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This dissertation explores the overall research question of how transparency- and accountability-driven post-crisis financial regulations within the European Union (EU) have influenced risk control and compliance in banks. The dissertation consists of five substantive chapters: an introductory synthesis; a published law journal article; two published book chapters, one of which is an extensive literature review; and one working paper that has previously been presented at multiple international conferences and is currently under review with a European journal in the field of accounting. In answering the call of the main research question, the dissertation adopts an interdisciplinary analytical framework that combines perspectives from law and the social sciences in the context of empirical material from Scandinavia and the EU. The analysis within the four individual papers and the introductory synthesis chapter follow a qualitative research design. They provide several complementary theoretical and empirical contributions to current research, the most important of which are summarized as follows: Theoretically, an adapted framework that harnesses theories of regulation, institutional theory, principal–agent theory, and legal positivism is used to analyze and explain practice and regulatory developments in the Swedish and international banking sector over a pre- and post- 2008 financial crisis period. Additionally, the concepts of transparency and accountability are explored over a similar period in the context of the regulation-practice nexus of banking in Sweden and the EU. Empirically, this work contributes to current understandings and analysis of specific EU and Swedish regulatory instruments, as well as their impact at the firm and intra-firm level. Moreover, the identified conceptual framework of transparency and accountability is applied at the level of markets and regulations, as well as at the intra-firm level by tracing the influence of post-crisis EU regulation on the risk-control and compliance function within a large listed bank in Sweden that has a strong European presence. Collectively, this analysis offers relevant insights into the tensions between the aims and understandings encompassed within prudential regulation on one hand and organizational understandings and approaches towards risk control and compliance on the other hand. Identifying that there are few, if any, studies that address the interplay between regulatory developments and their impact on the internal processes, management, and control of banks, this dissertation offers an analysis of how transparency and accountability can surface and be operationalized within the regulation-practice nexus of banking. Specifically, it illustrates how regulatory impact can be traced further along the dimensions of transparency and accountability at the inter- and intra-firm levels, as well as at the level of financial markets and regulatory instruments in banking.

Reinhabitating means to stimulate a new attitude towards the use of dwellings and towards the necessity and nature of refurbishing, thinking about a new or different use or just about extending the life cycle of that commonly considered old. Reflecting on the use of our houses from this point of view, turns out to be especially suitable in the actual economical time of crisis, and notably in a country dealing with an oversized housing development. A newspaper's new allows us to enlighten this situation. In 2004, more houses were built in Spain than altogether in Germany, France and Italy. In other words, a country with a population of 44 million inhabitants built more houses than three countries whose population comes altogether to 204 million inhabitants, almost five times the amount of Spain inhabitants. Under these circumstances and considering the high amount of empty dwellings, secondary residences, as well as unoccupied industrial and services facilities in good conditions, a research about new housing seems to be, nevertheless, a perfectly deferrable matter. More than a century ago it was published "The Practicon. Complete treatise on cooking and reusing the leftovers". In that text Angel Muro, the author, defended a cuisine based on using the leftovers of meals and managing to cook with them delicious courses. We think that the house, its conception, its equipment and its form, remain buried by an avalanche of premises which always try to find an ideal house, as an impossible research. Perhaps studying the way of reinhabitating pre-existing houses, does not finally turn out to be just a naïve effort, but the most honest way to approach the actual housing situation while enabling an open-ended process of improvement. During 2009 and 2010 Habitar, a research group of the Catalan Polytechnic University, worked on this concept applied to the city of Madrid thanks to an I+D Research project granted by the Spanish Government, which concluded with the diffusion of the results by means of six exhibitions and nine small books. To take advantage of the leftovers of the Spanish opulence edge is the main aim of the present research, that pretend to assign a new use to preexistences. We do not refer to refurbishing or to interventions which pursue the renewal of a building, but to the proposal of modification of the use of the building itself. Reinhabitating does not mean restoring. Reinhabitating is reusing architecture, but just modifying the way of using it. It has not to do with plastic interventions, but with the how itself. In this article we will explain our experience with the popularization of these concepts which were applied to the house, to the street and to the city. ; Postprint (published version)

