operativen Verfahren: ich erinnere an die Nasenersatzplastik, an die Hasenschartenoperation oder an das Vorgehen bei Darmoperationen. Bei der Nasenersatzplastik handelt es sich um eine Erstbeschreibung eines hochkomplexen Verfahrens, was erkennen läßt, daß Pfalzpaint ein Meister im Umgang mit der Sprache ist und erstmals solch schwierige Techniken zu erklären vermag. Auch auf dem Gebiet der Arzneistoffkenntnis und der galenischen Herstellungstechnik von Salben, Pflastern und anderen Arzneiformen kennt sich Pfalzpaint sehr gut aus. Auch durch die politische Situation bedingt, nämlich durch die Belagerung der Marienburg, erhält man Einblick in die medizinische und arzneiliche Versorgung von Kranken in Notzeiten. Alle diese Aspekt machen die 'Wündärznei' Heinrich von Pfalzpaints zu einem wichtigen Dokument des medizinischen Systems des Spätmittelalters. ; Today we know of eight manuscripts of 'Heinrich von Pfalzpaint'. Let's now turn to the concept and macrostructure of the study at hand. The following method proved to be most rewarding: a division into a general part, a comment on 'Wündärznei' and a section on botanical monographs. Hence, the Pfalzpaint text provides quick access to the alphabetically arranged section on plants. Nevertheless, the reverse method is also possible because the single monographs specify all synonyms and the indication fields with the exact chapter numbers. In creating a commentary one could identify numerous terms in the area of medicinal wound treatment and translate their respective meanings into an easily comprehensible present-day language. While doing so, it has to be kept in mind, however, that in all probability the prescriptions on plague treatment situated at the end of the 'Wündärznei' do not go back to Pfalzpaint. They were added at a later time. Text structure, writing style, used terminology and the lack of a Pfalzpaint index support this presumption. The study at hand registers all medicinally used plants although it was not possible to classify all of them with absolute certainty. The system of differentiation mentioned in the introduction, proved to be very useful in that regard. Consequently, using the categories of identification no. I-V for a closer inspection of the chapters on plants, one is able to find out immediately if the respective plant is clearly identifiable or not. In case of uncertain classification, the monograph uses an argumentative approach to deal with the various competing possibilities of identification. I would like to meet the requirements of statistical identification methods and provide some proportional data. The examination of the five given possibilities of identification revealed that almost two thirds of the used plants (65 %) could be identified by their names. In addition, Pfalzpaint's naming of synonyms, botanical descriptions and indications made it possible to clearly categorize an additional 18 % of the plants. In 25 cases (15 %), however, several suggested solutions compete with each other which makes an absolute classification impossible. 20 % (34 drugs) of the 171 plants dealt with in this study are still listed in the European drugs register (supplement 2001); for example "Gentianae radix", "Tormentillae rhizoma", "Caryophylli flos" and "Salviae folium". A comparison with the "Phytotherapy Guide" reveals, that about 40 % of the Pfalzpaint repertoire is still used today. In addition, about 17 % are mentioned there; however, they are listed with a negative monograph. About 15 % of the medicinal plants are imported drugs and therefore clearly identifiable (e.g. "Mastix resina", "Zedoaria rhizoma", "Zingiberis rhizoma"). Using the "Circa Instans" as basis for my argument, I suppose that in cases of import and respective trade business the identification of medicinal plants happened at the time of purchase (although fake identification was likely to take place here as well, as in the case of saffron). Now, why is it that work on the 'Heinrich von Pfalzpaint's' 'Wündärznei' appears to be that interesting and unique? On the one hand, this document lists an astonishing variety of methods in the area of wound surgery: from the treatment of ordinary cuts to progressive surgery methods. Let's just recall the nose spare part surgery, the hare lip surgery, or the intestinal surgery in that regard. The nose spare part surgery, for example, is considered to be the first description of a very complex scientific method. It shows Pfalzpaint's excellency in handling the language and his ability to explain such highly difficult techniques. Pfalzpaint is also very well-informed in the area of drug knowledge and familiar with the Galenic method of producing ointments, plasters and other types of medicine. Besides, the political situation of the time, namely the siege of the fortress Marienburg, provides further insight into the medical and medicinal treatment of ill people in times of need. All these fore-mentioned aspects illustrate why the 'Heinrich von Pfalzpaint's' 'Wündärznei' is such an important document of the medical system in the Late Medieval Age.
BACKGROUND: The health sector has 'duty of care' to provide comprehensive health services to survivors of violence, to act as a referral point, to collect and document evidence, to report data on violence and to engage in preventive services. In Malawi, 48% of women experience some form of intimate partner violence (IPV) and a significant number report conditions requiring health care services, although few actually report to health services, which are in turn limited in scope and availability. Understanding how health care providers, relevant stakeholders and IPV survivors perceive the role of health care services in IPV is necessary to promote the development of context-relevant and sustainable health care interventions. AIM: To understand the health service responses to IPV in Malawi from a wide range of perspectives OBJECTIVES: i) to critically analyze written legislation, policy and strategy documents in relation to IPV and the health sector in Malawi; ii) to describe the perceptions and experiences of IPV and of health sector responses among survivors of violence, community members, health care workers and other key stakeholders in Malawi; iii) to estimate the extent of intimate partner and sexual violence from a health service uptake perspective using proxy determinants at one referral hospital in Malawi iv) To explore the policy implications of the study findings for the health sector responses in Malawi METHODS: In 2011, a multi-method situation analysis was conducted in three areas of Blantyre district, with additional data collected in Mangochi and Lilongwe districts. Seventeen relevant national documents were analyzed. A total of 10 focus group discussions (FGDs), 2 small groups and 14 individual interviews (IIs) were conducted with health care providers; 18 FGDs and one small group discussion were conducted with male and female, urban and rural community members; 12 in-depth interviews (IDIs) with survivors; 26 key informant interviews (KIIs) with donor agencies, GBV service providers, religious institutions; police officers and other stakeholders were conducted. A review of 3,567 register records for the month of January 2011 was done in Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital and police records on violence cases in Blantyre for the same month were reviewed. Qualitative data was analyzed using the 'framework' approach, assisted by NVIVO 9 software. Hospital records were analyzed using Epi Info™. Feminist approaches and the ecological framework for analysis of violence informed data analysis and interpretation. A range of quality assurance measures were undertaken and data were triangulated across all methods: policy analysis, interviews and records reviews. FINDINGS: A review of legislation and policy combined with qualitative stakeholder interviews revealed conflicts, gaps and lack of awareness of the available documents that undermined coordinated health sector responses. Survivors, community members and health care workers revealed that IPV is perceived as a massive, though under-recognised problem. IPV in its various forms was seen as widespread and normalised, except perhaps in the perceived severe forms (such as femicide and child rape). IPV, though considered as shameful, was not necessarily a very private matter with involvement of neighbours, families, friends and significant others. Various factors at individual, interpersonal, society and institutional levels were described as affecting under-reporting, access to services and responses from sources of support. The review of registered data confirmed that IPV is generally underreported in health services and that relying on trauma as a proxy for IPV against women would prove difficult to implement. This multi-method approach highlighted the importance of diagnostic identification and the difficulties of universal screening. The actual role of health services in IPV seemed fuzzy from the service user's perspectives and narrowly confined to the bio-medical model or acute model of health service provision. However, both potential service users and health care providers were optimistic about new developments such as 'One Stop Centres' and about the potential role of health services, particularly those linked to HIV programmes. They suggested these be provided as a continuum from prevention to rehabilitation. CONCLUSIONS: This study found a range of laws and policies that define and promote action to prevent IPV in Malawi. These have had some positive influences on both community norms and health sector responses. However, ineffective promotion has limited their effectiveness. In addition there are gaps and inconsistencies that reduce their potential in guiding the health sector response to IPV. The study explored stakeholders' perceptions of IPV, the health sector response and the factors shaping it. This revealed a complex web of interconnected socio-economic, cultural, political and institutional factors. Perceptions of violence are culturally normative and related to gender roles and expectations. The inclusion of male voices on IPV against men, and using emic definitions of violence revealed conflicts between women's and men's interpretations of IPV, particularly with regard to sexual violence and the transgression of gender and marital roles. The specific socio-economic and cultural context strongly favours a conflict resolution model of responding to violence, which raises questions about the mandate and the potential roles of the health sector. Most stakeholders perceive IPV as a significant problem and recognise multiple impacts on health. However there is a clear disconnect between the magnitude of the problem and the health sector response. Nevertheless, the health sector is well placed to play a leadership role and has some resources, such as HIV Testing and Counselling staff and curricula to offer in a multi-sectoral response. Proxy determinants as reflected in the health service registers proved to be inadequate due to poor reporting and recording, and under-reporting to health services. Under-reporting was influenced by a range of inter-connected barriers to formal help-seeking, including normative attitudes and ineffective responses by both informal and formal sources of support. However, knowledge was generated about the challenges to recording and reporting IPV in this setting. The study findings suggested a number of key opportunities for improving the health sector response to IPV in Malawi that may be appropriate in this specific context and considered their potential sustainability.
Over the past two decades, community-based approaches to project delivery have become a popular means for governments and development agencies to improve the alignment of projects with the needs of rural communities and increase the participation of villagers in project design and implementation. This paper briefly summarizes the results of an impact evaluation of the National Solidarity Program, a community-driven development program in Afghanistan that created democratically elected community development councils and funded small-scale development projects. Using a randomized controlled trial across 500 villages, the evaluation finds that the National Solidarity Program had a positive effect on access to drinking water and electricity, acceptance of democratic processes, perceptions of economic wellbeing, and attitudes toward women. Effects on perceptions of local and national government performance and material economic outcomes were, however, more limited or short-lived.
Das Konzept des demokratischen Rechtsstaates, bisher einigendes Fundament und Leitprinzip der europäischen Einigung, steht heute im Zentrum einer kritischen Debatte, die die Grundlagen des europäischen Friedensprojektes zu gefährden droht. Weltweit und insbesondere in Europa wächst die Sorge um den Erhalt der freiheitlich-demokratischen Werte. Populistische Bewegungen gewinnen an Einfluss, indem sie einfache Antworten auf die komplexen Herausforderungen unserer Zeit anbieten. Diese Bewegungen finden vor allem bei denjenigen Anklang, die sich inmitten des raschen gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Wandels nach Sicherheit und Beständigkeit sehnen. Sie neigen dazu, sich Lösungen wie nationaler Abschottung und der Etablierung autoritärer Regime zuzuwenden, um ein Gefühl der Sicherheit zu vermitteln (vgl. Möllers 2018, S. 7).Seit der Flüchtlingskrise 2015 haben populistische Strömungen in verschiedenen europäischen Ländern an Zulauf gewonnen. Ungarn und Polen sind prominente Beispiele, in denen rechtsnationale bis rechtsradikale Parteien an die Macht gekommen sind. Diese Regierungen stehen im Widerspruch zu den Grundprinzipien der Europäischen Union, einschließlich der Achtung der Menschenwürde, der Demokratie, der Freiheit, der Gleichheit und der Rechtsstaatlichkeit. Der Umbau des Staatswesens in diesen Ländern zeigt sich insbesondere in der Einschränkung der Unabhängigkeit der Justiz, der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit und der Medien (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 2022).Besonders in Ungarn, wo seit Viktor Orbáns zweiter Amtszeit im Jahr 2010 ein schleichender Prozess des Demokratieabbaus zu beobachten ist, wird die Bedeutung der Medienregulierung für die demokratischen Strukturen und die politische Landschaft offensichtlich. Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich dieser Problematik und beleuchtet, wie die Regulierung der Medien in Ungarn demokratische Prozesse und die politische Szenerie des Landes beeinflusst.Die Arbeit beginnt mit einer grundlegenden Definition des Begriffs "Medien" und einer Erörterung ihrer primären, sekundären und tertiären Funktionen im politischen Raum. Anschließend wird die Nutzung der Medien als Instrument der Regierungskommunikation und als Mittel der Machtsicherung untersucht. Eine Analyse der aktuellen Medienlandschaft in Ungarn, einschließlich der Einschränkungen der Pressefreiheit, der Meinungsvielfalt sowie der Kontrolle und Einflussnahme der Regierung auf die Medienorgane, bildet den Kern der Arbeit.Besonderes Augenmerk wird dabei auf die Medienregulierung in Ungarn gelegt. Die Auswirkungen dieser Medienregulierung auf die Demokratie in Ungarn werden untersucht, um zu verstehen, wie Veränderungen in der Medienlandschaft die Grundpfeiler der Demokratie beeinflussen - die Bedeutung der Medien für eine demokratische Gesellschaft, die Einschränkungen der Demokratie durch Regulierungen in der Medienlandschaft und die politischen Auswirkungen auf das demokratische System. Abschließend wird in einem Fazit reflektiert, inwiefern die Medienregulierung in Ungarn als symptomatisch für eine Verschiebung weg von demokratischen Idealen gesehen werden kann.Ziel der Arbeit ist es, ein Verständnis der komplexen Wechselwirkungen zwischen Medienregulierung und demokratischen Prozessen in Ungarn zu erlangen und damit einen Beitrag zur aktuellen Debatte über die Bedeutung liberaler demokratischer Werte in Europa zu leisten.Die Rolle der Medien in der PolitikDer folgende Abschnitt befasst sich mit der Rolle der Medien in der Politik. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei die differenzierte Betrachtung der primären, sekundären und tertiären Funktionen der Medien. Mit Hilfe dieser Unterscheidung ist es möglich, ein tieferes Verständnis dafür zu entwickeln, wie Medien die politische Landschaft gestalten und beeinflussen. Durch die Analyse dieser Funktionen wird untersucht, wie Medien Öffentlichkeit herstellen, Informationen verbreiten, politische Akteure kontrollieren und zur politischen Sozialisation und Bildung beitragen. Dies ist von entscheidender Bedeutung, um die komplexen Wechselwirkungen zwischen Medien und Politik vollständig zu erfassen. Primär-, Tertiär- und SekundärfunktionDie Macht der Massenmedien, bestehende Machtstrukturen herauszufordern, darf nicht unterschätzt werden. Durch die Sammlung, Aufbereitung und Verbreitung von Informationen, Wissen und politischen Ansichten wird die öffentliche Meinung wesentlich beeinflusst (Wittkämper, S. 37). Bereits in der Frühen Neuzeit erkannten der Adel und die Kirche als damalige Machthaber die potenzielle Bedrohung, die von den Medien ausging. Sie reagierten schnell und führten nach der Entdeckung des Buchdrucks Zensurmaßnahmen ein, um die zu druckenden Inhalte vorzuprüfen und ihre Herrschaft zu sichern (Strohmeier 2004, S. 69).In der heutigen Zeit spielen die Medien eine zentrale Rolle bei der Gestaltung der politischen Realitäten, da sie in der Lage sind, die politische Macht entweder zu stärken oder zu untergraben (Strohmeier 2004, S. 69). Ziel der folgenden Ausführungen ist die Veranschaulichung des Einflusspotenzials der Massenmedien durch die Darstellung ihrer grundlegenden Funktionen.Gerd Strohmeier weist auf die Bedeutung der primären, der sekundären und der tertiären Funktion der Massenmedien hin. Die Primärfunktion besteht darin, Öffentlichkeit herzustellen, die entsteht, wenn direkte Kommunikationsformen bevölkerungsbedingt nicht ausreichen. Massenmedien ermöglichen eine schnelle und einfache Verbreitung von Nachrichten und füllen so diese kommunikative Lücke (Strohmeier 2004, S. 72).Die Kontrolle der politischen Akteure und die Verbreitung von Informationen gehören zu der Sekundärfunktion. Ziel ist die umfassende und verständliche Vermittlung von Inhalten und damit die Beeinflussung der Meinungsbildung. Zugleich haben Massenmedien die Aufgabe, das Verhalten der politischen Institutionen zu überwachen, Missstände aufzudecken und Kritik zu üben (Strohmeier 2004, S. 72f.).Die Tertiärfunktion der Medien umfasst drei wesentliche Aspekte. Erstens die Förderung der politischen Meinungs- und Willensbildung, zweitens die Integration und politische Sozialisation und drittens die Vermittlung politischer Bildung. Diese Aspekte unterstützen die Entwicklung der Persönlichkeit des Einzelnen und seine Integration in die Gesellschaft, fördern das Verständnis für das politische System und regen zur aktiven Teilnahme am politischen Leben an. Darüber hinaus haben die Massenmedien einen entscheidenden Einfluss auf die Art und Weise, wie über bestimmte Themen nachgedacht und gesprochen wird, oft ohne dass sich die Menschen der Beeinflussung ihrer Meinungen durch die Medien bewusst sind (Strohmeier 2004, S. 73f.).Medien als InstrumentIm nächsten Schritt unserer Analyse konzentrieren wir uns auf die Rolle der Medien als politisches Werkzeug. Dabei unterteilt sich unsere Betrachtung in zwei Schlüsselaspekte. Einerseits die Nutzung der Medien für Regierungskommunikation, durch die Regierungen ihre Botschaften vermitteln, und andererseits die Anwendung der Medien als Mittel zur Machtsicherung, wodurch Einfluss auf die öffentliche Meinung genommen und politische Macht gefestigt wird.Medien als Instrument für RegierungskommunikationDie strategische Nutzung der Medien durch die Regierung wird vor allem in Bezug auf den Einfluss der Mediengesetzgebung auf die Demokratisierungsprozesse und die Politikgestaltung in Ungarn untersucht. Durch die gezielte Verbreitung politischer Botschaften und Entscheidungen interagieren Regierungen direkt mit der Bevölkerung, was nicht nur die Verbreitung von Informationen fördert, sondern auch die öffentliche Meinung prägt und politische Unterstützung generiert.Um den Rechtspopulismus zu verstehen, ist es notwendig, sich mit Cas Muddes Definition des Populismus auseinanderzusetzen, der Populismus als eine Ideologie betrachtet, die die Gesellschaft in zwei homogene und antagonistische Gruppen teilt: "das reine Volk" gegenüber "der korrupten Elite", wobei Politik als Ausdruck des allgemeinen Volkswillens verstanden wird (Mudde 2004, S. 543). Die Tendenz, dass rechtspopulistische Parteien seit den 1980er Jahren Wahlerfolge erzielen und sich etablieren, zeigt sich nicht nur in westeuropäischen, sondern auch in jungen Demokratien Osteuropas, einschließlich Ungarns (Geden 2006, S. 17f.).Rechtspopulisten positionieren sich als Vertreter der "schweigenden Mehrheit" in direktem Gegensatz zu den politischen und kulturellen Eliten und privilegierten Minderheiten, denen sie die Verfolgung partikularer Interessen vorwerfen (Geden 2006, S. 20f.). Ihre politische Rhetorik ist durch Vereinfachung und Komplexitätsreduktion gekennzeichnet, wobei sie sich organisatorisch von den etablierten Parteien abgrenzen, etwa durch die Zusammenarbeit mit außerparlamentarischen Gruppen, die Initiierung von Volksentscheiden oder die Präsenz charismatischer Führungspersönlichkeiten (Geden 2006, S. 22).Ein zentrales Element rechtspopulistischen Denkens ist der "Ethnopluralismus", der besagt, dass sich ethnisch und kulturell homogene Völker nicht vermischen sollten, was eine inhärente Ungleichheit der Völker suggeriert und kulturelle Begegnungen als konfliktträchtig ansieht (Bruns et al. 2015, S. 12f.).Im spezifischen Kontext Ungarns unter der Führung von Viktor Orbán zeigt sich die kritische Rolle dieser Medienstrategien. Die Regierung Orbán hat Medienregulierung bewusst eingesetzt, um ein medienfreundliches Umfeld für regierungsnahe Nachrichtenquellen zu schaffen und gleichzeitig den Raum für kritische Stimmen einzuschränken (Mudde 2004, S. 543). Dies schränkt nicht nur die Vielfalt und Freiheit der Medien ein, sondern hat auch tiefgreifende Auswirkungen auf demokratische Prozesse, indem es die Möglichkeiten für eine offene politische Debatte einschränkt.Diese strategische Nutzung der Medien für die Regierungskommunikation verdeutlicht die Doppelnatur der Medien in der Politik. Einerseits als Kanäle für die transparente Kommunikation politischer Inhalte und andererseits als Instrumente der Machtkonsolidierung, die die demokratischen Grundlagen untergraben können. Diese Dynamik ist entscheidend für das Verständnis der politischen Situation in Ungarn und der Rolle, die die Medienregulierung dabei spielt (Geden 2006, S. 17f.).Detlef Grieswelle betont in "Politische Rhetorik: Macht der Rede, öffentliche Legitimation, Stiftung von Konsens" die bedeutende Rolle der Rhetorik in der Politik. Rhetorik dient nicht nur der Durchsetzung und Legitimation von Macht, sondern auch der Kontrolle und Repräsentation von Interessen, was ihre Bedeutung als Instrument politischer Führung und Einflussnahme unterstreicht (Grieswelle 2000, S. 33). In diesem Zusammenhang ist die rhetorische Strategie des ungarischen Ministerpräsidenten von besonderer Relevanz, da mit ihr versucht wird, politische Legitimität für diese Vision zu schaffen und die Unterstützung der Bevölkerung zu gewinnen (Bruns et al. 2015, S. 12f.).Medien als Werkzeug zur Sicherung von MachtUm zu verstehen, wie die Medien zum Machterhalt beitragen, ist die Rhetorik von rechtspopulistischen Figuren wie Viktor Orbán besonders aufschlussreich. Orbán nutzt plakative und skandalträchtige Kommunikationswege, um mediale Aufmerksamkeit zu generieren die nicht nur seine Präsenz in der Öffentlichkeit stärkt, sondern auch eine Mobilisierung seiner Anhängerschaft bewirkt (Schnepf 2020, S. 5). In seinen politischen Reden kehren bestimmte rhetorische Muster immer wieder, darunter die Verwendung von Antagonismen, die eine Konfliktsituation erzeugen, insbesondere durch die Gegenüberstellung von "Elite" und "Volk". Dabei wird das "Volk" als unterdrückt dargestellt, während die rechtspopulistische Partei als volksnah inszeniert wird (Mudde 2004, S. 543). Eine charakteristische Einfachheit in den Botschaften rechter Parteien wird von Bischof und Senninger hervorgehoben. Je weiter rechts eine Partei steht, desto einfacher ist ihr Programm (Bischof/Senninger 2018, S. 484). Solche Diskurse verwenden prägnante und leicht verständliche Formulierungen für ansonsten komplexe politische Sachverhalte, suggerieren einfache Lösungen und nutzen Dramatisierungen und Metaphern. Insbesondere werden Migrant*innen durch metaphorische Vergleiche abgewertet (Hogan/Haltinner 2015, S. 533) und es wird auf die Bedrohung der nationalen Identität durch ethnische Minderheiten und Migrant*innen angespielt, ein Vorgehen, das Ruth Wodak als "politics of fear" beschreibt (Wodak 2015, S. 2).Diese Elemente rechtspopulistischer Rhetorik finden sich in Orbáns Äußerungen deutlich wieder, wie einige seiner Reden und Interviews exemplarisch zeigen. Besonders deutlich wird dies in seiner Darstellung von Migration als Bedrohung für das ungarische Volk, wobei er einen alarmistischen Ton anschlägt, um die migrationskritische Haltung der Regierung zu untermauern und ein Klima der Angst zu erzeugen: "Europa wird von einer beispiellosen Masseneinwanderung bedroht. (...) Wir sprechen heute von Hunderttausenden, nächstes Jahr werden es Millionen sein, ein Ende ist nicht in Sicht" (Orbán, zitiert nach Mendelski 2019, S. 8). Orbáns Wortwahl, in der er von der "Wahrheit" spricht, verdeutlicht seine Überzeugung von der Legitimität seiner Politik, wobei er durch Übertreibungen wie "Millionen", "massive Integration" oder "unerwartetes Ausmaß" eine Atmosphäre der Panik schafft.In einer Rede anlässlich seiner Vereidigung als Ministerpräsident präsentierte Orbán seine Vision einer Demokratie, die er als "christdemokratisch im 21. Jahrhundert" bezeichnete und damit ein stark von christlichen Werten geprägtes Bild nationaler Identität entwarf, das traditionelle Familienbilder bevorzugt und Homosexualität ausgrenzt. Diese Ausführungen zeigen, wie Orbán die Medien nutzt, um seine politische Botschaft zu verstärken und wie er die Medien als Instrument zur Sicherung seiner Macht einsetzt, indem er sich einer Rhetorik bedient, die sowohl mobilisiert als auch polarisiert, um seine Position zu festigen und Herausforderungen zu kontrollieren.Analyse der aktuellen Medienlandschaft in UngarnDer folgende Teil der Arbeit befasst sich mit der aktuellen Medienlandschaft in Ungarn. In der ersten Amtszeit Orbáns zwischen 1998 und 2002 gab es kaum Eingriffe in die Pressefreiheit, was auf mehrere Faktoren zurückzuführen ist. Da Ungarn in dieser Zeit noch auf den EU-Beitritt hinarbeitete, vermied Orbán bewusst Auseinandersetzungen mit der Europäischen Union über Fragen der Pressefreiheit. Dies änderte sich jedoch in der darauffolgenden Amtszeit ab 2010 drastisch: Ein neues Gesetz wurde eingeführt, das staatlichen Stellen die Einflussnahme auf die Medien ermöglichte und deren Regulierung legitimierte. Fortan nutzte die Regierung Orbán die Medien gezielt für ihre politischen Ziele.Einschränkungen der Pressefreiheit und Meinungsvielfalt in UngarnDas Beispiel Ungarns zeigt den Übergang von einem Demokratisierungsprozess zu einem schleichenden Verlust demokratischer Strukturen. Ursprünglich galt Ungarn aufgrund seiner politischen Fortschritte und wirtschaftlichen Stabilität in den späten 1990er und frühen 2000er Jahren als Vorbild unter den EU-Beitrittskandidaten. Nach dem Fall der kommunistischen Einparteienherrschaft (1949-1989) und der Etablierung einer parlamentarischen Demokratie (ab 1990) unternahm das Land erhebliche Anstrengungen, um eine demokratische Staatsform zu etablieren. Wichtige Reformen dieser Zeit schufen unter anderem eine klare Trennung der Staatsgewalten (Legislative, Exekutive, Judikative) und die neue Verfassung verankerte Prinzipien wie Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Unabhängigkeit der Justiz (Ismayr 2002, S. 310ff.).Seit 2010 hat Viktor Orbán mit seiner Fidesz-Partei jedoch einen politischen Kurs eingeschlagen der den zuvor eingeleiteten Demokratisierungsprozess nicht nur gestoppt, sondern in einigen Bereichen sogar rückgängig gemacht hat. Ein 2010 verabschiedetes Mediengesetz, das es staatlichen Stellen erlaubt, die Medien zu überwachen und bei Verstößen zu sanktionieren, markiert einen Wendepunkt in der Einschränkung der Pressefreiheit und ist ein zentraler Faktor im Demokratieabbau des Landes (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 273ff.). Freedom House hebt hervor, dass von allen Kriterien zur Bewertung des Zustands von Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit gerade die Pressefreiheit in Ungarn die dramatischsten Einbußen zu verzeichnen hat (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 273).Die ungarische Medienlandschaft hat sich seit der Regierungsübernahme durch Orbán und Fidesz sukzessive verändert. Die Regierung kontrolliert den öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunk, die staatliche Nachrichtenagentur Magyar Tavirati Iroda sowie einen erheblichen Teil der privaten Medien, die sich im Besitz von Orbán nahestehenden Personen befinden. Im Rahmen einer umfassenden Umstrukturierung wurden 570 leitende Angestellte der Rundfunkanstalten durch der Fidesz-Partei loyale Mitarbeiter ersetzt (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 275f.).Für die regionale Berichterstattung sind seit Sommer 2017 ausschließlich unternehmerfreundliche Medien zuständig. Mit der Schließung einiger kritischer Zeitungen, darunter die überregionalen Blätter Nepszabadsag und Magyar Nemzet, ist die kritische Berichterstattung landesweit nahezu zum Erliegen gekommen. Zudem werden Journalisten, die sich kritisch über Orbán und seine Regierung äußern, nicht selten auf "schwarze Listen" gesetzt, eine Praxis, die offensichtlich darauf abzielt, Kritiker einzuschüchtern (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 280).Kontrolle und Einflussnahme der Regierung auf MedienorganeEin neues Medienpaket mit Änderungen des Medien- und Pressegesetzes trat am 01.01.2011 durch die Regierung Orban in Kraft. Dieses sorgte damals europaweit für Schlagzeilen. Die Rechtsstaatlichkeit des Gesetzes wurde von der EU-Kommission angezweifelt. Auf einige Aspekte soll im Folgenden kurz eingegangen werden.Die Unabhängigkeit der Medien wurde durch das Mediengesetz erheblich geschwächt. Das Mediengesetz sah unter anderem ein Verbot bestimmter Äußerungen vor und legte eine Registrierungspflicht für alle Medien fest. Es drohte die Löschung und der Entzug der rechtlichen Möglichkeit, in Ungarn zu publizieren, wenn der Registrierungspflicht nicht nachgekommen wurde. Dies galt auch für Medienunternehmen, die außerhalb Ungarns in anderen Staaten der Europäischen Union (EU) tätig waren.Die Aufsicht über die Medien wurde nicht mehr von verschiedenen Behörden, sondern von einem einzigen Medienkontrollgremium ausgeübt. Das Medienkontrollgremium war für die Verhängung von Geldstrafen bei "politisch unausgewogener Berichterstattung" (Möllers 2018, S. 47) zuständig. Hinzu kam, dass viele Journalistinnen und Journalisten, die für den staatlichen Rundfunk arbeiteten, entlassen wurden und beispielsweise privaten, regierungskritischen Medien erschwert wurde, eine Rundfunklizenz zu erhalten. Die EU konnte durch die Androhung eines Vertragsverletzungsverfahrens zumindest eine Änderung der "EU-Ausländer betreffenden Aspekte" (Möllers 2018, S. 47) erreichen.MediengesetzgebungNoch bevor Ungarn seine neue Verfassung verankerte, stand die Regierung aufgrund der Verabschiedung eines restriktiven Mediengesetzes unter Beschuss. Das Gesetz, welches im Januar 2011 in Kraft trat, beschränkt deutlich die Freiheit der Medien und Presse (Salzborn 2015, S. 76). Das Hauptziel dieser Maßnahme ist die Dominanz der Regierung Orbáns über das Mediengefüge. Zu diesem Zweck wurde die Nationale Kommunikations- und Medienbehörde ("KESMA") ins Leben gerufen. Diese Behörde und der Medienrat erhielten erweiterte Befugnisse zur Überwachung und Lizenzierung von Medienangeboten. Unter anderem ist die Nationale Kommunikations- und Medienbehörde verantwortlich für die Vergabe von Sendelizenzen und übernimmt Aufgaben im Bereich des Verbraucher- und Wettbewerbsschutzes. Eine der Hauptaufgaben des Medienrates ist die Gewährleistung einer Berichterstattung (Bos 2021, S. 38). Neben der Neustrukturierung des Medienwesens führte die Regierung ein Fördermodell ein, das regierungsnahe Medien durch staatliche Werbeverträge finanziell unterstützt.Nach den Wahlen im Jahr 2014 erwarben Unternehmer, die der Regierung nahestehen, zunehmend Medien der Opposition, die anschließend in die neu geschaffene "Mitteleuropäische Presse- und Medienstiftung" eingebracht wurden (Bos 2021, S. 38). So schaffte es die Regierung Orbán, einflussreiche Medien der Opposition zu marginalisieren oder vollständig vom Markt zu nehmen. Ebenso wurden Online-Nachrichtenplattformen in das System eingegliedert (Bos 2021, S. 39).Samuel Salzborn kritisiert insbesondere den rechtlichen Charakter des neuen Mediengesetzes, das vage Generalklauseln beinhaltet, welche sich auf unbestimmte Konzepte wie "gute Sitten" berufen. Diese Klauseln sind offen für Interpretationen und ermöglichen damit eine gewisse Willkür. Die Definition dessen was als "gute Sitte" gilt kann staatlich bestimmt und gegen kritische Berichterstattung eingesetzt werden, was deren Sanktionierung zur Folge haben kann (Salzborn 2015, S. 77).Auswirkungen der Medienregulierung auf die Demokratie in UngarnNachdem im vorangegangenen Kapitel die aktuelle Medienlandschaft in Ungarn dargestellt wurde, widmet sich der folgende Abschnitt den Auswirkungen der Medienregulierung auf die demokratische Verfasstheit Ungarns. Anhand konkreter politischer Maßnahmen der ungarischen Regierung wird untersucht, wie die Visionen Orbáns umgesetzt wurden. Darüber hinaus wird analysiert, inwiefern die rechtspopulistische Politik die Qualität der ungarischen Demokratie beeinflusst und verändert hat.Bedeutung der Medien für die demokratische GesellschaftIm Zentrum der Debatte um die Rolle der Medien in der demokratischen Gesellschaft Ungarns steht die Transformationspolitik Viktor Orbáns und seiner Fidesz-Partei, die seit ihrem Regierungsantritt eine umfassende Kontrolle über die Medienlandschaft ausüben. Die Regierung nutzt diese Kontrolle strategisch als Instrument der Regierungskommunikation, um eine fast ausschließlich positive Berichterstattung über ihre Handlungen und Entscheidungen sicherzustellen. Regierungskritische Stimmen finden kaum Gehör, stattdessen wird Kritik systematisch unterdrückt und negative Nachrichten werden in einem für die Regierung vorteilhaften Licht dargestellt. Die gezielte Durchführung von Desinformationskampagnen, die Bajomi-Lazar als "Propaganda" bezeichnet, ist ein weiterer Baustein dieser Medienpolitik (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 280f.).Die Verpflichtung von Arthur J. Finkelstein, einem erfahrenen Kampagnenstrategen aus den USA, durch Viktor Orbán unterstreicht den gezielten Einsatz der Medien zur Meinungsbildung. Das Phänomen der Verbreitung von teilweise oder vollständig gefälschten Nachrichten ist zwar kein Alleinstellungsmerkmal der ungarischen Medienlandschaft, die offene Zurschaustellung dieser Praktiken durch die ungarische Regierung ohne den Versuch, ihre Aktivitäten zu verschleiern, stellt jedoch einen klaren Bruch mit demokratischen Normen dar (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 281).Diese Entwicklung wirft grundsätzliche Fragen nach den Auswirkungen der Medienregulierung auf die Demokratie in Ungarn auf. Die Einflussnahme auf die Medien und die damit einhergehende Unterdrückung pluralistischer Diskurse hat unmittelbare Folgen für die demokratische Gesellschaft. Indem die Medien als verlängerter Arm der Regierungskommunikation fungieren und kritische Berichterstattung marginalisiert wird, werden demokratische Grundwerte wie Meinungsvielfalt und Pressefreiheit massiv untergraben. Die strategische Manipulation der Medienlandschaft durch die Regierung Orbán verdeutlicht die Herausforderungen vor denen die Demokratie in Ungarn steht und unterstreicht die zentrale Rolle der Medienfreiheit als Grundpfeiler einer lebendigen und funktionierenden demokratischen Gesellschaft. Einschränkung der Demokratie durch Regulierungen in der MedienlandschaftDie Regulierung der Medienlandschaft in Ungarn durch Viktor Orbán und seine Fidesz-Partei hat weitreichende Folgen für die Demokratie im Land. Durch die systematische Übernahme und Anpassung der Medien an ihre Vorstellungen, insbesondere durch die Besetzung der Führungspositionen in den wichtigsten Medienorganisationen mit Verbündeten der Regierung, haben sie die Medien zu einem Instrument der Machtsicherung gemacht. Die Aufhebung der Unabhängigkeit der Medien ermöglicht es der Orbán-Regierung, die Berichterstattung vollständig für ihre politischen Ziele zu instrumentalisieren. Es dominiert eine einseitige Berichterstattung, die den Bürgern vor allem in den ländlichen Regionen wenig Spielraum lässt die Authentizität und Richtigkeit der präsentierten Nachrichten zu überprüfen. Die Bürger Ungarns stehen vor der Herausforderung, dass sie kaum Zugang zu alternativen Perspektiven oder kritischen Stimmen haben, was sie quasi dazu zwingt, den regierungsgesteuerten Nachrichten Glauben zu schenken (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 281/282).Diese Einschränkung der Medienfreiheit und die Manipulation der Informationslandschaft durch die Regierung Orbán untergraben grundlegende demokratische Prinzipien, indem sie den freien Zugang zu Informationen einschränken und eine fundierte öffentliche Meinungsbildung verhindern. Durch die gezielte Meinungsmache und die Abschottung gegenüber kritischen Debatten werden die natürlichen demokratischen Kontrollmechanismen geschwächt und die Bevölkerung als Kontrollinstanz der Regierung faktisch entmachtet. Die Strategie, die Macht über die Medien zu festigen und dafür zu sorgen, dass keine Gegenmeinungen an die Öffentlichkeit gelangen oder Widerstand gegen politische Entscheidungen leisten können, ist ein deutliches Zeichen für den Missbrauch von Medienmacht zur Festigung autoritärer Strukturen.Diese Entwicklungen in Ungarn verdeutlichen die zentrale Bedeutung einer unabhängigen und pluralistischen Medienlandschaft für den Erhalt einer gesunden Demokratie. Die Einschränkung der Pressefreiheit und die gezielte Manipulation der Medien durch die Regierung stellen eine ernsthafte Bedrohung für die demokratischen Prozesse und die politische Freiheit im Land dar. Politische Auswirkungen auf das demokratische System UngarnsDie politischen Auswirkungen der Regulierung der Medien auf das demokratische System in Ungarn sind tiefgreifend und haben zu einer Verschlechterung der Qualität der Demokratie im Land geführt. Diese Veränderungen spiegeln sich in verschiedenen internationalen Indizes wider, die die demokratische Stabilität Ungarns bewerten. Der "Freedom in the World Index" von Freedom House stuft Ungarn als "teilweise frei" ein, da die Fidesz-Partei die Kontrolle über unabhängige Institutionen erlangt hat, was zu einer Schwächung der Aktivitäten von Oppositionellen, Journalisten, Universitäten und NGOs geführt hat (Freedom House 2021). Der "Nations in Transit Index" bezeichnet Ungarn sogar als "Transitional or Hybrid Regime" mit einem Wert von 49 von 100 Punkten, wobei 100 Punkte für eine funktionierende Demokratie stehen (Freedom House 2021b). Der Bertelsmann Transformationsindex beschreibt Ungarn als "defekte Demokratie", in den demokratischen Institutionen zwar existieren, aber eingeschränkt und ineffektiv sind (Bertelsmann Stiftung 2020, S. 13).Deutlich verschlechtert hat sich zudem die Platzierung Ungarns in der Rangliste der Pressefreiheit von "Reporter ohne Grenzen", wo das Land nur noch auf Platz 92 von 180 Ländern rangiert und die Situation der Pressefreiheit als problematisch eingestuft wird (Reporter ohne Grenzen 2021). Der "Rule of Law Index" des World Justice Project weist Ungarn den niedrigsten Wert in Osteuropa zu, weltweit liegt es auf Platz 60 von 128 (World Justice Project 2020).Diese Indizes und Bewertungen zeigen, dass die von Viktor Orbán vorangetriebene politische Transformation direkte negative Auswirkungen auf die Qualität der Demokratie in Ungarn haben. Einige Autoren wie Attila Ágh sprechen von der "ungarischen Krankheit" als antidemokratischer Herausforderung für die EU und beschreiben das Land als "worst case scenario" einer "elected autocracy" (Ágh 2015, S. 4, S. 16). János Kornai sieht in der Entwicklung seit Orbáns Amtsantritt eine Abkehr von Demokratie und Errungenschaften des Systemwechsels Ende der 1980er, einen "U-Turn" (Kornai 2015, S. 1). Samuel Salzborn identifiziert eine transformatorische Entwicklung hin zu einer Diktatur, bedingt durch rechtliche Veränderungen und eine zunehmende Ethnisierung der Innenpolitik (Salzborn 2015, S. 81).Andere Forscher sprechen von einem "hybriden Regime" und positionieren Ungarn in einer Grauzone zwischen Demokratie und Autokratie. András Bozóki und Dániel Hegedüs betonen, dass hybride Regime eine eigenständige Kategorie darstellen, die weder als Unterform der Demokratie noch der Diktatur zu verstehen ist (Bozóki/Hegedüs 2018, S. 1183). Attila Antal betont, dass das Orbán-Regime seine politische Anhängerschaft gezielt repolitisiert und den Rest der politischen Gemeinschaft depolitisiert hat (Antal 2017, S. 18).SchlussfolgerungDas Phänomen des Demokratieabbaus, beobachtet nicht nur in Ungarn, sondern weltweit und innerhalb Europas, unterstreicht eine kritische Herausforderung für die demokratische Ordnung vieler Staaten. Die systematische Einschränkung der Presse- und Meinungsfreiheit in Ungarn seit Viktor Orbáns zweiter Amtszeit im Jahr 2010 zeichnet ein beunruhigendes Bild der Degradierung demokratischer Werte, das weit über die Grenzen Ungarns hinausreicht und die europäische Gemeinschaft insgesamt betrifft (Möllers 2018, S. 7; Ismayr 2002, S. 309ff.).Die zentrale Rolle der Medien in einer Demokratie, hervorgehoben durch ihre vielfältigen Funktionen wie die Schaffung von Öffentlichkeit, Informationsvermittlung, Kontrolle der Macht, soziale Integration und Bildung, unterstreicht die Bedeutung der Medienfreiheit für das Funktionieren einer demokratischen Gesellschaft (Strohmeier 2004, S. 69ff.). Die Kontrolle über die Massenmedien zu haben bedeutet, einen entscheidenden Einfluss darauf zu besitzen, welche Informationen die Bevölkerung erhält und wie sie die politische Realität wahrnimmt.Ungarns Entwicklung seit 2010 unter der Fidesz-Regierung ist besonders alarmierend, da sie zeigt, wie gezielt Propaganda eingesetzt wird, um die Regierungsperspektive zu stärken und oppositionelle Stimmen effektiv zum Schweigen zu bringen. Die offene Ausführung dieser Maßnahmen und das scheinbare Desinteresse der Regierung, ihre Aktionen zu verbergen, verdeutlichen eine besorgniserregende Gleichgültigkeit gegenüber demokratischen Standards (Bajomi-Lazar 2018, S. 281f.). Trotz der Transparenz dieser Aktivitäten hat die Europäische Union bisher wenig Einfluss auf eine positive Veränderung nehmen können, was den Demokratieabbau in Ungarn weiter vorantreibt.Die Situation in Ungarn ist nicht isoliert zu betrachten, sondern stellt ein ernstes Problem für die EU dar, da es die konstitutionellen und demokratischen Grundlagen der Gemeinschaft untergräbt. Die aktuellen Entwicklungen in Ungarn sind ein Warnsignal und erfordern eine dringende und koordinierte Reaktion auf europäischer Ebene, um die Demokratie zu schützen und zu fördern. Die Frage, wie die Medienregulierung in Ungarn die demokratischen Prozesse und die politische Landschaft des Landes beeinflusst, lässt sich klar beantworten: Sie führt zu einer erheblichen Einschränkung der Demokratiequalität, indem sie die freie Meinungsäußerung untergräbt, die politische Pluralität einschränkt und die Kontrollfunktion der Medien schwächt.Die Hoffnung liegt nun darauf, dass die internationale Gemeinschaft und europäische Institutionen wirksame Maßnahmen ergreifen, um die demokratischen Prinzipien in Ungarn zu stärken und einen weiteren Demokratieabbau zu verhindern. Die Bewahrung der Medienfreiheit und die Sicherstellung einer pluralistischen und unabhängigen Medienlandschaft sind essenziell für die Aufrechterhaltung einer lebendigen und gesunden Demokratie, nicht nur in Ungarn, sondern in allen demokratischen Staaten. LiteraturverzeichnisÁgh, Attila. 2015. 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Issue 2.3 of the Review for Religious, 1943. ; A.-M. D. G. for Religious MAY 15, 1943 Paternal Governm~eh÷ . . . ; . . J~hn C.~Ford The Mother of God . - . . AIoydus C. Kemper Cell'Technlque of Catholic Act,on . '."Albert S. Foley Thb Seal of Confession , = Edwin F. Healy Summary on Spiri÷u&l Direc'÷ion . The Edffo.rs; Book Revlew~, Ques÷io. ns Answered Decisions of the Holy See RIEVI.I::W FOR RI::LIGIOUS ¯ VOLUME II MAY 15, 1943 NUMBER 3 CONTENT.S PATERNAL GO~rERNMENT AND FILIAL CONFIDENCE °IN SUPERIORSmJohn C. Ford, S.J. 146 THE MOTHER OF GOD~A. loysius C. Kemper, S.J . 15'; THE CELL TECHNIQUE OF SPECIALIZED CATHOLIC ACTION-- Albert S. Foley, S.3 . 164 DIVINE' PROVIDENCE AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTES . 175 THE SEAL OF CONFESSION-~Edwin F. Healy, S.'J . 176 -THE DISCUSSION ON SPIRITUAL DIRECTION: Concluding Survey-- The Editors . 187 DECISIONS OF THE HOLY SEE . 202 BOOK REVIEWS (Edited by Clement DeMuth, S.J.)-- Moral Guidance; The Path of Humility; St. Charles Borromeo; The °King's Advocate; 3esus and I; The Larks of Umbria; The Better Life: For Heaven's Sake; We Wish to See 'jesus; The Following of Christ; His Father's Business; National Liturgical Week, 1942; Shinihg in Darkness . °2 . . 203 BOOKS RECEIVED . 211 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- 17. Retreat Master as Exrtaordinary Confessor . 212 18. Reason for Removing Local Superior . 212 19. Postulant M.D. Prescribing for Community . 212 20. Public and Private Recitation of Litanies . 213 21. Providing for Sister Who Leaves Community . 214 22. Taxing for Support of Motherhouse . . " . 214 23. Pension for Work Done before Entering Religion . 216 24. Little Office with Blessed Sacrament Exposed . . . . . . 216 -25. Mistress of Novices Subject to Local Superior . 216 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, May, 1943. Vol. II, No. 3. Published bi-monthly: 3~anuary, March, May,-,July, September, and November at" the College Press, 606 Harrison Street, Topeka, Kansas, by St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approbation. Entered as second class matter 3anuary 15, 1942, at the Post Office, Tgpeka, Kansas~ under the act of March 3, 1879. Editorial Board: Adam C, Ellis, S.3., G. Augustine Ellatd, S.,J., Gerald Kelly, S.J. Copyrlght~ 1943, by Adam C. Ellis. Permission is hereby granted for quotations of reasonable length, provided due credit be given ,this review and the author. Subscription price: 2 dollars a year. Printed it~.U.S.A. Pa!:ernal overnment: .