This is an original and important book, one that will pique the interest not only of an eager band of twentieth-century music historians, but also of scholars throughout the humanities. Piekut's is one of those hard-to-pin-down projects, cutting across the boundaries that separate music history, ethnomusicology, and broader humanistic study. As a history of the nearly-present, or still-living past - much of the book's material stems from interviews conducted between 2004 and 2009-"ethnography" is probably the best summary term. Call it what you will, the approach here is impressive in its scope, providing a social and political history as well as a musical one. Most commendable is the manner in which the author has wrestled with so many disparate sources (ranging from the anecdotal to the archival) to produce a concise and focused account, but one that also manages to retain some of the messiness of his subject. Four chapters tell stories of avant-garde music making, each loosely connected by time and place: a performance of John Cage's Atlas Eclipticalisby the New York Philharmonic; Henry Flynt's encounter with Karlheinz Stockhausen's Originale; the establishment of the Jazz Composers Guild; Charlotte Moorman's performance of Cage's 26' 1.1499" for a String Player. All are presented within the context of New York City in 1964. An epilogue shifts to Ann Arbor, where possible resonances between the performance styles of Robert Ashley and James Osterberg (Iggy Pop to you and me) are explored. Of the many themes, two stand out: conflict and failure. Members of the avant -garde repeatedly find themselves at loggerheads with various counter forces. Cage wars with the traditionalism of Leonard Bernstein and the Philharmonic; Flynt, regarding Stockhausen as a mouthpiece for capitalism and "old" Europe, pickets Judson Hall with his group, Action Against Cultural Imperialism (AACI); disagreeing about (among other things) racial politics, the Jazz Composers Guild soon disintegrates; Cage lambasts Moorman for "murdering" his piece. Such conflict has in the past often been seen as the stuff of avant-garde legend, assuring entry into the pantheon of renegade artists; but the situations described here are complicated by the fact that much of the antagonism arose between artists with similar creative aims. Piekut shows an avant-garde not only battling against conservative institutions and unadventurous publics, but one that is fractured and at odds with itself. To give just one example: having distinguished between the free jazz movement and the "European American scene downtown;' he writes that "The key task for a fresh appraisal of 1960s experimentalism is to register the ambivalence of the connections between these two avant-gardes, the ways in which these communities were both connected to, and separated from, each other in powerful ways"

An ecosystem approach to management requires a holistic view by integrating different system components, and is now beginning to be more strongly included into marine policy decisions. The EU Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD) addresses such an ecosystem approach, together with an economic assessment of the ecosystem. In the Baltic Sea, the overfishing of cod (Gadus morhua) has, along with eutrophication, been a major environmental concern. Overfishing has not only decreased the productivity of this stock, and thereby affected both commercial and recreational use, but has also altered the entire food-web dynamics. The aim of this pilot study was to collect economic fisheries-related data, forming the basic input for a bio-economic model to simulate management scenarios for fisheries. To this end, economic fisheries-related data from seven countries around the Baltic Sea were collected. The collected data show that the Baltic Sea fishing fleets employ more than 9400 persons. In 2007, the industry generated around 160 million Euros of value added. An overview of the current fisheries management was also undertaken, showing that the EU Common Fisheries Policy is the basic regulatory framework for nearly all countries. The distribution of fishing rights is however a national responsibility. Many countries are moving in the direction of more flexible quota management, where fishermen receive a certain share of the overall quota with the possibility to trade this share.Bio-economic model tools have been used to simulate different management scenarios and their potential economic and ecological impacts. This model was constructed using the collected economic data and analyses how fishing effort changes would affect profits from fisheries and the state of the ecosystem. Based on this model approach, four management scenarios were calculated optimizing economic, social and ecological conditions. The modelling results indicate that fisheries in the Central Baltic Sea are only profitable if the fishing effort is low, given current stocks size and fishing fleets structure. However, this result needs to be interpreted cautiously due to data-related problems. For example, some of the cost indicators were lacking for some countries due to different book-keeping rules, and when aggregated, the total landing data for the fleets did not correspond to the official ICES landings data in the Central Baltic Sea. This first pilot study shows that the ecological-economic modelling tool functioned reasonably well but that the uncertainties in the economic input data caused unrealistic management scenarios. To improve such a fisheriesrelated ecosystem assessment, either the type of economic data needs to be improved to run more realistic scenarios or another economic approach needs to be applied.