\, and Filial ConFidence in Superiors John C. For.d, S.J. IT IS SAID that soldiers are notorlo s gnpers. The February (1943) issue of the Infantr'g'dournal, in an article called ':Leadership," offers us a selected batch of confidentially treated opinions on officers, expressed by a number of soldiers early in the war. These are quoted .word for Word. "This army can't be driven; it must be led." "Break up the old army non-corn clique and put advancement on a merit basis." "Officers ibluff too much.". ~"Let non=coms be chosen for what they know, not .whom they know." "Our first lieutenant is dominated by the first sergeant." "No reward for good work; old soldiers learn never to .volunteer for anything." "They treat us like children." "When an officer tell~ his men he doesn't like'the army any more than we do, he's not the one I look to. ". instead of'changing his mind every few minutes." ". should take a little interest in what we eat." ". give us some idea of what's going on in maneu-vers. "We come from just as good or better families . say a good word now and then . call a man by his name . show a man they know their stuff." ".shames us in front of other batteries." I am not goin.g to ask the readers whether they have ~ever heard any complaints like these made about religious 146 PATERNAL ~OVERNMENT superiors. And I am notgbing toask them to make a com-parison between, the faults of army leaders and the faults of religious superiors. -That would be too easy. Everyone knows that superiors, being human, have faults. And .besides, anyone °with sense knows, that when people com-plain, whether about superiors or about others, the real rea-sons for the complaints are often not expressed at all. The complaint is merely a symptom of some deeper discontent. , But I am going to ask the readers to meditate on the above rdmarksone at a time. And I suggest that they ask themselves this question: I~ you were a religious superior what would be youf correspbnding complaint about sub-jects? --- or your answer to subjects' complaints on these headings? For instance, "This army can't be driven: it must be led." If you were a superior would you be t~mpted to say, perhaps, "This particular religious can't be led; he has to be pushed'i? Go through all the complaihts that way. I need not do it-for you. It will be instructive for you to make the trial yourself. It is alw~iys instructive to put oneself in .someone else's shoes, and try to get his point of view. And in this par-ticular instance I think most of my readers will find that it is rather difficult (unless they are or have been superiors) to "look at things from that other point of view. They may have to force themselves to look carefully at the reverse.side of the picture. La~'k ot: Contider~ce a Fact " ' And that brings me to my main p0inti, the unfortunate ~fact that superiors and subjects so often seem to have a dif-~ ferent "point of view." It is to be expected, of course, even' in the most ideal state of affairs, that between the governing and the governed there must necessarily be dii~erences of attitude. But in a religious congregation these differences 147 JOHN C, FORD should be at a minimum. All the members of the religious family are presumably aiming at the same target. Whether. they are superiors or subjects the general goal is the same. /kll are looking primarily, to a sfipernatural end andS under the rules of the particular organization, work from the same. s.upernatural motives for its attainment. The pursuit of perfection in work or in prayer, according to' the spirit of the institute, and finally the perfect love of our Lord are the common aim of all who live in religion. A religious congregation is called a "family" tradi-tionally, and in canon law, because it is supposed to have those characteristics of loving unity which a well-ordered family exhibits. When it is said (for instance in canon 530) that it is good for subjects to go to their .superiors with "filial .confidence," the words really mean what they say. The Code is calling attention toone of the basic reali-ties of religious life. The order or congregation is a family." Superiors should be as fathers to their subjects, and subjects should have corresponding filial confidence in them. (Of course, the word '~'filial" has a wide range of meaning, and the attitude of an eighty-year old veteran to his forty-year old superior is not going to be filial in the same way as that of a young religious.) But it is not too much to say that this confidence is fre-quently lacking. Is it not a fact that superiors and subjects, instead of regarding one another in this paternal or filial vcay, actually, at times, think of one another as being on opposite sides? Is not the "point of view" so different that,. forgetful for the time being of the unity of their general supernatural aims, they regard each other almost as oppon-ents? The little exercise suggested above was meant to bring out (if it needs to-be brought out) the fact that this attitude of opposition sometimes exists. If it does not exist in your mind (whether you are a superior or a subject), so 148 PATERNAL GOVERNMENT much the better. But .I think it exists in only too many minds. - The supposition of the present article, therefoie (and perhaps others along the same lines will follow it), is that there is a deplorable lack of filial confidence in superiors ¯ amongst many religious. My object is to indicate what [ Considerto be some of the,causes of this undesirable state of affairs. Some of the causes are inevitable, and are insepa-rable~ as hinted ahoy.e, from tl~e very idea of distinguishing between governing and go-~erned. But others are due to false or distorted ideas about religious government, and these can be corrected. These false or distorted ideas .are enter-tained at tim~s both by superiors and by. subjects. My purpose is to point them out, with the hope that a correc-tion of them will help to restore that filial.confidence which .ought to be part of religious life. The Forgotten "'Paternal For:urn'" The first point on which there seems to be widespread ignorance, or at least many false ideas, is the very .real dis-tinction which exists between the paternal and j~dicial forum in retigio~s government. (What I say here applies equally to the ."maternal" forum where religious women are concerned, and when ~I speak of the "judicial" forum [ do not mean judicial in the strict canonical sense--with a view to formal accusation and a trial, and so forth but in a broader sense, as will appear,) In one sense all re.ligious government should be pater-nal. Paternal in this sense means spi'rituai, Christian, reli-gious government,, as opposed to worldly,, or domineering, or military, or political .government. Whether superi.ors are acting for the direction of individuals, or with a view to correcting their faults, or'punishing, or with a view to the common good of the. congregation;'their government is 149 ¯ JOHN C. FORD, always supposed, to be paternal in this general .sense. But in a more particular sense a superior is said to act paternally, or in the paternal forum, to distinguish his office as a father from his office as a judge. This distinction is of special importance when the superior acts to correct the faults or delinquencies of his subjects. For, in the correction and punishment of delinquencies, the superior may proceed either paternally or judicially. To illustrate the difference in the two procedures per-haps the following examples will help. Suppose the supe-rior has it brought~ to his attention tl~at some of the younger religious, who are not allowed to smoke, are occasionally smoking without permission. He calls in these religious, tells them what he has heard, and, without making any particu-lar accfisations, reminds them of the regulation which for-bids smoking, or forbids smoking without permission. Suppose that afterwards he asks one of these young reli-gious: "Were you one of the offenders?"--and the answer is "Yes." Thereupon, he urges the offender to be faithful in his observance of the rules and imposes some private pen-ance upon him in order to impress on his mind the impor: tance of regular observance. It seems to me that in this sort ofcase the superior is obviously acting as a father and not as a judge. The matter is being handled in the paternal forum. But suppose the' superior calls in another Leligious who has previously been warned about a faul,t or delinquency of a still more serious kind. And let us suppose that he has been previously warned that future lapses will involve seriofis punishment--postpo~nement of final vows, post-ponement of ordination, or even dismissal from the con-gregation. And to make the case a perfectly clear one, sup-pose that the delinquency involves an external matter which may. give scandal to the faithful or threaten the good" 150 ¯ PATERNAL GOVERNMENT of the institute itselfmfor i.ns.tance, excessive drinking, or familiarity with the opposite sex, or a professed attempt to undermine the authority of.the institute: The superior Says to this religious, "You have been accused again of iuch and such a delinquency. Before proceeding further with this matter I should like to hear what defense you ha~ce to make." Is there any. doubt.that in such a case the superior is acting as a°judge rather than as a father? We say com~ monly that he is acting "in the external forum." For that reason he deals with the subject at arm's le.ngth, as the law-yers say, and he does not expect fromhim the same degree of candor which he could claim if he were acting in the pater, hal forum. ~ It would.be a failure to rate'the facts and implications in such a case if we were to say that the superior is not pro-ceeding judicially merely because he is not.following thd formalities of the canonical judicial.process. For .when a superior sets out to gather, evidence with a view to i.nflicting serious punishment, especially if it be public, and most of all if it be expulsion from the. orgafiizaf!on; it.wouldbe.an abuse, of l~inguage to call the procedure paternal. Hence,. I t~ink no one Will doubt that, even when there is no question of a rea~l trial in the canonical sense, there is a quasi-judicial procedure which differs substantially from the merely paternal. " Classic Authors on the Paternal Forum The distinction between these two functions of the superior, that of father and that of judge, is a fundamenthl one; and it is particularly.important that it be kept in mind, when.a superiok questions his subjects with.'a-view to the correction of faults. It is not a new distinction.~, The classic authors on the religious life (Suarez, de Lugo, and others) make much of it in explaining the duty of frateri~al 151 JOHN C~ FORD " " or evangelical denunciation ~ith reference to r~ligious. " Neverthelem, even under ideal conditions and in cases where this fundamental distinction between paternal and judicial procedure is well understood, it is sometimes hard ¯ to tell whether.a superior who questions a subject is acting in a paternal or a judidial capacity. Some cases are on the border and it is hard to draw the line. From' reading the authors who have treated these matters, especially Suarez, it seems to me that the only satisfactory general criterion whether the superior is acting paternally or judicially is the purpoge of his proceedings. If he is acting principatlg for the good of the delinquent, in order to have him amend his fault, then he is acting as a father, even though as a means to this end some penance is imposed (or: a private nature), or some remedy is used which is repugnant to the subject, for example, a change of appointment. But if he acts principallg forthe good of the congregation, the common good, and seeks to inflict punishment as a vindication of ~religious disci151ine which has been violated, especially if the punishment is public, or if the idea i's to make an example of someone, and most of all if the punishment in question is expulsion in such cases he is acting as a judge. A Cause of Mutual Distrust Am I wrong in s~ying that both superiorsand subjects often lose sight of this fundamental principle of religious government? And am I wrong in the opinion that one of the fundamental causes for lack of filial confidence in supe-riors is the neglect of this distinction? Subjects expect superiors to act in a fatherly way when their duty as guardians of the public good requires that they proceed judicially. Or subjects feel that they have not been treated paternally when, without detriment to their reputation, the superior has changed their work or their 152 PATERNAL GOVERNMENT place-of work for °their own good but in a way that is displeasing'to them. They forget that it is part of a father's duty to administer medicine evenif it has ~ bad taste. Superiors sometimes forget that information received in the paternal forum, whether from the subject concerned or from another, cannot ordinari1~ be used judicially, and never to the detriment of the public standing of the subject within the community. If the superior does act judicially on knowledge which he has received paternally, the confi-dence of his subjects Will be utterly destroyed. For when dealing with him they will .never know for sure whether they are speaking to him as a father to whom as religious children they owe special filial candor, and whom they carl trust to keep their revelations in the paternal forfim, or whether they are speaking to him .in his more public capac-ity as guardian of the cQmmon good, so that whatever they say can, as it were, be used against them. The distinction between the paternal and judicial forum, as far as self-revelation and the correction of faults is concerned, has its roots in the natural law itself. A child who is asked by his mother Whether he stole the jam is bound to tell the truth even if he foresees a spanking. But the man who is asked by a judge whether he is guilty or.not guilty is not bound to betray himself. Religious generally agree, on entering religion, that those who notice their faults may reveal them to the superior as to a father, ,but they do not give up their right to reputation as far as others (whatever' their position) are concerned. They do not agree that fraternal, manifestations or their own self-revelations be made the basis of public repiehension. Human nature being what it is, the axiom, "No one is bound to betray himself" (that is, in a judicial proceeding), appeals very strongly to everyone who gets into trouble. If the result of self-revelation is going to be postponement of 153" JOHN C. FOP, D ordination or of vows, or.a defamatory public reprehension, all but the heroes will be convinced (and rightly) that they are under no obligation to speak. (I exclude here, of course, ~efects so serious that they. impose upon an indi- .vidual the obligation of not going on to the.priestho9d~.) BUt the heroes do not get into trouble. As for the others, there is no doubt that if the private fault of a religiou~,- whether venialiy sinful or not, is known to the superior only as a father, and to a few others, he has no right to pub-lish the matter. A public announcement of it by way of punishment can easily involve a serious violation of the natural law of reputation. A superior's position, then, is a very difficult and very burdensome one. TO play the double role, of father and of judge, prudently, calls for wisdom and:'selflessness in a high degree. It.is quite apparent that the Code has done much to eliminate the confusion between the forum of con~ science and the forum of external government by forbidding superi.ors to be the regular confessors of their subjects, or to hear their manifestations of conscience as a ~atter of rule. But the Code has certainly not abolished the time-honored, essential distinction between the office of father and the office of judge. The present article is meant to recall to mind that dis-tinction, as a means of restoring filial confidence. Naturally speaking, the attempt" can never be completely successful. .Only education to it from the earliest days of religious life can makeit moderately successful, perhaps a future article or two will dwell on some,practical applications of the doc-trine as connected with the obligation of fraternal denuncia-tion, and the custom, where it exists, of manifesting the con-science to a greater or-less degree to the superior. Cofifi~ dences received in these circumstances call for more than ordinary virtue and restraint on the part of superiors, if' 154 they wish to keep their,subjects from distrusting them. And ~ubje'cts will not undertake these onerous duties or practices unless the~, are led by a truly religious desire for their own perfection. In fact, the whole matter is not worth the trouble of discussion excelbt in the case of.religious, both subjects and superiors, who seriously seek the things of God, and who deeply yearn to giv~e themselves entirely to Himmas a man gives himself to the one woman he loves. They must be prepared to spurn worldly principles in order to follow in the footsteps of the humble and humiliated Christ. He was not touchy about His rights. "Mine and thine, those frigid words" (St. Chrysostom), were not a part of His vocabu-lary. [EDITORS' NOTE: Father Ford is interested in the further develop-ment of the subject of filial confidence in superiors, if time permits it. ~With a view to makin_g tentative future articles as helpful as possible, he would welcome communications, even anonymous ones, on the subje~t. Needless to say, the communications would be treated con-fidentially. Our readers, both superiors and subjects, who are inter-ested in this matter, are invited to send their suggestions directly to: The Reverend 3ohn C. Ford, S.J., Weston College, Weston, Mass.] CHANGES OF ADDRESS If you change your address, either temporarily for the summer, or permariently because of a new assignment, you can assure yourself of the prompt and safe delivery ' of the Ju_ly number (and subsequent numbers) by sending us a postcard with answers to these three questions: 1. What is ~our present address? 2. What is your new address? 3. Is the change to be merely for the summer or permanent? Please send the card as soon as possible. The Mot:her of: ,od Aloysius C.Kemper, S.J. DURING the month of May our Blessed Mother is daily proclaimed the Mother of God by millions of voices, ¯ old and young. Over the face of the whole earth, whene*er the Hail Mary is said, and in numerous other prayers and canticles, in public service and private devotion, that glorious title, "Mother of God," rings out in her praise. It is a title we have all learnt to love and to use instinctively from our earliest years. Times without number it rises to our lips, often perhaps without due appre~ciation of its pro-found meaning, but never with the shadow of a doubt that we actually mean what we say when we style the Virgin, "Mother of God." Despite the familiarity of this beloved title, it is amazing, sometimes amusing, to note the puzzled air that steals over the countenance of the average instructed Cath-olic when he is confronte.d with the question, uttered as a challenge: "Do you really mean exactly what you say when you call Mary the Mother of God? Think of it: the eternal, uncreated God, having a mother who brought -Him into the world on a definite historical date, not so many centuries ago! Does it not seem highly preposter-ous if you take it in its strict sense? You cannot possibly mean it .just that way. It must be merely an honorary title you are giving to the Blessed Virgin; for, of course, God could not reatlg have a mother." A test question of this sort is apt completely to baffle the examinee who. appreciates the difficulty and searches desperately for a justification of a title as familiar to him as his own name, while he keeps muttering to himself the disconcerting. refrain, "Of course, God could not reall~ have a mother." THE "MOTHER OF GOD Let us not imagine that such searching inquiry into: the. implications of Mary's most familiar, title, is .merely"a pleasant diversion employed to test the average catecheti-cal. mind. Tb~ challenge was seriously throv~n out by master thinkers in the early Christian centuries who were tampering with the full significance of the Incarnation, and who-persistently denied that God could have.a mother. that bore Him. Thus, in the early fifth century Theodore of Mopsuestia proposed the following argu-ment concerni.ng the divine maternity: "When you ask me whether Mary is man-bearing or God-bearing, I must in .truth reply that she is both; she is the bearer of man a~cording to nature, for it was a man who existed in her womb and was brought forth by Mary; she is likewise the bearer of God, because in the man engendered by her God dwelt, not as though circumsc~:ibed by that human nature, but as present in it according to the decree and affection of His will." Drawing the blunt conclusion from Such premises, he added: "It is absurd to say that the Word consubstantial with the Father is born of the Vir-gin Mary. The one who is born of the Virgin is the indi-vidual who was formed from her substance, . not the Word who is God. He who is consubstantial with the Father has no mother at all." Nestorius, the most notorious heresiarch of the same period, promptly tried to popularize this. false teaching by employing the more telling weapon of ridicule. In his cathedral at Constantinople he ordered a sermon preached by one of the clergy in which the divine maternity of Mary was denied. When a tumult arose in the church at this audacious assault'on the honor of God's Mother, Nesto-rius himself arose to reply and calm the exaspe'rated con-gregation: "The question is frequently put to us," he slyly remarked, "whether Mary should be called Mother 157 ~LOYSIUS C. KEMP~R of God or Mother of a man. Tell me, I pray you, has God a mother? If so, then we may well excuse the pagans for.claiming mothers for their gods. No, no, my dear people, Mary did not bear God." This seems~ to have been the first public profession of the Nestorian heresy: to deny the divine maternity of Mary was an implicit denial of the mystery of the Incarnation itself. " At first sight the objection contained in the Nestorian position may appear serious. But it is a valid objection only on the assumption that in the Incarnation God did not become man, but that there were two distinct persons after the union--God, the Word, Son of the Father, and the man born of the Virgin Mary. Pointing to the Child Jesus, Nestorius would say: "This one is the offspring of Mary, a man like ourselves, truly her Son and Child. The other one, the Word of God, who dwells in this man as in His special temple, was not born of Mary but from eternity pioceeded from the Father by divine generation." He could never be prevailed on to admit and to believe with the whole Church that the Infant born in Bethlehem is truly God made man, and that consequently there can be no possible distinction between "this one" and "that one," as between two persons. His doctrine was condemned by the Church as an execrable heresy. The common people themselves, with a correct sense of the truth, raised an out-cry against the blasphemy that Mary is not the M6ther ~f God; and later when the decree of the Council of Ephesus solemnly proclaimed the divine maternity of Mary their joy and exultationknew no bounds. The title of "Mother of God," applied to the Blessed Virgin, is justified by the following simple reasoning, plain to any child: "Mary is the Mother of Jesus. But ~lesus is truly God. Therefore Mary is the Mother of God." The syllogism thus enunciated contains one asset- .158 tion requiring :further proof or explanation. That Mary .is the Mother.of 2esus no one no.wadays would be inclined to call in question. The modern mind is quite at ease in admitting the historical evidence which vouches for the mother of this man ~lesus, who was born, li(red and died, whose story is,known from the Gospels. However, after tl"Je appearance of the Nestorian i pet-version, of Christ's identity, the second premise of the syl-logism that 3esus is truly God has been doubted or denied by countless bearers of the Christian name. On the. undi-luted truth of this second proposition depends the veracity of Mary's divine motherhood.Unless the Child ~he bor~ is truly and unequivocally God .then quite, i~at,urally neither is she the Mother of God. . . We need not prove the divinity of 3esus .here .but may take it over from the faith of the Church as a dogma ,so fundamental that the very name and substance of our religion would disappear if it were denied. As the Nicene Creed declares:. '.'I believe . . . in one Lord 3esus Christ, the only begotten Son of God', born'of the' Father before all ages., true God of true God. c?nsubstantial with the Father . who for us. men, and for our salvation, came down from heaven and was incarnate .by the Holy Ghost of the VirginMary; and was made man.'-.'. . : These words, of the Creed make it clear.that Christ had two natures, one the divine Which He received, from all et.ernity from the Father, so, that He was "born of the Father". and~ of the same substance with Him. Neverthe-less. this same Son was also born of His~ earthly, Mother from whom He received a human nature, a second nature. added to. the one already His from all eternity. It follows then that God ~he Son was twice born, the natural Son of His heavenly Father, the natural .Son of ,His earthly Mother: in either case the same one, the same individual~ 159 'ALOY$1US C. KEMPER the same divine Person. Could anything be more pl~iinly stated in our creed, or more lucid!y dear from the Gospel narrative than the fact that the whole story, from divine, eternal birth to temporal death and resurrection, is the story of one and the same Person, whether you .designate Him by His divine or His human names, God, Son of God, the Word; Christ, 3esus, or even simply "this man"? It will aid in unravelling subtle difficulties and objec-tions that lurk in many a mind in regard to this doctrine to enumerate in catechetical fashion, what we do not say about the Blessed Mother, and what we do say, regarding her divine maternity. 1. We do not say that the Son of God whom Mary bore did not exist before His earthly birth. This latter is His s.econd birth. By generation from the Father He existed from all eternity. It would be plainly absurd to assert that a woman brought God into His first existence, as though she had made God to be, and there would be no God without her maternal activity. Nestorius wa~ not ashamed to hurl the'accusation at his hearers: "You have Mary make God by calling her the Mother of God." Mary did not make God to be, bu~ she did make God to be man. That He is man is due to her maternal activity, aided by . the over-shadowing of the Holy Spirit. 2. We do not claim that she brought forth God tri-une, but only God the Son, the second Person of ~he Trin-ity. Sometimes when we employ the word "God" we mean the three divine Persons, as when we state that God created the world. Creation belongs equally to all three divine Persons. At other times the word is taken to indi-cate a definite Person, as in the phrase, God became man. It is quite correct to use the word "God" in both connota-tions. But one may object, "Why do we not always state the whole truth, by declaring at once that Mary is the 160 THE MOTHER'OI~ GoD Mother of God the .Son, and not Simply the Mother of God?" The reason is quite" simple. The insidious claim that Mary bore a mere man into the world could in no more effective way b~ laid low at one stroke than by desig-nating her in one. word,- "theotokos," that is "God-bearing," Or in our familiar phraseology-"Mother of uGnodde.r" tTheh eim wphaoclte o ffa tbhriisc s oinf ghleerse tthicuanld fearblsoelth.ood crashes 3. Finally we-do not iay that Mary is the mother of "the human nature of the Son of God. Some in their anxiety to remove misunderstanding suggest that we ,reduce our claim for Mary to a motherhood of human nature, since in this case the mother did no more than clothe an already existing Person with the nature that made Him man. No, this simplification "is in no wise admissible, involving as it does a false notion of the term "mother" and of the implied idea of generation. A mother is properly said t6 bear a son, not his nature. Though her immediate function cbncerns directly only the material ele-ment of his being, the soul being created directly by. God, she is never styled the mother of his body, or the mother of his human nature. She invariably giv.es birth to a child, a man, a person, .an individual; call him what you will, but note that it is .always "he" that is born, not "it." "Mother" and "son''~ are correlative, never "mother" and "nature." The stupen.dous fact in the'present case, known only through revelation, is that the Person in question is the Son of GodHimself. We must, then, observe the same propriety of language: Mary bore "Him," "this Person," "this child"; she is His mother, not the mother of His human nature. Coming now to our Positive doctrine, what"do we claim in regard to the divine maternity? The points may \ I61 "ALOY$1US C. KEMPER be very briefly stated, being already largely covered by the preceding explanation. 1. Mary cooperated in the birth of her divine Son exactly ~s any other mother, as far as her maternal func-tion was concerned. What she could not furnish as belonging to the paternal activity was in this case sup-plied by the power of the Holy Spirit. 2. The ordinary laws of human development were operative as usual. For nine whole months the Blessed Virgin was inexpressibly more than a mere temple of God, for the flesh of her divine offspring and her own were united in a°truly~physical unity as the sacred fruit of her womb advanced to maturity. 3. The birth of Christ was a ~irgin birth, strictly miraculous--a truth defined by the Church from the earliest ages. andexpressed in the Creed by the words "born of the Virgin Mary." This was the second nativ-ity of the Son of God, who through it became one 6f our race without ceasing to be Son of God. 4.' Ther~ is however only one Son under considera-tion, not two. As soon as one would wish to introduce a second son the hypostatic union would be sacrificed, and we should find ourselves in the Nestorian two-person camp. We should then be constrained to refer to "this one" as the Son of the Father, and to the "other one" as the Son of the Mother, and the latter, would not be God, nor would Mary be the Mother of God. The truth is the other way. We point to the Infant ,Jesus in the crib, or to the dying Savior on the cross and ciy out, enlight-ened by supernatural faith, "truly this is the Son of God "and of Mary." 5. The actions belonging to the body,the soul and ¯ the human nature of "this man" may be, and indeed must 162 MOTHER 01~ GOD be, attributed to the second person of the Trinity, Thus it is God Himself that dwelt amongst us, God Himself that was born, was nurtured at Nazareth, "ate, slept. walked ~he streets, preached, prayed, sweat blood, suffered, died, and was.buried. Some of these expressions occur in the Creed, in the recitation of which we often fail to remark that the greater part of it concerns the terrestrial human life of the eternal Son of God. made flesh and dwelling amongst us. ,. His dwelling amongst us depende.d upon His first having been "born of the Virgin Mary," which is but another way of saying that the Virgin is truly and properly the Mother of God. A cold and schematic analysis such as the foregoing may appear an unworthy appraisal ofone of the most con-soling truths of our faith, and of the most sublime of all .of Mary's priceless prerogatives, her divine maternity, the very rbot and foundation of all her magnificent adorn-ments. Yet cold, theological analysis is a necessary approach to'a fuller realization of the rich treasure of our holy faith. It wiil serve in the present case, it is hoped, to focus a clearer, steadier light on the Madonna with the divine Child, by clearing a.way any lingering haze of misY understanding that may attach to her maternal dignity, so that the truth and beauty of this sweetest of all images may stand forth in new brilliancy in our minds, and cap-tivate our hearts in a more undying love of the Mother and the Son. 163 The Cell Technique ot: Specialized Ca!:holic Action Albert S. Foley, S.2. 44CTRONGER and greater than any othe~will no doubt ~ be the aid afforded to Catholic Action by the numerous religious families of both sexes who have already rendered signal .services to the Church for the good of souls in your'nation. They w.ill give this aid not only by their incessant prayers but still more by generously devoting .their 'efforts to it, even if they do not, properly speaking, have charge of souls; they will give it more par- .ticularly by preparing for Catholic Action, even from the most tender age, the boys and girls whom they teach in their work, and especially in schools and colleges, both for men and women, placed in great part under the direction of reli-gious Institutes; ~nd above all in developing inthem the sense of the apostolate, and in directing them finally toward the Catholic Action organizations or in receiving these into their own associations and institutions.''1 In accordance with these wishes and directives of our .late Holy Father, great Work has been done by many out-standing religious youth directors in English-speaking countries. These religious, by their literary and organiza-" tional work, by their agitation and their achievements, have contributed mightily to the cause of general Catholic " Action. There is hovcever one phase of the movement that has no~ yet received sufficient attention in the United States. That is the preparation of leaders for the apostolate of 1pius X[ to Cardinal Leme da Silveira Cintra and tl~e Brazilian Hierarchy, October 27, 1935. AAS 28 (1936) 163. 164 THE CELL TECHNIQUI~ specialized Catholic Action by means of the cell technique. Lacking leaders so trained, the development of total Cath-olic Action in our country is lagging slightly behind some parts of the Catholic World. Butwe can be sure that this state of things will not last .long. Many religious through-out the country have become convinced of the value of this new technique. They have become the biodynes of this new .cell movement, have begun to stimulate cell grow~th and multiplication in all kinds of milieus, and even in manor existing Catholic Action organizations. If these pioneers are joined by large numbers of our capable, enthusiastic religious, American Catholic Action will soon become-the vital Christianizing influence it should be. Catholic Action is undeniably destined to be a force for the restoration of a11 things and all men in Christ. Plus XI defined it as the "participation of the laity in the apostolate of the hierarchy." He moreover insisted that this participa-tion should not be merely g~neral and sporadic as in the past, but should be organized and specialized according to environment, to facilitate an apostolate of like by like--~ the worker becoming an apostle for workers, the profes-sional man for professional men, the student for Other stu-dents. To meet the extra demands .of this personal aposto-late, the cell technique was devised, and the Pope, after seein~g it in action, praised it as the "genuine, authentic, per~ fected forrii of Catholic Action." What precisely is this cell technique? The cell notion and terminology is of course derived by analogy from the physiological unit of the living organism. A Catholic Action cell is a small, specialized unit of the Mystical Body, having, as every cell has, two dements: 1.) an active share in the life of the whole Body in order to achieve its particu-lar function; and 2) a certain inner composition fitted and adapted to carry out that function. We shall consider in 165 ALBERT S. FOLE~ this article both the apostolic spirit energizing the cell, and theinner composition and w6rkings of its organization. ¯ First, as to the apostoli~ spirit. In the letter quoted at the head of this article, Pius XI stresse~l the importance of "developing in them the sense Of the apostolate." It is not enough for them to know, the Pope pointed out, that the laity are, by their membership in the Mystical Body, privi-leged and entitled to share in the hierarchy's apostolic work. Nor is it ~uflicient to hammer home their duty to their fel-low men in this respect., They must be imbued with so ardent and personal a love for Christ that the apostolic spirit will automatically, inflame them.' No blue-nosed zealotry, no fanatical reforming mania, no hypocr.itical, h01ier-than-thou attitude can pose .as apostolic in cell work. Rather, the soundest basis, for lasting achievement through the technique is this keen personal attachment the Leader. That, by the way, is the method our Lord Himself used to draw His first followers. By His personal magnetism He won toHimself Andrew and John. Andrew, enthusi-astic in his new-found love, brought Simon Peter to Christ. John no doubt brought, his brother James. Then when Philip was called, his first apostolic conquest was Nathaniel. Soon the group, the first cell, was formed. Christ won their hearts utterly to Himself. Only then were they ready for their apostolic mission. This personal devotion to Christ is all the more neces-sary because of the apostolic methods, used in celt work. The re-Christifying of the immediate milieu is to be car-ried on not only through the general methods of propa-ganda and influence, but especially by .the apostolate of personal contact, of man-to-man conquest of consciences and souls through service, winning influence, individual attention and indoctrination. 166 THE. CELl. \ The present-day, possibilities and functionings of tNs System were symbolized vividly during one of-the Cath-olic Action .Congresses in Europe before the war. At a n[gh~ service ina giant stadium. some 80,000 were assembled. Suddenl~ all the lights went out, except candles burning on the altar. From one of these, signifi-cantly, the leader lighted his candle, carried the flame down to his neighbors, and transmitted it to them by personal contact. These two lighted in turn the two nearest to them. The light at first spread slowly along the fbont rows as candle after candle caught fire. But soon it gained momentum. It became a racing flame, sweeping through. the whole center of the stadium and up into the stands in geometrically progressive leaps and bounds until all were ignited. That is a true symbol of the movement. A flame, a fire passed on by :personal contact in the immediate milieu can spread and catch all, where methods of mass a~itaton .of large, unwieldy units, fired by an outside enthusiast, will at most perhaps light up a temporary, borrowed glow. Using this personal contact technique, a small group of Catholic Actionists won back to the Church and:the Sacraments 85 pergent of the student bod~ in a godless state University in France within three y~a~s:. Another group of ~lerks at the Paris Stock Exchange conquered for Christ 300 of the 500 clerks there. The remainder were brought into conformity with Christian business ethics. Result: the Exchange was reformed more effectively by this technique than Wall Street by the. SEC. It is noteworthy. too that the Jocists in Europe have, by this method, triple~ their membership to well over a million since the tragic summer of 1940, despite the handicaps of the occupation. S~ilar results are being obtained, in Canada. In our own country a few such.instances as these are on record. One 167 .~LBEKT ~. FOLEY Manchester youth won back to the Church twenty-four out of twenty-seven of his companions who had fallen away. A Notre Dame freshman, after a few months of training in the technique, ~vent back to his home town and inspired forty of his former high school friend~ with the idea. Together he and they spent their summer getting Catholic children to go to Catholic schools. They thus increased the enrollment of Catholic grammar and high schools more than twenty percent. It is therefore rather incorrectto maintain that none of our youth in school or out of it is capable of being inflamed with this conquering spirit. The plain fact is that many are already burning with a fiery desire to do something for Christ, and that many others can easily be so enkindled. Under the pressure, of the war, or perhaps despite it, .the more intelligent and wide-awake among them are authen-tically responding to the Church's spiritual program. Mass is being better .attended, more intelligently shared-in, more fruitfully lived. Retreats, holy hours, visits, and other spiritual activities send them back to religion classes eager to learn more of Christ. They willingly undertake myriads of zealous activities for Him, and for His Mysti-cal Body, a consciousness of which latter is not.wanting . tin them, now that their frequent Communions and their innate goodness and ~harity are bearing fruit. Hitherto, perhaps too often, these early indications of piety have been taken as signs of an incipient religious vocation, not of a summons to Catholic Action. Spirited youths have sometimes shied away from the religious .life when it and it alone was presented to them as the only logical conclusion of a keen,-active love for Christ. To avoid'tha~ special vocation for which they felt no attrac-tion, they have too often built up .resistance to the call of Christ, become impervious to the influence of the Sacra- 168 THE CELL TECHNIQUE mentsand of retreats, and allowed the flame of their love for Christ to be smothered in other pursuits. If they were given training and instruction in .the c~ll t~echniqu¢ of Catholic Action specialized to their student-or youth surroundings, this fire would be saved. They would then be prepared for a zealous lay Catholic life in their future environment, and for the religious life as Well, should theyfinally choose it. One difficulty-immediately presents itself. Will the grooming of youth for lay apostolic work seriously cut down the number of religious vocations? If 'the best youngsters become enthusiastically interested in and trained for the vast field of zealous achievements for Christ in their Own milieu, will they devote their lives to that field rather than enter the religious life? Will first-hand acquaintance with the dynamic, up-to-the~minute, effi-cient techniques of specialized Catholic Action so absorb all their interest as to leave no room for ambi~oning the apostolic work open to religious? It is hot easy to answer.these queries in advance. But it can be noted that in those countries where religious have generously devoted their efforts to training youth for specialized Catholic Action, religious vocations have increased. In Italy, just one year after the reorganization of Catholic Action, the feminine ~ection alon(~ furnished 2,500 vocations. In France, Belgium, and Holland, they were on the upsurge.These Catholic Action groups con- ' sidered it a sign of a successful federation if it produced ~eligious vocations among the leaders or among the ~ank and file. Where none were forthcoming, those in charge sensed that s~mething was.awry. Already in~ the United States, where specialized cells are in the experimental stage in Chicago, Toledo, Dayton, and New York, in Manchester and other cities in the New England States, at 169 .~LBERT S. FOLEY l~otre Dame, Marquette, John Carroll and Dayton Uni-versities and a. dozen other colleges, as well as in scattered groups t~roughout the rest of the country, many religious vocations have_ resulted. Moreover these new recruits will be all the more excellent religious for having served their apprenticeship in the cell movement. This becomes evident from an examination of the inner structure and the other elements of this cell tech-nique. Given a group of six or eight intelligent, sincere leaders-to-be (not politicians, publicity seekers, pious racketeers, or "pushy" religious climbers), the technique first prescribes that they be formed into a cell, a living unit of the.Mystical. Body, under the personal direction of a priest or a religious. The cell is organized under a leader, usually the oldest with ~he best personality, and through this leader and by means of private conferences with him, the director outlines plans and procedures for the cell meeting of about two hours every week without fail. It is in the cell meeting that the fire of personal zeal is fanned into flame, and the techniques of spreading that fire to others are studied, applied to their own lives and to the concrete problems of their surroundings. ~ The formula for the meeting comprises the follow-ing: 1) CorporateVocal Prayer before and after the meeting; 2) Corporate Mental Prayer or Gospel Study; 3) The Checkup; 4) The Social Inquiry; 5) Liturgy .Appreciation. A brief word on each of these) 2More detailed analysis is impossible in so short a compass as an article. Consult for further information, the following works: Fitzsimons and McGuire, Restorin9 All Tt~ings, A Guide to Catl~olic Action, (Sheed ~ Ward, 1938) 198-236; McGuire.-Paul, Handbook of Group AOencla, (K. of C., New Haven, 1940): Geissler. E. Trainin9 of Lay Leaders, (Univ.~ of Notre Dame. 1941): William Boyd, "Militants of Christ" Orate Fratres, xvi (Jufie 14. 1942) 338-347. In regard to the program of subjects for Inquiries. we may mention that this has been worked out in exact detail by youth groups in other countries---Canada, for instance, having a full seven-year cycle of subjects. These, of course, have to be adapted to the American scene by individual and collective work of the cells, but cellists can no doubt learn much from their experience, as is the case with those already experi-menting with it here. - '170 1) Corporate'Vocal Prayer. Led by one of the them= bets, who may or. may not be permanently chosen, the group recites what vocal prayers they choose for the start and the end of the meeting. It may seem strange at first that the priest or religious present should pray along with them instead of praying in place of them. But the reason is apparent. For united, organized action the group must not only work together, play together, study and plan together, but must also pray together. Active, dynamic praying can never be developed by passively hearing others pray. They must do it themselves, and thus develop that sense of togetherness in the Mystical Body, that union of all with Christ as His own. They or the director may suggest prayers, either of the ordinary devotional type, or, as their acquaintance with it increases, from the liturgy. 2) Corporate Mental Prager or Gospel Studg. One of the main means to fan the fire of love for Christ has been found to be the direct, prayerful study, of the inspired word for about fifteen minutes at the start of the me.eting. It is perhaps difficult for religious to realize the stirring impact of the Gospels on one who prays over them for the first time. True, most youngsters are half-way acquainted with the parables and the general outline of our Lord's ¯ life. But the absorbing and compelling magnetism of His life. is a new thing to them. By personal, prayerful reading and application to their lives of scenes' like the Annuncia-tion, the call of the Apostles, the full Sermon on the Mount, the discourses inSt. John, the sermons in the Acts, the~, are as a group drawn together to the Master, meet Him as never before, feel their hearts burning within them" anew. This should be linked up with and pointed toward the Social Inquiry, to furnish motivation,, inspiration, guid-ance, or principles for it. And no one, surely, is apt to be 171 ~LB~T S. FOLEY better prepared for doing this than the religious who has for years 'drunk deeply at this source of light and warmth. It is not long before the cell realizes, as Archbishop Good-. ier maintains, that "nothing can take the place of constant, repeated reading of the Gospels." '3) The Checkup. This is out of place here in a logi- .cal explanation of the technique, but it is definitely in place in the technique itself, especially after the first meeting. The checkup consists in this, that the ceil members examir~e their social consciences. They report on the fulfilment of the definite resolutions taken in their Gospel study. Each one tells of his work in carrying out the plans decided on in the Social Inquiry. Mutual stimulation, interchange of ideas and metl~ods, discussion of successful techniques of approach, conquest, influence,, and service spontaneously result. Nor should the psychological value of the checkup be overlooked. It plays as important a role in fostering the social apostolate as would a public examen of con-science in the endeavor to attain to .personal perfection in a rel~gi6us community. 