Continued U.S. support for the School of the Americas, an institution that has trained dictators and political assassins, is completely unjustifiable. David R. H. Smith: The peace process in Latin America has been under a substantial amount of scrutiny in the past ten years. Defunct congressmen and government officials have waved a complacent flag over the entire situation- most deeming the occasional flare-ups of violence as an expected byproduct of a seemingly undemocratic military regime. However, when one takes a deeper look at the heart of the conflict, and into the pasts of many of the leaders fueling the flames of atrocity, the signature of the American government rests on their bottom of many of their military diplomas. A large number of these now proclaimed anti-American leaders, these "butchers of men," began their careers in a military training school called "The School of the Americas." The school, located in a small town in Georgia, trains heads of the Latin American military to oust regimes who were unswervingly anti-American in both their trade practices and governmental practices. Sadly many of the same men highly trained to defeat legist governments came to power and commited the same acts they were sworn to protect citizens against. In the wake of such truths, truths which have been exposed and riddled across numerous newspapers, magazines, and published books, the American government has continued sustained support for the school. In the age of "the reign of terror" can the American government and military wash its hands clean of the atrocities committed by men it has trained. Hopefully after reading this essay you as the reader will have a better knowledge of just how deep the treachery of the American government runs in Latin America. We as Americans say that we are against terrorism but yet we house and train terrorists in our own nation? As a people we need to take action against the school of the Americas and see that its gates are never again opened to the training of murders. Some Biographical Information: I am a sophomore from Yorktown, Virgina and am a double SCOM/PUAD major. I am an RA in Dingledine Hall this year and am very involved in InterVarsity Christian Fellowship. This essay was written in Ernie Stromberg's writing class under the pretense of a normal writing assignment. In actuality I learned more researching this essay than I have since I've stepped away from the class. This was, by far, my favorite essay I have ever written here at JMU. If every class could have such spirited writing assignments we would all be better people because of it.

Parts I and II cover the history of Florida including its discovery by Ponce de Leon, the establishment of colonies by various European nations, its purchase by the United States, statehood, involvement in the Civil War, Reconstruction and brief descriptions of events through World War I. Part III describes the Internal Improvement Fund, Florida's school system and the civil government of Florida. ; The geography of the state -- Part. I. The explorations. I. How Ponce de Leon discovered Florida -- II. Panfilo de Narvaez -- III. Hernando de Soto -- IV. The Indians of Florida -- Planting the colonies. V. A French colony in Florida -- VI. How the French colony was destroyed -- VII. The revenge of Dominique de Gourgues -- VIII. More about St. Augustine -- IX. The founding of Pensacola -- Colonial Florida. X. English neighbors -- XI. Florida a British colony -- XII. Second Spanish occupation -- XIII. Florida's part in the War of 1812 -- XIV. Jackson in Florida -- Part II. Territorial days. I. How Florida became a territory of the United States -- II. Governor Duval -- III. The new capital -- IV. The Scotch pioneers of the Euchee region -- The Seminole War. V. Governor Duval and the Indians -- VI. Beginning of the Seminole War -- VII. Dade Massacre, Withlacoochee, the blockhouse -- VIII. The capture of Osceola and Coacoochee -- IX. End of the Seminole War -- X. Governor Call -- Statehood and the Civil War. XI. How Florida became a state, and how she withdrew from the Union -- XII. Events of the war at Pensacola -- XIII. Jacksonville, Olustee -- XIV. Marianna -- XV. Natural Bridge -- XVI. End of the war -- Reconstruction and recent progress. XVII. Florida again in the Union -- XVIII. Drew, Bloxham, Perry, Fleming, Mitchell -- XIX. Bloxham, Jennings, Broward, Gilchrist -- Chronological table of principal events in parts I and II -- Establishment of counties -- Bibliography -- References for topical research -- Part III. Brief history of Internal Improvement Fund and railway development -- The Florida school system -- Civil government of Florida. Constitution of Florida, rearranged and simplified -- Florida election system -- Privileges and duties of Florida citizens -- Governors of Florida -- Population of Florida by counties -- Index. ; By Caroline Mays Brevard ; with questions, supplementary chapters and an outline of Florida civil government by H. E. Bennett. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 213), references for topical research (p. 214-216) and index. ; Electronic reproduction. [Florida] : State University System of Florida, PALMM Project, 2003. (Florida heritage collection) Mode of access: World Wide Web. System requirements: Internet connectivity; Web browser software; Adobe Acrobat Reader to view and print PDF files. Electronically digitized by the University of Central Florida from a book held in the Main Library at the University of Central Florida, Orlando.

 I have been wondering whether I should write about Michel Maisonneuve's op-ed, which is entirely about ... me.  As I have long admitted to being a narcissist, I am, of course, flattered by the attention.  But as a professor, when I see bad reading comprehension, ad hominen attacks, and wild analogies, I have a hard time refraining from commenting.  To set this up, last fall, Michel Maisonneuve used his Vimy Gala award speech to rant about a variety of things that upset him--including a woke media and a government that apologizes too much. I wrote about it, which got much attention.  This seemed to lead to Maisonneuve, who complained about cancel culture, getting a regular column or its equivalent at the National Post, and the attention of the Conservative Party of Canada.  They then chose him to have a big platform at their convention. I suggested this was a bad idea in an op-ed as it would be putting the military into partisan fire (and I am not alone) not unlike how platforming Michael Flynn and John Allen in 2016 did so in the US, and it is that op-ed to which Maisonneuve is responding. With that out of the way, let's go through this piece and consider what kind of grade it should get.Before getting into the text, we should note that the picture that comes with the piece has MM with a chest full of medals.  This belies any assertion that he is not trying to parlay his military credentials into influence. Yes, he has the right to wear them, but to use this picture is not random, it is about wrapping himself in the CAF. I would give good marks to a student who so clearly identifies the target of his essay at the start, but then grade down for random references.  Why does he note that I am a dual citizen? That I am not Canadian enough to assess his abetting of the politicization of the CAF? Am I so foreign that my opinion should be devalued? A hint of xenophobia here."Saideman was a non-paying guest."  True (it suggests he read my blog post way back when and it tasks him).  But why mention it?  I was the guest of an embassy. And?  Maybe it is for him to identify with me since he didn't pay for his ticket that night either? I would be putting a red line though this if I were grading him (and if I were, say, an editor of an op-ed page)I "didn't possess the courage to speak" to him after the speech? To be honest, I didn't think of approaching him because I was too busy sharing my shock and confusion with a great group of super sharp women who found his speech to be most problematic.  But calling someone a coward is often a good strategy for evading responsibility.  Tis, of course, an ad hominen attack, not really something that buttresses his argument, so points off.  Again, I do have to ask: who is editing the stuff over at the National Post?  So, again, he loses some points on his grade.He says that I missed him speaking not just as a former member of the CAF but as a Canadian. Is this trying to defend himself against how "Americanized" his argument is?  I don't know, but I never denied he is a Canadian.  MM then writes about his wife who also spoke with him at the convention.  How does this fit into an argument about why he has the right to speak?  She has spoken out about MeToo going too far and has written a letter to Macleans basically telling those who faced harassment to trust in a military justice system that retired Supreme Court justices have found to be quite problematic. Other than that and that she was MM's subordinate, I really don't know much about her. Again, a red pen would strike this out for dubious relevance.The invocation of his wife then goes into a paragraph about decades of service to protect free speech. This is where his argument really missed the mark--I never said he didn't have a right to speak.  My piece was about responsibility--that the Conservatives should not provide MM with a platform because that would be politicizing the CAF.  Of course, the implication of my op-ed is that MM himself should responsibly refrain from being part of a partisan event.One of the problems with the contemporary right wing is that they conflate any suggestion of responsibility that comes along with freedoms as restraints or censorship.  Much of the free speech stuff today is not about the government restricting people from speaking but people wanting to speak without any consequences. They want to say offensive stuff and then not get called out for being offensive. Mrs. MM in her speech I linked to above expresses umbrage at people being called racist for being critical.  Well, that can happen if one says racist stuff or it can happen because people are using racist as an epithet.  When one speaks on a stage with multiple totem poles after an Indigenous dance group performed after a summer of discoveries of unmarked graves at residential schools and says that we shouldn't be apologizing for stuff, then one should expect to be considered insensitive on Indigenous issues and even a racist.  