4) The Social. Ir~quirtj. This is the most important and most essential section of the cell meeting, the heart' of the whole cell ,technique. Many religious are acquainted ~with it as the Jocist method of attacking social problems in any given milieu, always with the aim, of course, to rec,hristianize or conquer more completely for Christ the persons contacted. The three phases of the method are observation, judg-ment, and action. These constitute what amounts to a group meditation, conducted l~y the discussion method, with the .three phases roughly corresponding to the exer-cise of the memory, the understanding, and the will. To be sure, just as in formal meditation, it is more a question of stress than of air-tight division into these compartments. 172 THI~ CI~LL TECHR'IQUI~ BU~ while forming one unit,, one human act, the phases are distinct ~ind have definite purposes. In the Observation phase the leader and the cellists put their heads together.to analyse the elements of the problem at hand, .the available data they can recall. It is a fact- .finding, fact-gathering process.to set the stage fo~ discus-sion, thought, and comparison witl~ Christian ideals. These too they mus~ recall (or learn if they do not know them) either from their Gospel, study, or from religion classes, or from other instruction in Catholic social prin-ciples and moral-standards, ethical practice and even com-mon sense. All the facets of this one environmental prob-lem are thus examined until the cell" discovers what is wrong or less good when placed side by side with Chris-tian standards. To,aid this .process, the leader prepares in advance with the director's aid, a series, of stimulating questions that suggest avenues of approach and investigation,, or revive faint memories hidden away in the recesses of the mind. Once this is done, they are ready for the second phase. The Judgment to be passed, it must be remarked, is not a juridical one. It is certainly not to be a Pharisaic one. Nor is it to remain theoretical. It is rather a reso-lute, imperiofis decision reached by all simultaneously,, or better still,, a practical judgment by the group that some-thing is to be done and done by them as a group, in the, solution of this problem. By uniting the data of their. observation with the motivation furnished by their zeal and-with the urgent need for their action, they concretize this zeal and channel their ~efforts into this one present prob-lem. Their convictions thus became principles of action, and it is this action that they discuss in the third and cli-mactic phase of the method.- 173 ALBERT S. FOLEY Everything is pointed toward this Action phase. But it is the most difficult and critical Of all. Here the group discusses what sp.ecific, definite, immediate steps are to be taken by each member, what precise lin~s of conquest to be ~ followed before their next meriting. Concrete resolutions are takeh. These are recorded to be checked up on next week., The prime psychological value of this group medita-tion is plain. In religious organizations and in religion classes, in retreats, sermons, missions and lectures, we have tried every method of force-feeding known to pedagogical science. We wonder at the sluggish,spiritual appetites of the students, even the more capable ones. This method fosters their self-activity. It lets them eat. They rise up from this spiritual board and go out to expend their ener-gies in action and exercise, and come back athirst and hun-gering for more. They find that it is not what is given them but what they get by their own efforts that.really satisfies and stimulates. The Observe, Judge, Act system may not produce .doctorate theses, but it is their own, their very own, not some~ pre-fabricated or pre-digested menu impersonally served them by outsiders. 5) The Liturgy1. The final few minutes of the mi~et-ing are devoted to an" appreciation of the currentliturgy. As a stimulus to their grou15 praying nothing helps more than active participation in Massas a cell. For this,, an understanding of the Church's.seasons and of the weekYs feasts is an indispensable aid. This should be linked up too withthe carrying out of their practical resolutions for specialized Catholic Action. What, therefore, should a religious do who wishes to make use of this technique in training a group of leaders-to-be? The Pope's program in regard to general Catholic Action applies with particular, force to this specialized 174 THE CELL TECHNIQUE form: Prayer, Study, Experimentation. Without prayer, the prime requisite, the other, two are doomed from the start. In lieu of special courses, such .as those urged by Plus XI and Cardinal Pacelli in a letter written by the pres-ent Holy Father to superiors of religious orders (March 12, 1936), religious may study the movement by making acquaintance with the books and groups referred to in this article and by following the leads they will give if con.- sulted. Finally, experimentation with groups °even in existing organizations (as is being done in the Sodalities in many places) can be carried on with no more friction than that caused by the retreat movement. Both. retreat and cell movements are for the training of an elite, both are indis-pensable to th~ future ,work of these lymphocytes, these cells for the restoration and upbuilding of the Mystica! Body.' Divine Providence and Religious Institutes In an article entitled ."Introduction to Franciscan Spirituality," published in Franciscan Studies for December, 1942, Fr. Philibert Ramstetter, O.F.M., rightly insists that the Church must be the special object of God's loving Providence, and that in particular the Religious Orders and Congregations com~ under this Provi-dence. "Nor should the multitude and diversity of Religious communities mak~ us pausg," adds Fr. Ramstetter. "The all-wise God has.a particular and exactly-defined task for every single one of them. Moreover, history makes it clear that each such Order and Congregation, at least partly because of its special work, has its own mor~ or less specialized way of sanctifying the men and women who come under its influence, In other words, by the Providence of God each,approved Order or Con-gregation becomes a distinct school of spiritualityby itself or finds it proper place within one already established, each school having its particularized ideal~ of the supernatural life given to the world by ~lesus Christ. "The variety of schools within God's Church does no~ imply that the essence or principles of Christian living ever chang~they are as constant as the mind of God. But it does mean that the Christian concept of religion is wide enough to embrace not only varying degrees of personal perfection but also different artirude~ towards the Christian life and, as a result, different ways of living it." 175 The Seal ot: Confession Edwin F. Healy, S.J. WHEN a Catholic goes to confession and tells the priest ~all the secret sins and defects of his life, he realizes that the knowledge of the faults which he is impart-ing to his confessor will remain jUStoaS hidden from others as though he had spoken to God alone. Many theologians used to assert that the knowledge of the sins confessed is possessed by the confessor only as God. As man, he knows nothing of them. Though many other theologians dis-agreed with this way of stating the case, all donceded that, since the confessor has received this knowledge as the repre-sentative of God, it is now beyond the scope of human rela-tions. The priest possesses it as incommunicable, knowl-edge which must be buried forever in the secret ~iaults of his memory. Since the earliest days of the Church all theologians have taught that the confessor must suffer anything, even the most horrible type of death, rather than violate his obli-gation of keeping secret all sacramental knowledge. The seal of confession binds in every imaginable set of circum.- ¯ ¯ ~stances. Even though a priest, by violating the seal, could prevent the outbreak of a prolonged, devastating, world-wide war, he would, nevertheless, still be bound to absolute secrecy. In other words, a confessor is never permitted to reveal knowledge guarded by the seal, no matter how great the good which such a revelation would effect. There are no exceptions to this 'rule. If even one exception were allowed, the faithful would not approach the Sacrament of Penance with the same freedom and confidence. Penitents in general, and especially hardened sinners, would entertain the fear that their sins might one day be revealed. By pre- 176 THE SI~,~L 01~ CONFESSION venting, such evil effects, .the excluding of any and every exception works to the common spiritual good of all Chris-ians arid greatly outweighs any accidental beneficial results which might follow in this or that particular case from the restelation of a sacramental confession. The seal of confession, then, is the obligation 9f abstaining fromall use of sacramental knowledge, if the use Of that knowledge would either betray the penitent or render him Suspect. Hence, the confessor is obliged to main-tain the strictest silence concerning all that he learns in the Sacrament of Penance, when the discussion of such matter would even remotely risk disclosing the .penitent .and his sin. The obligation of the seal requires even more than this. The priest must refrain from making use of anything learned in confession, if the use of such knowledge would in any .way whatsoever tend to the detriment of the Sacra-ment. The subject-matter of the seal consists, in general, of all sins, defects and everything else of a confidential nature manifested in a sacramental confessiofi.It includes all that the penitent rightly or wrongly confesses as s{n. All mor-tal sins,, then, even though they be notorious, and all venial sins, even the slightest, are matter of the-seal. But more than this. The subject-matter of the seal embraces all remarks and explanations made by the penitent with the intention of perfecting the ~self-accusation, whether or not the points mentioned are necessary or useful or wholly superfluous for the proper understanding of the case. If, then, the penitent reveals to the priest temptations which he has experienced or evil tendencies against which he must struggle, the confessor is obliged to keep this knowledge strictly to himself. The same is true with regard to the description of the circumstances in which the s~ns occurred. If; for example, a penitent mentions that the murder which 177 EI~W!N'F. HEALY he has committed took place at a certain gasoline station, or if he discloses the manner in which the murder was per-petrated, these bits of information also would be safe-guarded by the Seal. What is to be said of the physical or mental defects which, in one way or another, come to the attention of the confessor during the course of the confession? Natural deficiencies must be considered matter of the seal either if they are manifested in order to explain some sin or if they are secret defects. Even though these latter are not men-tioned by the penitent but are accidentally learned by the confessor, the priest must maintain sacramental secrecy in their regard. It is dear, then, that such traits as a tendency to avarice or anger or other secret moral, weaknesses are sub-ject- matter of the seal. Though th~ subject-matter of the seal is very extensive, there is, nevertheless, ' certain knowledge acquired in sacra-mental confession which does not fall under the seal. In this category belong Statements made clearly by way of digres-sion, which in no way per.tain tO the sins submitted to the Power of the Keys. An example of this is the remark:. ',Father, my new home is finished now. Will you bless it when you have time?" The knowledge thus imparted'is given extra-sacramentally. That one come~ to confession is of itself a public fact to which the confessor is a witness. Hence, it is not matter of theseal. The same is true regard-ing the !ength of time which a penitent remains in the con-fessional. If, however, a man approaches a priest in secret to go to confession, his coming to the Sacrament is not pub-licbut secret. Since knowledge of tl~is secret fact could easily give rise to suspicion of serious sin, it becomes matter of the seal. Also, if a man were to spend an unusually long time in the confessional, prudence would prompt the priest not to reveal this, for fear that it might lead others to sus- 178 THE S~L pect that this penitent had a large nUmberof sins to tell. Let~us suppose that a thief were to kneel at the feet 6f a priest and recount various sins, but with no in~entiofi of receiving the Sacrament ofPenance. He has placed himself in. these circumstances merely to have a .better opportunity for picking the pockets of this pious priest. In this case the confessor would in no wise be bound to sacramental secrecy, because the obligation 6f the seal arises only from a confes-sion which.is sincerely made with a view to receiving abso-lution. (Whe(her or' not the absolution is actual!y imparted makes no difference with regard to the obligation of the seal.) As long asthere is the intention, then, to . receive the Sacrament of. Penance, the obligation of the sea! ¯ is present in spite of the fact that ~he .penitent lacks~ the proper dispositions or the priest lacks faculties for hearing confessions. A sacramental confessi.on, therefore; and only a sacramental confession imposes the obligation of the seal. But, one may ask, what if a man were to go to a priest Who is vesting for Mass, and, in order to put an end to his wbrrying, explain certain severe tem. ptations which he has just experienced? Is this to be deemed sacramental confes-sion? It is sacrament~il on on:e condition:¯ namely, that the man desires the priest to give him absolution, in case he judges it necessary or advisable. If, on the other hand, a.per-son confesses his sins by letter to a priest who is in another town,the~re would be no sacramental secrecy involved. Why is this? The confession, in order to be sacramental, must be made to a priest who is actually present. What if one approached a priest and, with no intention at all of going to confession,, revealed some secret, prefacing his disclosure with the words: "Father, I am telling you this under the seal of. confession"? Would tiiis priest then be bound by the seal? No, he would not. But let us suppose thathe readily agreed to receive the communication under the 179 EDWIN F.' HEALY secrecy of confession. Even in this case he would not be held by the seal. The reason is dear. Since no sacramental confession is made, not even an incipient one, this secret can-not be protected by the seal of the Sacrament. x~rhat is required to constitute a transgression against the obligation of the seal? Obviously the seal is violated. when one reveals matter protected~ by sacramental secrecy and at the same time in some why designates the. penitentm supposing, of cours~e, that the latter has granted no explicit permission to disclose this knowledge. Such illicit revela-tion may b~ either direct or indirect. For direct violation there must be a clear manifestation both of matter of the seal and of the identity of the penitent concerned. If, for example, a priest were to make known the fact that John Jones committed a murder (and he is aware .of this.only from Jones' confession), he would undoubtedly.be guilty of a direct violation of the seal. But what if.that priest did not mention Jones by name, but simpler declared that the wealthiest man in this town (and Jones is known as such) ,committed a murder? This also would go directly counter to the seal. Or again, if that priest were to state that the first man who came to him to confession today confessed the crime of murder, and if his hearers knew., that Jones was ~.-that first pegitent, the seal would be violated directly. Not only revealing mortal sins but divulging even venial sins can constitute a direct violation of the seal. If, forexample, the confessor asserts that' James" Brown con-fessed a sin of lying or that he is guilty of serious sins or of m~nq venial sins, he is directly transgressing against the sacrdd 'obligation to secrecy. The sins need not be named specifically. . Up to this point we have treated only of the direct vio-lation of the seal. A violation is said to be indirect when causes the danger of manifesting the penitent and his sins or 180 THE SEAL OF (:ONFESSION at least of exciting suspicion in his regard. This danger may be created by what the confessor says or does or even by what he omits to do. A confessor would indirectly violate the seal, if he made known the penance which he imposed on a certain penitent, unless of course the penance were very light, for example, two Hail Marys. Provided that his way of acting could be observed by others, a confessor would sin against the obligation of the seal if, after confes-sion, he were to give the penitent a severe look or if he failed to treat him in as friendly a manner as he did before.- More.- over, a confessor violates the seal indirectly, if during the ' confession he argues with the penitent in a somewhat loud. voice, or if he repeats the sins confessed in a tone that risks revealing.the faults to others. In passing we may remark that eavesdroppers who try to hear what the penitent is saying in confession or those who kneel very close to the confessional in order to learn wha~ is going on sin against, the seal, even though they reveal to others nothing of what they manage to overhear. One thus listening to a-penitent's confession is causing the revelation of the penitent and of his sins to one who has no right to this knowledge, that is, to himself. This is a direct viola-tion of the seal. However, if one happens to be standing some distance from the confessional, he is not obliged to move away or to stop his ears, though he may accidentally overhear one who is confessing too loudly. (Nevertheless, whatever is thus overheard mustbe guarded under the seal. ) Let us now consider the seal in its wider interpretation. The seal, taken in this meaning, is violated indirectly when, on the one hand, there is no danger of either disclosing or exciting suspicion about the penitent and his sin, but, on the other hand, harm or displeasure to the penitent arises from the use of sacramental knowledge. In instituting the Sacra- 1'81 EDWIN F, HEALY ¯ ment of Penance~. Christ imposed the obligation of the seal on all. those who share in confessional kr~owledge. ¯ He did :.this in order to preclude the aversion towards the Sacrament which the lack of such security would occasibn in the hearts of the faithful. Christ desired that no Use be made ofcon-fessional knowledge which would cause injury to the Sacraz ment. In order to safeguard the observance of the seal in the strict sense, the Church forbids the confessor to employ sac- . ramental knowledge in a way that w.ould displease the peni-tent. Such :;n action of the priest, even though there were no danger of betraying tl~e penitent, would, nevertheless, violate the seal as it is understood in its .w, ider meaning. We mentioned above that the seal, in its broader inter-pretation, is violated ~hen "harm or displeasure to the peni-ten[ arises from the use of sacramental knowledge." What do we meanby, the words "harm or displeasure" ? We mean injury either in body, in soul, or in extern~l possessions. We mean whatever would redound to the dishonor or discredit of the penitent; whatever would inconvenience him or annoy, shame, or sadden him. We mean, in a word, what-ever would make the penitent even slightly regret his con-fession. Hence, the use of confessional knowledge which would cause any of these effects must be counted illicit.If such use were permissible, penitents would find the Sacra-ment of Penance less desirable and less easy to approach. ~:'hus they would be deterred, at least to some extent, from going to confession. They would not find in this Sacrament ~he freedom and the consolation which they may righ~tly ¯ expect. Would.not the use of sacramental knowledge which we brand as illicit become lawful if the penitent himself were unaware of the fact that he was being injured o~ legislated against because of what is known only through the Sacra-ment? Let us imagine, for example, that a particular peni- 182 tent isdeprived of some o~ce or that he is denied some privi-lege because through confession he is known tO be unworthy ~ of these. Is such use permissible, provided the penitent does not know and wili never learn that what he told'his confes-sor is thus being employed to his disadvantage? No, such use is never allowed. The penitent's ignorance of the fact that his confessor is thus using sacramental knowledge would in no way r~nder Such use licit. It is not necessary that the penitent hnow that knowledge ~btained in a sa~ra-mental confession is being employed to injure him. If a cer-tain use of sacramental knowledge would be displeasing to the penitent if it .were known, such use must be placed in the category of forbidden~actions. Let us suppose, for instance, tha~ a priest after confession, when alone with his penitent, shows, himself less congenial or notably more brusque towards the penitent. Though the penitent does notadvert to the fact that the confessor is acting thus because of what he heard in_confession, the priest sins agains~ the seal, taken in the wide sense. ~ The confessor must give no sigfi that he is conscious of what was mentioned in the Sacramentof Penance. He is: moreoyer, forbidden to speak to his penitent outside confes-sion of any ~in which the latter confessed. In this case, it is true, the reve~lation, of no secret would be involved, but such a way of acting would ordinaril~r be displeasing'to the faith-ful. Once the penitent has retired from the confessional, the sacramental judgment is at an end, and the priest in now' speaking to the penitent 'of what transpired during that judgment, is acting against the reverence and the liberty due the. Sacrament. One may readily see, then, that the sacra-mental seal binds more strictly than any other ty.pe of secret. Other secrets, unlike the sacramental seal, would not be vio-lated, if those who had the hidden knowledge in common were to discuss it a ~mong themselves. 