So, no, this essay here should not be about MM's freedom of speech, which was never in question, but should be about speaking responsibly. This by itself means that this essay could not get more than a B since it misses the target.MM insists that he is not politicizing the military as he is no longer in active service, that he has been out of uniform for ten years.  Technically true that he is no longer a member of the military. But since he worked at a military school for quite some time, he is probably well aware of the dynamic where the retired senior officers are seen as speaking for those still in uniform who cannot engage in partisan speech. Plus there is the whole picture he chose to give to the NP with a chest full of medals. That is no accident. And, no, for my picture for the G&M op-ed, I didn't choose to wear my graduation chapeau (I have no idea what they are called) nor did I choose to have a bunch of framed degrees behind me nor did I choose to have a pile of the books I have authored in my lap.  This is where MM wants to have it both ways: he wants to be seen as a representative of the silent and oppressed military but does not want to be criticized for dragging the CAF into partisan conflict. There is a distinction between criticizing the military and the government (which I do all the time) and doing so at a national convention of a political party using one's title.  To be clear, he says he and his wife were apolitical when they were in the military and are only now getting involved "by helping to develop policies and by electing representatives who will listen to Canadians ..."  The big question then is: what policies?  To roll back the efforts to change the military's culture?  That will come up again. The argument here is that the Conservatives are a pro-military party, and that the Liberals are anti-military. Which is an argument one can make unless one is trying to represent the military.  Then it is politicizing the military."My wife and I have never criticized the men and women in uniform." This is false as he mocks those in the military who "wear nail polish and man-buns," so I have to grade him down for being internally inconsistent.  Moreover, my focus is not on his criticism of the military, but on the Conservatives weaponizing his criticism."Has the current government politicized the military?" He then lists a bunch of stuff, some of which are decent criticisms, such as replacing Anita Anand as Minister of National Defence, dithering on buying the F-35, being slow to complete the defence review.  But none of these are politicizing the military--that is, making the military to be a partisan actor. Everything involving the military is, of course, political, as I noted in my original piece (and he calls boilerplate), but politicizing refers to involving the military in the domestic political competition of parties.MM then applies this politicizing stuff reference to the sexual misconduct and abuse of power crisis, referring to the mistreatment of senior leaders after they were found not guilty or not charged. There is an irony here as the former Minister of National Defence Harjit Sajjan argued before Parliament that he didn't follow up on accusations of sexual misconduct and abuse of power levied against former Chief of the Defence Staff Jonathan Vance because that would be politicizing the issue. The irony is not that one of my more noteworthy op-eds where I called for the Liberal defense minister to be fired, but that both Sajjan and MM have a crappy understanding of what is and what is not politicizing. Maybe something former military officers share? Of course, one key problem for MM's argument is that Vance pled guilty to obstruction of justice, and what justice was Vance obstructing? An investigation into his affair with a subordinate that he conducted over many years.MM might be referring to the case of Art McDonald, who lost his role as CDS because of credible accusations that he engaged in sexual assault as a commodore of a NATO exercise. McDonald claimed to be exonerated when the military investigators essentially said that all the witnesses were too drunk to testify. Again, we have multiple Supreme Court justices finding significant problems with the military justice system, so a lack of charges may not be evidence of senior officers being treated poorly. MM might have a better claim when it comes to Danny Fortin, who had the misfortune of having his case come to light after Vance and McDonald, as Fortin was tried in civilian court and acquitted.  This view about the sexual misconduct and abuse of power crisis does suggest that MM's preferred policy options are to reverse the culture change effort, but more on that below.MM then discusses the recent announcement of budget cuts--something that I also oppose.  