183 At times, pe~nitents ~ppr0ach their confessor Outside con-fi~ ssion and ask him about the penance which he imposed on them, or about sbme bit Of advice which he gave, or about the gr~ivity of a certain sin which they confessed. Does the sealprevent the confessor .from answering these questions~? No, it does not, because by thd very fact that the penitent begins speaking of these matters he grants permission to the priest to talk about them with him. Ordinarily, however, his permission is limited to a discussion of the matter which the penitent has broached and may not be extended to all the sins confessed. Incidentally we may mention that it is possible for a penitent to sin by revealing, without a good reason, the advice, the penance, and so forth, given by the confessor, if such a revelation woul~l redound to the priest's discredit. Those who hear the penitent's comments do not know the reasons Which prompted the confessor to impart such advice or to impose so severe a penance, and the priest is powerless to speak in his own defense. The penitent, more-over, should be on his guard against revealing anything 6f what transpires during the confession, if that would lower the Sacrament in the esteem of others. May the confesson without the penitent's leave, men-tion to him during the course of a confession sins confessed on previous occasions? Yes, this may be done, provided there is a sufficient reason for calling these past sins to .the attention of the penitent. The priest may deem it advisable to refer to some sin of the past, ih order to become better acquainted with the state of this penitent's ~oul and so be able to direct him more effectively. Far from objecting to this, the penitent should be happy that his confessor is so solicitous about his advancement in the. spiritual life. More-over, even.when a penitent leaves the confessional but returns immediately, the confessor may discuss with him 184 both the sins just confessed and the sins of previous confes-sions. Some priests give a few words of advice after having imparted the absolution. This is permissible, bedause, though the Sacrament is completed, the sacramental judg-ment, morally speaking; still continues. The penitent may, of course, give the confessor leave to speak outside confession about certain sins submitted to the Power of the Keys, and if this is done, the confessor may freely discuss those sins. It is important to note that this permission, in order to be valid, must be granted by the penitent n. ot only'expressly but also with entire freedom. If the permission were to be extorted by threats or fear or importunate pleadings, it would be worthless, and the con-fessor who acted upon it would violate the seal. The same ¯ is true with regard to permission that is merely presumed or interpretative. In this matter such a permission must be counted as no permission at all. When there is question of any use of confessional knowl-edge which would render the Sacrament more difficult or irksome, that knowledge must be kept just as secretly as though it did not exist. However, besides the case in which ¯ the penite.nt's permission has been freely and unmistakably granted, there is another perfectly licit use of sacramental knowledge. In general, that use is licit which would in no wise deter the faithful from frequenting the Sacrament, even though such use were publicly announced as lawful. When would this~ requirement be verified? This condition would be fulfilled, if a certain use of sacramental knowl-edge were to involve neither the direct nor indirect viola-tion of the seal nor the slightest ~trace of displeasure to peni-tents in general. We may summarize in the following" way the scope of use which is lawful. The use of confessional knowledge is permissible: (1) within the limits of matters which belong 185 EDWIN F. HEALY exclusively to one's own conscience; (2) outside these lim-its, in external a~tions, provided it is certain that there is no danger at all of .revealing the penitent and his sin or Of displeasing him or of making the Sacrament in general less approachable. A confessor, therefore, is allowed to pray for a particular penitent who is known from confession to be gravely tempted. A priest may meditate on his penitents and their faults, in order to be able to advise them more per-fectly. Moreover, a confessor, who has learned through confessions which he has heard thaf certain games have fre-quently ~aused spiritual or temporal ruin, may allow him-self tO be guided by this knowledge in 'avoiding these forms of amusement. A priest may show greater kindness and consideration for a penitent who he knows from confession is severely afflicted, pro.vided of course the confessor's way of acting would not engender suspicion in the minds of observers. Finally, it is well to remember that, if a priest knows about a certain person's recent sins be~:ore he hea~:s his Confession, that individual's act of confessing those sins to this priest ~does not place the confessor's previous-knowledge under the seal. The previous knowledge was and still remains extra-sacramental. The confessor, how-ever, mu~t exercise great prudence in the use of such infor-mati6n. This, then, is the common teaching of theologians regarding the obligation of the seal of confession. ~lust as our divine Lord, "by the pardon of His loving mercy, entirely wipes away and quite forgets the sins which through human weakness we have committed," so the minister of the Sacrament of Penance ieverently guards, e~ven to the shedding of his blood, everything that is mani-fested to him in the secrecy of the confessional. 186 The Discussion on Spiritual Direction The Editors ~oLMOST a year "ago (July, 1942) we published an '~'~ editorial entitle~l Spiritual Direction b~/ the Ordinary Confessor. Our purpose was to stimulate construc-tive discussion of the important topic of spiritual direction. To aid in the discussion, we subsequently published articles On The Need of Direction, Cooperation with Direct(on, Manifestation of Conscience, and The Prudent Use of Con-fession Privileges. During the course of the discussion we received many communications, most of which were pub-lished, at least in digest form. We were unable to publish some letters, and from those published we had to tempora-rily omit certain 13oints. It is now time to make a survey .of the entire discussion. This survey will include not merely the published ma.terial, but the unpublished sugges-tions as well. The reading of the survey will not .entirely supplant the reading of the original articles and communications. The articles developed certain points thoroughly, whereas we can merely touch on them here. The communications cofitained such a variety of suggestions that it seemed impos-sibleto weave them all into one readable article; conse-quently we had to select what appeared to be the most .important. The communications also revealed certain pro-nounced differences of opinion. As we did not wish our survey to be a mere catalogue of such differences, we felt that we had to "take sides," at least to the extent of trying to give a balanced judgment. 187 THE EDITORS ~. Those who have followed the discussion on spiritual direction have no doubt noticed that it gravitated almost dfitirelyto the guidhnce of Sisters. One Brother master of novices sent an excelldnt communication; all the other let-ters were fr6m Sisters or from priests who appeared to be thinking almost exclusively in terms of the direction of Sis-ters. I,n preparing the survey we had to decide on our point of View: should we speak exclusively of the direction of Sisters, or should we keep the matter sufficie~ntly general to include everyone? .We decided to give the survey with Sis-ters principallyin mind; but .we think that religious men who are interested in the matter will find that almost every-thing said here is equally applicable to them. Meaning of Spiritual. Direction In our introductory editorial, We were thinking of spir-itual direction in terms of the definition given by Father Zimmermann in his Aszetil~ (p. 230): "Instruction and encouragemer~t~of individuals (italics ours) on the way of perfection." This definition brings out one element~of spiritual direction that ascetical theologians usually stress: namely, it is individual. This individual, or personal, quality of spiritual direc- ~t-ion excludes such. things as the Commandments of God; the precepts, counsels, and example of- our Lord; the laws of the Church; the constitutions .and rules of a religious institute. All these things may be called spiritual direction in the sense that their give us the plan of a perfect life; but they are .not direction in the technical sense or even in the" ord'.mary popular sense. For the same reason, spiritual reading books and community conferences, even though they help much to clarify our ideas of perfection and stimu-late us to desire progress, cannot be called spiritual direC-tion. 188 SURVEY ON SPIRITUAL DIRECTION In their communi~ati0ns many zealous priests have spoken of certain types of "planned instruction" in the confessional. In so far as these instructions are general and the same for all they do not substantially differ from com-munity exhortations. They lack the individual element of spiritual direction. This does not mean that they do not serve a good purpose. Some priests can use them and accomplish much good by them. They do give the peni-tents some generally helpful thoughts; they do remind the penitents that the priest's time is theirs; and they are often the means of breaking down a barrier of reserve and pre-paring ~he way for personal direction. Moreover, such general adm~,nitions; given by a confessor of a religious community, are frequently very helpful in that they enable. theindividual religious to get a good start (for example, in keeping silence better), because all have been urged to do the same thing. All this is negative. It may be summed up by saying that spiritual direction is not general, but" particular, indi-vidual, personal. Its purpose is to help an individual to attain to the degree of perfection to which God is calling him. It supposes, therefore, a knowledge .of.~ the individu-al's own problems and aspirations, of his external cir-cumstances and l'iis tal.ents,~ and of the way the Holy Spirit operates in his soul. In what does direction actually consist? Father Zim-mermann sums it up in two words, "instruction and encouragement." In themselves, tl'iese words are.not ade-quate to express all the functions, of the spiritual director, but they do indicate the two principal ways in which, according to circumstances, he is to exert his influence on his spiritual charge: namely, on the intellect (by instruction), and on the wilt and the emotions (by encouragement). As for his influence on the'intellect, the director's work 189 THE EDITORS may vary from the very active function of telling the indi-vidual what to do and how to do it to the almost passive function of simply approving or disapproving the plans made by the individual. He gives pointed moral and asceti-cal advice, he answers questions, and he corrects erroneous notions. In regard to the will and the emotions, the direc-tor not only encourages, but he consoles in time of sorrow, strengthens in time of weakness, tra.nquillizes in time of dis-tress, and restrains in time of imprudent ardor. In all .these functions, the director must have regard for what he judges to be the designs of God on the soul of the individual com-mitted to his care. ¯ Need ot: Direction Rather pr'onoun'ced differences of opinion wereexpressed in our articles and communications con'cerning the need of direction for religious. In fact, there seems to have been a ¯ great deal of confusion in the discussion of this .topic. Per-haps we can avoid this confusion by referring the subject as definitely as possible to our actual conditions. ~In actual life, most of us are ordinary earnest religious,. not mystics. Hence, we consider here the need of direction for the avera~ge religious. Again, in actual 'life fe~w of us are privileged to have directors with the rare supernatural insight of a St. Francis de Sales. It- would be idle specula-tion for us to consider the need of direction, having in mind a director to whom access would be almost, impossible. Hence, we consider here direction that is normally obtain-able. With the question thus brought within the scope of our ordinary lives, we think it reasonable to uphold this propo-sition: some direction is a practical necessity for the aver: age religious to make safe and constant progress in perfec-tion. This general rule admits of exceptions. God can 190 SURVEY ON SPIRITUAL DIRECTION accomplish wonders in the soul without the aid of a direc, tor, but normally God uses.the human means of direction. Also, the general rule applies in different ways to various individuals; the degree and l~ind of help needed, as well as the frequency with which it is needed, will vary greatly. Perhaps the relativity of the need of direction can be seen more dearly by referring back to the functions of the director. " Young religious, particularly novices, are likely to need a great deal of intellectual help. They are unac-custome. d to self-study, to making appropriate resolutions; to choosing useful subjects for the particular examen; and they need guidance in these :matters, lest they waste much time and effort. Ascetical, principles are still merely the: oretical principles to them, and they often need help to see how they apply practically to their own lives. But the dependence on a director for intellectual help should certainly decrease with .the years. Religious who have finished their training and have taken their final vows should be able to plan for themselves; and .their need of the spiritual director, in so far as intellectual help is concerned, should be mainly .for friendly criticism. In other words, these religious plan their own lives, submit their plans to a director for approval or disapproval, and then occasionally make a report on the success or failure of the plan. Natu-ally, we make allowance here, even in the case of mature religious, for occasions when they face new problems or undergo special difficulties. They may need very detailed guidance on .such occasions; In regard to the need of the director's help for the will and the emotions, it is perhaps impossible to give a general rule. True, to a great extent progress in the religious life should develop emotional stability. Nevertheless, the prob-lem is largely an individual one, and quite unpredictable'. Age. does not fr~e us from such trials as discouragement, THE EDITORS loneliness, and. worr, y; indeed, age often accentuates Such trials. At various periods in our lives, most of us need sympathetic help or paternal correction lest we lose heart or' descend to low ideals. Where to Get Direction Granted the need of some direction, a question that pre-sents itself quite naturally is, "Where are we to get this direc-tion?" This question has already been answered, in so far as we can answer it, in previous issues of the REVIEW. What we have said can be capsuled into these three rules: (1) Get what you can from your superiors. (2) Among confes-sors, it isnormally preferable to get direction from the ordi-nary confessor, (3) If the ordinary confessor proves inade-quate, take advanta.ge of one or other privilege accorded by canon law. We suggest these three rules with deference to the special regulations or customs of particular institutes. Some insti-tutes provide a specially appointed spir.itual father; and the institute itself will indicate whether it is desirable that the spiritual father act as confessor or simply give extra-confessional direction. ¯ We have repeatedly mentioned the superior as a possible .source of spiritual direction, as did many of the published communications. -We think that this point calls for special emphasis, because it seems that one of the reactions to the Church's severe condemnation of obligatory manifestation of conscience has. been a swing to th~ opposite extreme, namely, that superiors are too rarely consulted even in mat-ters in which they are both qualified and willing to give advice. Either extreme is an eVil. The present ecclesiastical legislation safeguards what is of prime importance, the per-fect liberty of' the individual. Granted this liberty, much good can come to the superior, the subject, and to the family 192 SURVEY ON SPIRITUAL DIRECTION spirit of a community, from voluntary manifestation of conscience. A number of objections have been raised against insistent preference for the Ordinary confessor. Some¯ Sis-ters have pointed out that they have had almost as many ordina.ry confessors as they have lived years in religion; others have said that the ordinary is not interested, does not come on time, does not come regularly,, does not understand their life, and so forth. These are certainly practical diffi-cult. ies. They indicate cases in which a complaint might well 'be lodged with a competent authority, or in which. ifidividuals might profitably and justifiably avail them-selves of one or other of the confessional privileges given by canon law. But the dif[iculties do not detract from the wis-dom of the general rule. Many questions have be,en sent us concerning the advisability of direction by correspondence. ~Fhe general rule given by ascetical masters and, we think, confirmed by many distressing experiences, is that such direction should be either entirely discouraged or reduced to an absolute minimum. It is true that some priests have accomplished great things in this way, and that for some souls it is the only possible way of obtaining genuinely needed help. But it can hardly be approved as a normal practice. It tends t6 consume immense amounts of time, it seldom has the assur-ance of the strict privacy that intimate direction calls for, and of its very nature it is open to grave dangers of mis-understanding, both on the part of the director and on the part of~the directed. Only in rare instances is it a genuine apostolate. How to Get Direction The next logical question is: "How is one to get direc-tion?" This question has been asked often in the course Qf 193 THE EDITORS our discussion; and many bits of helpful advice have been scattered through the communications. The subject is too vast for complete development here. At best we can give only an outline, trying to incorporate the suggestions in some ready and readable form. It may be well to note that the outline will concern only confessidnal direction. ~ .We begin with three p.reliminary negatives. Don't maize "'direction" the principal purpose of gout confession. It is often said --- in fact, so often and by such reliable persons that there 'must be some truth in, it--that many religious do not know how to make a fruitful con-fession. Confession is a Sacrament. It produces its sacra-mental graces in,~ accordance witl~ the ~lisposition of the recipient. Essentially, this disposition is one of true con- .trit.ion; and perhaps the clearest sign of this cdntrition is a sincere purpose of amendment. All people, who confess ¯ frequently and have only small things to tell have p~actical difficulties on this score; there is always the danger that~ their confessions will be routine in the evil sense of this word: that is, they ~onfess with a very vague and indefinite purpose of amendment, with the:result that Penance plays a veiy slight part in .the efficacious bettering of their lives. Yet this is the principal purpose of frequent confession and it can be accomplished, even though the confessor "never gives advice. We have said that this is the first purpose of confession and in itself independent of the "spiritual direc'tion': aspect. We might add, however, that the two can be admirably combined. For instance, if the peniten~t were to tell the confessor: "Father, I want to make my confessions more fruitful, and I'd like your help in going-about it,'"this might be the beginning of the simplest yet sanest program Of spiritual direction possible for most religious. A second "don't" concerns prejudices: Don't be influ- 194 SURVEY ON SPIRITUAL DIRECTION enced b~i a prejudice against an~l '~onfessor. " TheSe preju-dices are manifold. For.instance ~ome religious think that the only one who can direct them is another religious; some think that all the good confessors belong to one religious o~der; some, on the contrary, believe that the most sy.mp~- thetic and h~lpful confessors are diocesan priests. We have l~eard/~11 opinions expressed, particularly those concerning confessors from religious orders. An honest judgment must label such opinions as prejudice. The actual facts are that good confessors can be found in fair proportions both among the religious and among the diocesan priests. Other prejudices concern individuals and arise from hearsay. This has been mentioned so frequently in the ~ommunications that it must be somewhat common, par, ticularly among Sisters. No ~onfessor should be judged by gossip; and as for the gossip itself, we feel that we could recommend many more profitable subjects of conversation. Even an unpleasant personal experience with a confes, sor should not be too readily interpreted in a derogatory fashion. One of the most difficult of all priestly works is the hearing of confessions.¯ The technique of doing it--if we may use such an expression--admits of constant improvement. The judgment concerning ask, the tone of voice see the penitent, he is whether the penitent confessor has to exercise exquisite such things as the precise question to to use, the advice to give. He cannot often unhble to judge from the voice is young or old; and at times he gets very little help from the penitent in the way of~clear and unequivocal statement. When troubles concerning other persons are mentioned, he knows that there is another side to the question, and he must give an answer that is fair to both sides. In view of such difficulties, it should not be surprising that a corifessor might occasionally make an unpleasant impression or even seem to misunderstand 195 THE EDITORS one's case. He is the minister of God; he is not God. A-final negative preparation for obtaining direction is this: .Don't expect too r~ucb froma confessor. In the com-munica. tions sent to the REVIEW, many priests expressed their opinion that the confessor should take the initiative and this in a very active way, such as, for example, asking definite questions: "Is there anything you wish to ask me?" "Can I help y.ou in any way?" and so forth. On the other hand, some priests have indicated that they do not approve of this method or at least they could not uie it. We feel justified in concluding that religious-would be unwise to expect such active initiative. Many may want it and feel that they could do better if the confessor would.make some such advance; but if they wait for. this they may never get spiritual direction. They have a right to expect the con= fessor to give help if they ask for it; also that the confessor will even give help spontaneously when something in the confession seems to call for it. These are the minimum essentials 'for all good confessqrs; but beyond these mini-mum essentials, there is a great diversity of practice. ~ ~ On the p6sitive side, the first, requisite for obtaining direction is to u~ant it. This implies a Sincere desire of progress and a willingness to do the hard work necessary for ~progress. One reason why" some confessors do not take the " initiative in this matter is that they know that many peni-ents would resent direction especially if it concerned the correction of certain inordinate attachments or humiliating faults. A second positive preparation for obtaining direction is to know what ~tou want. In other words, one should try to know oneself--one's ideals, talknts, temptations, faults, and so forth. Self-activity is necessary not merely for cooperation with direction but also as a preparation for it. In making the immediate preparation for confession, it 196 SURVEY ON SPIRITUAL DIRECTION helps much to say a prayer to the Holy Spirit, both foi one-self and for the confessor. This .is supernatural work or it is nothing. The whole purpose of it is to further the plans of God for individual souls; and, as we know, in God'~ ordinary prdvidence, He wants us to pray even for the things He is delighted to give us. The actual work of "breakifig the ice," especially with a new confessor or with one from whdm they have not pre-viously received spiritual guidance, is a serious problem for many religious. It really need not be a dread formality. Many helpful suggestions have been made in ohr various communications. One suggested ope.ning was: "Father, I should like to use my confessions as a means of making spiritual progress and of getting spiritual direction. Do you mind helping me?" Such an opening puts the priest "on the spot." If he doesn't wish to help, he must say so; and that means that he assumes the responsibility before God. He should not be hearing the confessions of religious. On the other hand, if he is willing to help, the initial difficulty of approach has been solved. Other suggested approaches were: "Father, will you please help me with my spiritual life? I have such and such ups and downs."