But it is not clear how this fits into his argument that he deserves to be heard at a national party convention. The really fun move is for MM to identify himself with Kennedy, Eisenhower, Churchill and Pearson as they were veterans who served higher office. I'd refer him to Michael Flynn and a bunch of other folks who brought shame to the uniform in their post-military public service. Again, my point was not that he could not run for office, but that standing on a national party convention stage to blast the government of the day would be politicizing the military.  So, his analogy is a bad one, as he is no Jack Kennedy. Nor is he Eisenhower, who proved to be an incredibly talented diplomat who had to manage the competing egos of Montgomery, Patton, and De Gaulle.  Churchill? Which part of Churchill's legacy is MM embracing?  MM then addresses my concern that if one politicizes the military, it would exacerbate the existing personnel crisis.  He then says: "by the statistics I have seen, allowing members to wear nail polish and
man-buns, or to choose their pronouns, has had zero effect on increasing
the numbers joining." He is referring to efforts to make the military more inclusive, and his disdain here is a combination of misogyn, racism, anti-Sikh-ism, and transphobia. And, as I mentioned above, he is mocking people who are currently in the CAF. Since these people are almost lower in rank than MM's former rank as LGen, this is also punching down. Of course, the academic violation here is that he does not cite his sources for these stats, so again, reduced marks. MM is right that more needs to be done to improve recruitment. I would point to fixing the larger culture of abuse of power and entitlement that drives out good people who see toxic leaders who prey upon their subordinates getting promoted to the highest levels.MM is right that the personnel crisis needs more money, but I don't think we need to bring the "Armed Forces back from the dead." This hyperbole undermines the argument here by denigrating the CAF as it exists now--things are not great, but they are not as dire as he suggests, in part because it has much better leadership than when MM was in uniform.His penultimate paragraph should start to sum up his argument, but instead we get a slight based on academics being nerds who just rely on books. It is kind of like the insults I see online about whether the academics like myself have served in the military.  This is part of an arrogance that has festered in many modern militaries--that they think the only expertise that one can develop is via experience.  While that is one form of expertise, one can also understand something through extensive, rigorous study.  Oh, and how have I studied civil-military relations?  By systematic comparison via talking with folks in and out of uniform, learning from their experiences. Again, this attempt at an insult does not really help his argument here.MM's conclusion is, of course, vague.  He says the public has to change their views about the CAF and national security.  To what? He says that the government should follow the public's lead. So far, the public has not voted out politicians for underspending on the military unless one counts Harper in 2015, and that would be a stretch.His last lines are that I need to recognize that veterans care about the CAF and they are not politicizing it by doing so.  Maybe some veterans, but not these veterans--not MM and his wife.  So, looking over this asssessment, I can't say that Maisonneuve would pass a class on civil-military relations--he loses a lot of points for unsupported claims, for ad hominen arguments, for tangents.  Most importantly, it is a strawman argument since I did not argue that he didn't have a
right to speak.  I argued that he should not be platformed.  That is a
distinction with a difference.  The essay does not reflect an adequate understanding of the situation in which he has placed himself--that Maisonneuve is putting himself out there to be Canada's Michael Flynn.* He didn't shout lock him up at the convention, to be fair. Finally, he also never articulates what policy he really wants to advocate besides more money for the military (again, something with which I agree).  I could guess that he wants to return the military to some vaunted past where the senior officers were not held accountable for preying upon their subordinates, but he does not make his argument clear. Even though I am a generous grader (must be my American background), I don't think I could give more than a C- for Maisonneuve's op-ed before factoring in the aforementioned misogyny, transphobia, racism, and anti-Sikhism.* I am not referring to Flynn serving as a foreign agent while National Security Advisor.  While MM and I see things differently, I would not accuse him of being disloyal to Canada.   