--"I have trouble in the line of. "--"I j~ust fed the need of talking myself out."--"I know I need help, but I don't know Where to begin." The foregoing, or similar approaches, should be suffi- ¯ cient for any sympathetic priest. However, the mere fact that this initial contact has been made does not solve the entire problem. It may take some time for definite results to be produced; despite the willingness of both penitent and confessor. That is'one, reason why it is good, when pos-sible, for the penitent to have some definite plan to submit to the confessor. This plan need not be very ~omprehensive. Itmight begin with the simple attempt to make confession 197 THE EDITORS itself more fruitful; and from that it could grow out into the entire spiritual, life. Once a. begin.ning.has been made, the me~hod of carrying on the spiritual direction will have to be worked out by the confessor and penitent. In large communities the time element presents a real obstacle. How-ever, it is not insuperable. Very few penitents need direc-tion every week; a brief monthly consultation is generally sufficient. No one should resent it if the confessor were to suggest some method of spacing these monthly consulta-tions so that they would not all fall on the same day. Also, if both penit~ent and confessor understand that there is to be no beating about the bush, and if neither is offended by a certain directness of speech, much time can be saved. In his article on Cooperation with the Director, Father Coogan called attention to certain qualities that should characterize one who sincerely seeks direction. The first of these qualities, is humble candor. It is vain to ask for direc-tion if one does not wish t6 be honest, if one wishes .the director to know only One side of one's life. Along the same line, many correspondents have ~uggested that in con-fessing it is a good thing, even in regard to small faults, to give the confessor a more accurate picture of what has happened by indicating the circumstances and by confessing motives. Evidently such practices are not necessary for the corifession, but they are very helpful from the point of view of direction. It seems thai one obstacle to candor, particularly among Sisters, is an erroneous notion of charity and community loyalty. Many are under the .impression that the manifes-tation of certain difficulties regarding charity and obedience would be an unjustifiable reflection on the members of the community. This would be true if such things were recounted uselessly or if there were danger that the confessor would violate his obligation of secrecy. The danger on the 198 SURVEY (~N SPIRITUAL DIRECTION part of the confessor-is rarely preserit; hence, in ordinary circumstan, ces, the penitent may manifest everything that pertains to his own trials and faults. (Cf. Volume II, p. 141.) Father .Coogan also insisted strongly on docility. And rightly so; for it seems absurd to consult a spiritual director if one does not intend to follow his advice. However, ~this. spirit of docility does not necessarily involve blind obedi-ence, except in cases of severe trial, such as scruples, when one's own judgment is unbalanced. Normally, if one does not understand the meaning of the advice given, one should ask for further explanation rather tl~an try to follow.it irrationally. And if one ha's good reason to think that cer-tain advice would piove harmful or would not produce the desired results, one should mention this to the confessor. Such reasonable cooperation with direction is in perfect accord With humble docility. A. very practical aspect of confessional direction is the follow-up. Usually it is. better that the penitent take the ifiitiative in this. The confessor may be hesitant about referring to the past, lest he be talking to the wrong persbn. Some confessors have no di~culty in this respect, but others find it quite perplexing, even after they have heard the peni-tent's confession a number of times~ To avoid all risk,.the penitent should have a definite understanding .with the con-fessor. No one can give progressive direction without at least recognizing the case. Does it make for better cohfessional'direction if the con-fessor knows his penitents personally? Our communica-tions indicate that religibus are just like seculars in this mat-ter; some prefer to be recognized, others wish to remain unknown. In practice, this rule should .be observed: ant./ penitent who wishes the confessor to recognize him and to use his extra-confessional knowledge of him in giving direr- 199 THE EDITORS tion should make this quite clear and explicit to the cont:es: sot. Unless the penitent does this, the confessor is not likely to show any sign of recognition or take into account any of his personal extra-confessional knowledge of the penitent. , A final problem, especially practical among religioui in our country, concerns the changing of confessors. It often happens that one is just getting a good start or is going along quite nicely with one confessor,, when the religious himself is transferred or a new confessor is appointed. What is to be done? TWO extremes are to be avoided. One ~extreme is to think it necessary to give each new confessor a complete account of one's whole life history. This is surely going too far. Only in rare cases are these lengthy mani-festations really necessary for the confessor, and they are seldom helpful tc~ the penitent. On the other hand, it is not prudent to withhold all ¯ reference to the past from the confessor~ This is the other extreme. The new c6nfessor should be given a brief, but accurate, picture of thd penitent's main tendencies, and should be acquainted with the way in which, the former confessor was directing him. Without this minimum of information there is apt to be needless repetition and no real -progress. Concluding Remarks No doubt, much. remains, to be said about spiritual direction; but we think it best to close our discussion, at least fo'r .the present. Some readers may be under the impression that it is just like .many other discussions: much has been said, yet few definite conclusions have been drawn. Very likely such an impression is not v~thout foundation. Nevertheless, certainly some definite good has been accom~ plis~ed if interest has been stimulated and if some of the 200 SURVEY ON SPIRITUAL DIRECTION causes of misunderstanding and prejudice have been removed. Masters and mistresses of novices, can help to make this discussion fruitful if they see to it that their novices know hox¢ to get and cooperate with direction. Some may fihd the plan suggested by the Brbther master of novices (cf. I, p. 344) or some similar plan very useful. Superiors can ¯ help by seeing that the legitimate complaints of their sub-jects are lodged with the proper authorities and by .making it possible for their subjects to use the special privileges approved by the Church when this isnece.ssary. Some correspondents have told us that no real good can come from this discussion unless we can gdt the message to priests. This is a real difficulty, as we do not have a large number of priest subscribers. However, we know that the priest subscribers we have are interested in this project and that many of them have excellent opportunities to influence their fellow priests and seminarians. We feel sure that" they will help in preserving and propagating the useful points brought out in this discussion. PRAYERS FOR TIME OF WAR Father James Kleist, S.J. of St. Louis University, has composed a little booklet entitled The Great Prayer Noto--in time o[ War. The booklet contains a transla-tion of the Ordinary of the Mass, and translations of the proper parts of the Mass for the Twentieth Sunday after Pentecost, the Mass in Time of War, and the Mass. for Peace. To these, Father Kleist has added some special Collects relating to Divine Providence, and some ~.'ery appropriate comments and reflections. The translation of the Collects is that by Sister M. Gonzaga Haessly, O.S.U., in her Rhetoric in the Sunda~t Collects o~ the Roman Missal (Ursuline College, Cleveland, Ohio: 1938). All thd translations in the booklet are very readable and seem to us to be especially meaningful. The booklet is published by The Queen's Work, 3742 West Pine Blvd., St.Louis, Mo. Price: ten cents a copy. 201 Decisions I-Ioly . ee April .9, 1943: The Sacred Penitentiary issued a decree by which His Holiness, Pope Pius XII, grants a partial indulgence of 300 days, and a plenary indulgence to be gained once a month under the.usual conditions, for the recitation of the following prayer: :'Most Holy Trinity we adore Thee and through Mary offer Thee our petition. Grant to all unity in the faith and ,courage to profess it unwaveringly." April 9, 1943: The Sacred Congregation of Rites reintroduced the cause of ~anonization of Blessed Rose-Philippine Duchesne, of the Society of the Sacred Heart, who was beatified in 1940. This means that new favors considered true miracles have been obtained through her intercession since hei beatification, and have ~been submitted to.the Sacred Congregation of Rites. March 29, 1943: His Holiness, Pope Pius XII wrote a letter to tl~e ¯ president of the A'ssociation of Italian Youth to mark the seventieth anniversary of this Association. !n this letter His Holiness recom-mended reciprocal social concord between all rfiembers of the.associa-tion "to whateeer class or condition 6.f life they may belong; whether they ~e manual laborers or in intellectual employment, whether they be of humble families or of illustrious families and wealthy, let them love one another with Christian love as brothers." While recommending love of country, Pope Pius XII emphasized" the duty of Christians "to embrace the universal human family in the divine love of 2esus Christ, whhtever be their descent or race." tually," His Holiness stated, "love of fatherIand does not exclude or nullify the fraternal community of all peopleL nor does the mutual bond between ~11 men lessen.the love due to one's native land." December 19, 1942: The Sacred Penitentiary issued a decree in ~vhi~h'!t made. known that His Holiness,. Pope Pius XII, has granted a.plenary indulgence to persons in any city or in any other place in time of air raids, who, being contrite of heart, make a true act of love of .God, . and, being sorry for their sins, recite in any language "'2esu miserere mei" ("Jesus, have mercy on me"). The ordinary condi-tion of Confession and Communion is dispensed with; perfect con-trition is necessary and Sufficient. The indulgence may be gainedonly in time of an actual air rhid. 202 Book/ ev ews MORAL GUIDANCE. By the Reverend Edwin F. Healy, S.J.: .S.T.D., Mag. Agg. Pp. xli nL- 351. (Teacher's Manual supplied.) Loyola University Press, Chicago, 1942; $2.00. Father Healy's book c~ontains the essentials of what is ordinarily termed "the first section of Moral Theology." Two preliminary chapters explain the more important general principles of ethics and Christian morality. Subseque~at chapters treat of each of -The Ten Commandments; the Laws of Fast and Abstinence; Forbidden Books; the Duties of 3udges, Lawyers, .Doctors, Nurses, Business-men, and Public Officers. Each chapter contains topics for discussion, practical cases to be solved, and a bibliography. The Teacher's Man-ual offers the teacher plenty of material for the discussions (which generally go beyond' the text) and sound solutions to the cases. The experienced teacher could probably improve on the bibliography. Moral Guidance is primarily a.text for college students who have had general and special ethics. The author's purpose is to make the student more conscious of Christian standards of morality and to enable him to solve the practical moral problems 9f everyday life. In this reviewer's opinion, the book could be taught profitably even to those who.have not had ethics. It would also make a good study club text. Finally, and most important in so far as our readers are con-cerned, it would be a real blessing if a course like this, supplemented by an explanation of the moral obligations pertaining to the Sacraments," were made a standard part of the training of all non-clerical religious, ~ men and women. May God speed the day!~G. KELLY, S.,J. THE PATH OF HUMILITY. By the author of "Spiritual Progress, etc. Pp. 292. The Newman Book Shop, Westminster, Md., 1942. $2.00. This is an anonymous reprint of a widely appreciated treatise on humility by the great French spiritual director, Canon Beaudenom." who died in 19~ 6. Although the book takes the form of a series of meditations, grouped into five weeks, it lends itself, at least, in parts, to straight spiiitual reading, mainly on account of its crisp, li~,ely style. However," allowances must be made for some Gallic exuber-ance, particularly in the prayers. The author presents a rather thor-ough treatment of the virtue of humility, from both the natural and 203 BOOK REVIEWS supernatural points of view. He expresses sdund doctrine, displays a good deal of psychological insight, but could improve considerably in orderliness of presentation. He does not remain merely ifi the abst~ract, but shows how-humility was practised by our Lord, His Blessed Mother, and the saints. He also tells in a practical way how to make humility the basis of one's spiritua~l life and how to focus the ge:neral and particular examens of conscience upon it. All in a11, it is one of the best treatises on humility in English. The Newman Book Shop is doing priests and religious a real servic~ by reprinting this classic ~nd others out of print for some time. To have reedi~ed and modernized them would have been still more ~c.ceptable.--,A. KL^AS, S.3. ST"CHARLES BORROMEO. By the Most Reverend Ceser, Orsenlgo. Trenslated by 'the Reverend Rudolph Kraus, Ph.D., S.T.D. Pp. 340. ¯ B. Herder Book Co., St. Louis, 194:~. $4.00. The literature on St. Charles is extensive. The present work, however is not just "another biography." Seldom are a book's "credentials of such worth. Though presented to English readers (the translation is excellent) in 1943 for the first time, it has been valued as a classic in European countries for many years. Father Agostino Ge-melli, O.F.M.; in the pieface, tells us that "this biography . . . was first published~between 1908 and 1910, appearing at regular times in a.monthly review . . . Monsignor Achille Ratti was the director of this review for twer~ty-six months when he was~Prefect of the Am-brosian Library. One of his chief collaborators in the monthly in-stallments'of this biography was Father Cesare Orsenigo, then engaged in the care of souls in one of the ~most. distinguished city parishes. Monsignor Ratti became Pope Plus XI. Father Orsenigo became Apostolic Nuncio to Germany." That such collaboration on the part of Milanese ecclesiastics, scholars working just where Borromean documents abounded, and giving evidence in their subsequent lives of the profound manner in which they had been influenced and i.nspired by their familiarity with St. Charles--that such collaboration should result in a work of special value, we could confidently expect. That such h~s, in fact, been the result, the serious reader will admit. The book does not make easy reading. The author has ~acrificed whatever would serve only to capture the reader's attention: the -"human interest" tduches that¯ season the usual popular biography 204 BOOK' REVIEWS are not to ArchbishopOrsenigo's taste un'le~s they definitely h;ive more thah entertainment value. The life of the saint is presented, for'the most part, not in chronological order of events, but~as a regrouping of "the rich biographical material topically, into,cl~apters that are dis-tin'ct and complete p!ctures." Each chapter is a study rather than a narrative, and demands attentiv~ reading. Of course, St. Charles led a highly dramatic life, especially from the time of his elevation to the position of Cardinal Secretary of State at the age of twenty-two until his death as the saintly Archbishop of Milan twenty-four years later. But Orsenigo's concern is chiefly with wha~ that life meant for the Church and for the reformation of Christian life. The saint's example is set forth for all Christians, but especially for bishdps and priests-- and it is to this" group of readers that the book. is .specially recom-mended. Religious will find it full of inspiration, and many chapters of particular interest to religiods are admirably suited to community reading. A cover-to-dover reading of the book, however, is hardly advisable as a community project.--C. DEMUTH, S.,I. THE KING;S ADVOCATE. By Simone de Noaillat-Ponvert. Translated from the French by Mary Golden Donnelly. Pp. 260. The Bruce Pub-lishing Company, Milwaukee, 1942. $2.7S. The Feast of Christ the King takes on a new meaning when.one reads the life story of the remarkable Martha de Noaillat, who, as Cardinal Laurenti writes, "worked more than all others" to make t!~at feast a reality. Little was known outside France of her zealous. apostol!c Work until Simone de Noaillat, her sister-in-law, gave the world an intimate picture of this heroic and dauntless woman who overcame all obstacles to achieve her dream. Possessed of'keen intelligence, striking personality, and intense supernatural energy, Mine. de Noaillat early in life underwent, a severe trial in h~r repeated failure to sustain her health in the religious life. When iorced to return home, she found solace in a vigorous lay apostolate of charitieS, teaching, and lectures. During the persecution of the religious orders she assumed a leading r'ole in'a patriotic league of French women whose purpose was to arouse Cath-o! ics to defend their cause. But she discovered her true life work in the "Society of the Reign," which she made vibrate with life when she saw in it the possibility of promoting the establis~hmeni of a feast in honor of Christ the King. In company w~th her husband,'George 205 BOOK REVIEWS de Noaillat, Martha pleaded with bishops, cardinals, and popes until she persuaded them of the urgency of the cause she was championing. Once success had crowned her work, her joy was complete. She did not long survive the first dehbration of the Feast of Christ the King, which she attended in Rome. The biogr.apher has given many details~of Martha's life that reveal her thoroughly human side as well as her spiritual stature: her family concerns, her travels, her notes, her work during the War. There is a little stiffness.or formality in the account of Martha's life up to the time when her sister-in-law came to know her pdrsonally. Then, too, her sanctity is given such an "ivory tower" cast that one is scarcely prepared for her marriage when it comes. But once the biographer knows her as a member of her own family, the. narrative is excellent. The translator succeeds rather well for the most part in turning the original French into smooth, natural English. This book should prove especially interesting as reading in the refectory. --FRANKLIN MURRAY, S.J. JESUS AND I. Revlseci Leaflet Edition. By the Reverend Aloyslus J. Heeg, S.J. Pp. 216. The Queen's Work, SI'. Louis, 1942. I set-- $.50: 3--$1.00: 25--~-' $7.50: 100---$25.00; 1000--$200.00. The main feature of this new leaflet edition is the ificorporation of the First Communion Catechism prepared from The Revised Edi-tion- of The Baltimore Catechism. The entire text of the latter is given and is used in conjunction with Father Heeg's text, with questions and games throughout. Each lesson contains essential features of Father Heeg's well-recognized system: l) an outline picture to be colored and which is used as a focal point for teaching a particular lesson: 2) the game of "What is left out?" consisting of the very psychological method of questioning called "fill.ins"; and 3) a set of further questions which again review the child's knowledge of Father Heeg's text and the" Revised Baltimore, Use.of this booklet has "already giyen many teachers of children convincing evidence and confidence that the author is a master child-psychologist and a teacher of teachers. The text mhy be used as a correspondence course (its original pur-pose), for homework, workbooks, tests, or as a guide to the" proper method of teaching the essentials of the catechism, the meaning of the prayers and the life of Christ.---A. LEVET, S.J. 206 BOOK REVIEWS THE LARKS OF UMBRIA. By Alber~ Paul Sch|mberg. Pp. 237. The Bruce Publishing Company, Miwaukee, i942. $2.75. ~With a-storyteller'.s approach, the author sets forth a vivid nar-rative that is meant to catch the reader's attention by its freshness and dramatic effect. In this way, the tale of the little poor man ,is told again, and we see Francis of Assisi and his first companions brought' to life as. they live and a3reach the things of the Gospel, new and old. Like the larks of Umbria, Francis's much admired friends, the mir~ores sing of God and God's creation, a spectacle to men and angels in their flight to God. Thus, unlike pedantic and laborious studies which have cast .introspective gloom over the story of the earl~r Franciscans,. .this book is an ad hoc attempt to interpret in the spirit of the Fioretti, the. single-mindedness of a man who startled the contemporary world by the way he saw eye to eye with God. Many of the old legends are repealed, but there is no mistaking them for historical fact, and the author is to be highly commended for his clever animation of the dead bones of history by the infusion of .simple and lifelike tales that breathe the spirit of the Poverello. In keeping with an idyllic love story, the author has set himself to a much higher task than a repetition of well-known facts, and those who want to see the sunshine of God in their saints should find satis-faction in this artistic portrayal. Readers of this book will find the illustrations in a class of their own, and will be able to choose further reading on the subject from the appended English bibliography. --F. 3". MALECEK, S.,J. THE BETTER LIFE.The True Meaning of Terfiar;sm. By the Reverend Kil;an J. Hennrlch, O.F.M.Cap. Pp. x-~-326. Joseph F. Wagner, Inc., NewYork, 1942. $2.50. The whole inner splendor, the. excellence of Tertiarism must b~ derived from its purpose. All Third Orders Secular aim at one thing: to assist seculars, non-religious, in keeping inviolate their Baptismal promises. Tertiarism, therefore, appears as more excellent, as more appealing when seen, not in its historical or juridical aspects, but in its theology. Since Tertiarism was devised to insure the fruitfulness of B~p-tism, it is intimately connected with all the means of grace. Its the-ology, then, must be enunciated in the function of the Sacraments. Such, briefly, is the outlook taken by the author of The Better Life, 207 Book REVIEW~ His development takes the following fo~m: a section of the book is devoted to the task of showing how the Tertiary Rule is related to each Sacrament. Baptism, for example, is compared to the Third Order ritual for investment. Baptism initiates a soul into the Church: investment introduces one into an Order of penance. Promises to love God and shun the works of Satan are exacted in both rituals. Perti-nent quotations from the Tertiary Rule show h6w minute obliga-tions assumed, by Third Order member~ are really means of avoiding the effects of the capital sins. All the Sacraments are treated in this way. In addition to these sections, which constitute the body of book, there are two additional chapters and two appendices: "Making Tertiarism Known," "A Postscript to Religious," "Tertiarism in General," "Tertiarism and Catholic Action." The book will appeal most to Tertiary directors and those' already familiar with Third Orderqife. Too much previous knowl-edge of Tertiarism is presumed by the author to warrant the judgment that the general reader would find the book helpful. ~T. C. DONOHUE, S.J., FOR HEAVEN'S SAKE. By the Reverend Gerald T. Brennan. Pp. 126. The Bruce Publishing Company, Milwaukee, 1942. $1.75. Children from six to sixty love a story. Story telling is admit-tedly the most ancient of-arts and it was going on before the time of Homer. All great literature is but story telling. The Divine Teacher, 2esus Christ, in His infinite wisdom deemed it His most potent weapon in His teaching. His' stories remain unsurpassed masterpieces. In For Heaven's Sake, Father Brennan again wafts us to Angel City and spins tales of irresistible vividness and appeal; he tells true stories, outlandish stories, fairy stories, legendary stories, old stories, new stories and any other kind you can think of with an unerring instinct forthe right details.-He uses familiar names like Father Duffy, Knute Rock~ae, Aberdeen Angus, and unearths ear-catching ones, like Peewee the Frpg, Smir the Devil, and White Cloud, which of themselves will enthrall the youngster. But this book is more than stories. It contains 35.effective ser-monettes, "Little Talks for Little Folks." Each story is a point of departure for.Father Brennan's inimitable treatment df topics for mod-ern children; he solves their problems, and indicates their duties by 208 BOOK REVIEWS imiking them ~ee, l~ear, and feel the cl~ara~te~ of :his ~ stories. He stresses the Heaven of For Heaoen's Sake. A conveniefit index list~ the wide range of topics. 'This little book will be found practical and delightful by priests, Sisters, parents, children and anybody. ~A. LEVET, S.J. WE WISH TO SEE JESUS. By Paul L. Blakely,~ S.J. Pp. xi -1- 144. The America Press, New York, 1942. $2.00. "The hour will come when the last sands of our life are running out. Happy shall we be if we have spent those moments we call life with our eyes fixed., on God. In that hour we shall see Him." Since concluding his reflections on the last'Sunday after Pentecost ~with these wor
"Many women residing in the southern regions, whose livelihoods are heavily reliant on agricultural crops such as olives and tobacco, find themselves compelled to abandon their fields due to safety concerns." Despite the all-consuming economic crisis impacting daily life in Lebanon, entrepreneurs of all ages are still determined to occupy the business scene. For a tight-knit community of producers, the Souk El Tayeb farmers' market is an eco-minded haven. It aims to provide sustainable and local products to the Beirut community. Doing so is about more than just helping the planet—it is integral to preserving heritage, forging connection, and ensuring environmental security.Souk El Tayeb, founded in 2004 by social entrepreneur Kamal Mouzawak, started as a farmers' market with the aim to protect and promote culinary tradition, support local communities, and encourage empowered livelihoods. Since then, it has expanded to include restaurants, community kitchens, and guest houses. The farmers' market continues to be a key instrument in their mission, each Saturday welcoming 65-70 vendors to Mar Mikhael, Beirut.At Souk El Tayeb, vendors sell everything from honey to glassware; each product a soldier in the fight to keep Lebanese farming, culinary tradition, and craftsmanship alive and flourishing. In turn, Souk El Tayeb becomes a place where new culture can bloom. Innovating tradition"This is our heritage. This is our identity. This is part of who we are as a society," Ziad Abichaker, sustainability expert, environment engineer, and CEO and founder of Cedar Environmental, a waste management company, affirms. The farmers' market is "a way to fight the globalist approach to food production" and to create more "wholesome food."Yasmina Raffoul-Zahar runs a stall selling olive oil, herbs, vegetables, and more from her organic farm Bassatin Baanoub in a remote valley south of Beirut. Eleven years ago, she and her husband, Jean-Pierre Zahar, embarked on restoring its 2,000-year-old olive grove."It happened almost by accident," she says, describing her journey to becoming a farmer. When they were living in the Czech Republic, her husband, a collector of old papers, came across a text about a patriarch of Jerusalem's land. After tracking down the land to a parcel along the Awali River, they left their careers in advertising and architecture, respectively, to commit full-time to Bassatin Baanoub. They had "no business plan," but "fell in love," and began working the earth before even signing their rental documents. Raffoul-Zahar explains that the olive grove likely dates back to the Roman era but had been abandoned since the outbreak of the civil war. Left unchecked, wild vegetation moved in and ate up the grove and surrounding terraces. Restoring the grove meant that some of those newcomers had to be removed. "You're somehow harming biodiversity because you're interfering," Raffoul-Zahar said. However, she leaves some areas of the farm untouched to balance preserving biodiversity and Lebanese farming traditions. Lebanon is home to 1.11% of the world's plant species despite occupying less than 0.01% of the world's land area, according to the Convention on Biodiversity. Of its approximately 2,600 terrestrial plant species, 96 are floral species listed as rare or threatened. The Zahars recognize the importance of maintaining local flora. They have 180 species at Bassatin Baanoub and try to allow flowers to bloom where they sprout. It is mutually beneficial to them and the earth: scattered flowers facilitate pollinator health, and pollinators are essential to the success of their crops. Raffoul-Zahar keeps bees who feast on the nectar from these flowers and sells the honey they make at Souk El Tayeb. It is platforms like Souk El Tayeb that make traditional agriculture possible for farmers like the Zahars. Without such a central, communal market many producers might not have been able to get started or continue their endeavors. Empowering female entrepreneurs MP Najat Saliba, a professor of chemistry and former director of the American University of Beirut's Nature Conservation Center, who was elected to parliament in May 2022 as part of the anti-Hezbollah Taqaddom Party, writes in an email that "the private sector bears the burden of the corrupt [political] system." In Saliba's eyes, women, such as Raffoul-Zahar, at the helm of businesses are critical. They play the "pivotal role" of "sustaining society in the absence of a state." "In the context of Lebanon's economic and societal recovery," she explains. "Women have historically played a crucial role. The repeated waves of male emigration, driven by challenges in securing a decent living since the civil war, have left women in the country to fend for themselves in raising and safeguarding their families…and fostering prosperity." From these experiences, she goes on, "there exists a wealth of knowledge." Souk El Tayeb is a place to showcase this knowledge. Not only is it a vehicle of economic mobility and entrepreneurship but also a space to recognize female entrepreneurs by casting them as keepers of tradition and culture in the public sphere. Challenges: Corruption, climate, and conflict While Souk El Tayeb offers producers like the Zahars a platform, they still operate under a challenging politico-economic environment. Since 2019, Lebanon's public sector has "entirely collapsed," leaving many entrepreneurs to fend for themselves. At Bassatin Baanoub, "the water from the government, from the state, doesn't come because they don't have fuel to turn on the generators to send [it]." The Zahars now have to rely on the river at the bottom of the valley for their supply, which they must pay for generators to pump up to their terraced crops.Additionally, the Zahars are subject to climate variability. Decreased yearly rainfall, which the Lebanese Ministry of the Environment predicts will only worsen, can lead to a bad crop. "We don't buy [others' olive oil] to sell under our brand," Raffoul-Zahar says. So "if we don't have a good olive harvest, we don't have olive oil to sell that year." This past summer, the Zahars did not plant any vegetables or do floristry because the cost of growing exceeded the expected revenue. "You have to choose between watering the trees…or watering a tomato whose season is much shorter." To cope, they are turning their attention to exporting outside Lebanon, taking Souk El Tayeb's mission of cultural preservation beyond its borders. Their products, such as oregano and za'atar mix, are now sold in Dubai, France, and the UK. Though getting all the paperwork sorted poses an obstacle for wider export, diversifying outside Lebanon is providing the Zahars with more stability, much needed given that economic conditions in Lebanon show little sign of abating soon.Unfortunately, factors beyond the economic mayhem caused by government mismanagement are threatening the livelihoods of business owners. Israel's clashes with Hezbollah, spillover from the war in Gaza, have led to dangerous conditions for residents of southern Lebanon. MP Saliba writes that "many women residing in the southern regions, whose livelihoods are heavily reliant on agricultural crops such as olives and tobacco, find themselves compelled to abandon their fields due to safety concerns. Even if they successfully harvest their crops, the challenge lies in selling their products in light of the bomb shelling and the high risk of visiting the south." As of early January, Raffoul-Zahar and her husband have not yet been forced to relocate. However, they have been stocking up on supplies and keep a car handy at all times. "We see planes and missiles" and "hear some of the bombings," Raffoul-Zahar says. "I must admit to having had a look at survivalist tips…"Adaptability & persistence Despite the many existing challenges Raffoul-Zahar faces, she is not giving up. Nor are other Souk El Tayeb producers facing similar challenges, whether that be conflict in the south, bad growing conditions, or economic freefall. "There's this feeling of supporting each other…There is something very strong from the customers…Since the crisis many have left [and] now the ones who are left have to calculate every cost," but "the ones who still have the means make it a point to come."A testament to the close community of Souk El Tayeb, Abichaker and Raffoul-Zahar know each other. Abichaker sings Raffoul-Zahar's praises, calling her a "true" practitioner of organic agriculture who makes "excellent olive oil." Both agree that seeing vendors every week helps them feel bonded. Neither wants to leave Lebanon and each continues to innovate. In some ways, the farmers' market has been strengthened by the crisis, which has slowed imports and increased reliance on domestic agricultural production, something the World Bank considers "critical to mitigate the short-term risk related to food security" and "boost the local economy."Abichaker no longer "believe[s] in the supermarket model" that sells consumers "shitty products," makes "all the money, and [leaves sellers] with peanuts." Souk El Tayeb is an alternative model, one that prioritizes fair pricing, quality food, and earth-friendly production.For him, the importance of Souk El Tayeb goes beyond its immediate form. "Souk is a good prototype," he says. Now they are "ready to duplicate it in any city. I am practically on the management committee [of the farmers' market], they listen to my advice. We need to take this model to other cities." While he does not see more Souk El Tayeb farmers' markets opening up until the crisis "retreats a bit," he has hope for the future. "There are no perpetual crises." Once Lebanon regains some financial stability, more communities across the country can participate in the cultural exchange, heritage preservation, economic opportunity, and sustainable development that Souk El Tayeb facilitates and supports. Souk El Tayeb is an important blueprint: one that highlights the determination, commitment, ingenuity, and passion of producers and their clientele. Selling at Souk El Tayeb is not just about earning a living—it is about preserving Lebanon as a way to honor the past and for the sake of the future. Every Saturday, it proves the power of community.The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not express the official position of the Wilson Center.
"Many women residing in the southern regions, whose livelihoods are heavily reliant on agricultural crops such as olives and tobacco, find themselves compelled to abandon their fields due to safety concerns." Despite the all-consuming economic crisis impacting daily life in Lebanon, entrepreneurs of all ages are still determined to occupy the business scene. For a tight-knit community of producers, the Souk El Tayeb farmers' market is an eco-minded haven. It aims to provide sustainable and local products to the Beirut community. Doing so is about more than just helping the planet—it is integral to preserving heritage, forging connection, and ensuring environmental security.Souk El Tayeb, founded in 2004 by social entrepreneur Kamal Mouzawak, started as a farmers' market with the aim to protect and promote culinary tradition, support local communities, and encourage empowered livelihoods. Since then, it has expanded to include restaurants, community kitchens, and guest houses. The farmers' market continues to be a key instrument in their mission, each Saturday welcoming 65-70 vendors to Mar Mikhael, Beirut.At Souk El Tayeb, vendors sell everything from honey to glassware; each product a soldier in the fight to keep Lebanese farming, culinary tradition, and craftsmanship alive and flourishing. In turn, Souk El Tayeb becomes a place where new culture can bloom. Innovating tradition"This is our heritage. This is our identity. This is part of who we are as a society," Ziad Abichaker, sustainability expert, environment engineer, and CEO and founder of Cedar Environmental, a waste management company, affirms. The farmers' market is "a way to fight the globalist approach to food production" and to create more "wholesome food."Yasmina Raffoul-Zahar runs a stall selling olive oil, herbs, vegetables, and more from her organic farm Bassatin Baanoub in a remote valley south of Beirut. Eleven years ago, she and her husband, Jean-Pierre Zahar, embarked on restoring its 2,000-year-old olive grove."It happened almost by accident," she says, describing her journey to becoming a farmer. When they were living in the Czech Republic, her husband, a collector of old papers, came across a text about a patriarch of Jerusalem's land. After tracking down the land to a parcel along the Awali River, they left their careers in advertising and architecture, respectively, to commit full-time to Bassatin Baanoub. They had "no business plan," but "fell in love," and began working the earth before even signing their rental documents. Raffoul-Zahar explains that the olive grove likely dates back to the Roman era but had been abandoned since the outbreak of the civil war. Left unchecked, wild vegetation moved in and ate up the grove and surrounding terraces. Restoring the grove meant that some of those newcomers had to be removed. "You're somehow harming biodiversity because you're interfering," Raffoul-Zahar said. However, she leaves some areas of the farm untouched to balance preserving biodiversity and Lebanese farming traditions. Lebanon is home to 1.11% of the world's plant species despite occupying less than 0.01% of the world's land area, according to the Convention on Biodiversity. Of its approximately 2,600 terrestrial plant species, 96 are floral species listed as rare or threatened. The Zahars recognize the importance of maintaining local flora. They have 180 species at Bassatin Baanoub and try to allow flowers to bloom where they sprout. It is mutually beneficial to them and the earth: scattered flowers facilitate pollinator health, and pollinators are essential to the success of their crops. Raffoul-Zahar keeps bees who feast on the nectar from these flowers and sells the honey they make at Souk El Tayeb. It is platforms like Souk El Tayeb that make traditional agriculture possible for farmers like the Zahars. Without such a central, communal market many producers might not have been able to get started or continue their endeavors. Empowering female entrepreneurs MP Najat Saliba, a professor of chemistry and former director of the American University of Beirut's Nature Conservation Center, who was elected to parliament in May 2022 as part of the anti-Hezbollah Taqaddom Party, writes in an email that "the private sector bears the burden of the corrupt [political] system." In Saliba's eyes, women, such as Raffoul-Zahar, at the helm of businesses are critical. They play the "pivotal role" of "sustaining society in the absence of a state." "In the context of Lebanon's economic and societal recovery," she explains. "Women have historically played a crucial role. The repeated waves of male emigration, driven by challenges in securing a decent living since the civil war, have left women in the country to fend for themselves in raising and safeguarding their families…and fostering prosperity." From these experiences, she goes on, "there exists a wealth of knowledge." Souk El Tayeb is a place to showcase this knowledge. Not only is it a vehicle of economic mobility and entrepreneurship but also a space to recognize female entrepreneurs by casting them as keepers of tradition and culture in the public sphere. Challenges: Corruption, climate, and conflict While Souk El Tayeb offers producers like the Zahars a platform, they still operate under a challenging politico-economic environment. Since 2019, Lebanon's public sector has "entirely collapsed," leaving many entrepreneurs to fend for themselves. At Bassatin Baanoub, "the water from the government, from the state, doesn't come because they don't have fuel to turn on the generators to send [it]." The Zahars now have to rely on the river at the bottom of the valley for their supply, which they must pay for generators to pump up to their terraced crops.Additionally, the Zahars are subject to climate variability. Decreased yearly rainfall, which the Lebanese Ministry of the Environment predicts will only worsen, can lead to a bad crop. "We don't buy [others' olive oil] to sell under our brand," Raffoul-Zahar says. So "if we don't have a good olive harvest, we don't have olive oil to sell that year." This past summer, the Zahars did not plant any vegetables or do floristry because the cost of growing exceeded the expected revenue. "You have to choose between watering the trees…or watering a tomato whose season is much shorter." To cope, they are turning their attention to exporting outside Lebanon, taking Souk El Tayeb's mission of cultural preservation beyond its borders. Their products, such as oregano and za'atar mix, are now sold in Dubai, France, and the UK. Though getting all the paperwork sorted poses an obstacle for wider export, diversifying outside Lebanon is providing the Zahars with more stability, much needed given that economic conditions in Lebanon show little sign of abating soon.Unfortunately, factors beyond the economic mayhem caused by government mismanagement are threatening the livelihoods of business owners. Israel's clashes with Hezbollah, spillover from the war in Gaza, have led to dangerous conditions for residents of southern Lebanon. MP Saliba writes that "many women residing in the southern regions, whose livelihoods are heavily reliant on agricultural crops such as olives and tobacco, find themselves compelled to abandon their fields due to safety concerns. Even if they successfully harvest their crops, the challenge lies in selling their products in light of the bomb shelling and the high risk of visiting the south." As of early January, Raffoul-Zahar and her husband have not yet been forced to relocate. However, they have been stocking up on supplies and keep a car handy at all times. "We see planes and missiles" and "hear some of the bombings," Raffoul-Zahar says. "I must admit to having had a look at survivalist tips…"Adaptability & persistence Despite the many existing challenges Raffoul-Zahar faces, she is not giving up. Nor are other Souk El Tayeb producers facing similar challenges, whether that be conflict in the south, bad growing conditions, or economic freefall. "There's this feeling of supporting each other…There is something very strong from the customers…Since the crisis many have left [and] now the ones who are left have to calculate every cost," but "the ones who still have the means make it a point to come."A testament to the close community of Souk El Tayeb, Abichaker and Raffoul-Zahar know each other. Abichaker sings Raffoul-Zahar's praises, calling her a "true" practitioner of organic agriculture who makes "excellent olive oil." Both agree that seeing vendors every week helps them feel bonded. Neither wants to leave Lebanon and each continues to innovate. In some ways, the farmers' market has been strengthened by the crisis, which has slowed imports and increased reliance on domestic agricultural production, something the World Bank considers "critical to mitigate the short-term risk related to food security" and "boost the local economy."Abichaker no longer "believe[s] in the supermarket model" that sells consumers "shitty products," makes "all the money, and [leaves sellers] with peanuts." Souk El Tayeb is an alternative model, one that prioritizes fair pricing, quality food, and earth-friendly production.For him, the importance of Souk El Tayeb goes beyond its immediate form. "Souk is a good prototype," he says. Now they are "ready to duplicate it in any city. I am practically on the management committee [of the farmers' market], they listen to my advice. We need to take this model to other cities." While he does not see more Souk El Tayeb farmers' markets opening up until the crisis "retreats a bit," he has hope for the future. "There are no perpetual crises." Once Lebanon regains some financial stability, more communities across the country can participate in the cultural exchange, heritage preservation, economic opportunity, and sustainable development that Souk El Tayeb facilitates and supports. Souk El Tayeb is an important blueprint: one that highlights the determination, commitment, ingenuity, and passion of producers and their clientele. Selling at Souk El Tayeb is not just about earning a living—it is about preserving Lebanon as a way to honor the past and for the sake of the future. Every Saturday, it proves the power of community.The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not express the official position of the Wilson Center.