The purpose of the research is to study modern means of communication during protests, as well as to analyze their effects on the example of Belarus. The research methodology consists in the application of such general scientific methods as synthesis, analysis, generalization, comparison, which allowed to explore the features, problems, and possibilities of using traditional and modern means of communication during political protests. The scientific novelty of the work is that the article summarizes the knowledge about the specifics of the use of traditional and modern protest communication tools in modern conditions. The author carried out the analysis of communication tools efficiency on the example of Belarus. It is concluded that the latest online tools in modern protest communications play a key role because even traditional means, such as protests, are coordinated through messengers and social networks. At the same time, traditional means do not lose their relevance, as the protest effectiveness without their use would be low. Therefore, a successful combination of traditional and modern means, offline and online communications, provides the best results of the protest. Regarding the effectiveness and efficiency of communication means used by the protesters in Belarus, it is worth noting their effectiveness, although the main goal – a change of government – has not been achieved. This is explained by several circumstances, in particular, the epidemiological situation, the rapid reaction of O. Lukashenko's team, and the work of the entire state apparatus, law enforcement agencies to curb the protest wave. The self-proclaimed president also takes symmetrical measures against the opposition, organizes pro-government rallies, mobilizes his supporters, and relies on the power bloc. Consequently, it can be stated that the struggle between the authorities and the protesters will continue, and the final victory will depend on the ability to respond quickly to domestic and external events, to use available resources, in particular, to organize effective information and communication campaigns. ; Мета дослідження передбачає вивчення сучасних засобів комунікацій під час протестів, а також аналіз їх ефективності на прикладі Білорусі. Методологія дослідження полягає в застосуванні таких загальнонаукових методів як: синтез, аналіз, узагальнення, порівняння, які дали змогу дослідити особливості, проблеми й можливості використання традиційних та новітніх засобів комунікацій під час політичних протестів. Наукова новизна роботи полягає в тому, що в статті узагальнено знання про специфіку використання традиційних та новітніх протестних комунікаційних засобів у сучасних умовах, здійснено аналіз їх результативності на прикладі Білорусі. Зроблено висновки про те, що новітні онлайн інструменти в сучасних протестних комунікаціях відіграють ключову роль, адже навіть традиційні засоби, наприклад – протестні акції, координуються за допомогою месенджерів і соціальних мереж. Водночас, традиційні засоби не втрачають своєї актуальності, оскільки ефективність протесту без їх використання була б невисокою. Тому вдале поєднання традиційних та новітніх засобів, офлайн і онлайн комунікацій забезпечує найкращу результативність протесту. Щодо дієвості та ефективності засобів комунікації, які використовували протестуючі в Білорусі, варто відзначити їх ефективність, хоча й не було досягнуто основної мети – зміни влади. Це пояснюється низкою обставин, зокрема, епідеміологічною ситуацією, швидкою реакцією команди О. Лукашенка та роботи всього державного апарату, силових структур для приборкання хвилі протесту. Також самопроголошений президент застосовує симетричні заходи проти опозиції, організовує провладні акції, мобілізує своїх прихильників, робить ставку на силовий блок. Тому можна констатувати, що боротьба між владою і протестуючими ще триватиме, а кінцева перемога залежатиме від уміння швидко реагувати на внутрідержавні та зовнішні події, правильно використовувати наявні ресурси, зокрема організовувати ефективні інформаційно-комунікаційні кампанії.

The purpose of the research is to study modern means of communication during protests, as well as to analyze their effects on the example of Belarus. The research methodology consists in the application of such general scientific methods as synthesis, analysis, generalization, comparison, which allowed to explore the features, problems, and possibilities of using traditional and modern means of communication during political protests. The scientific novelty of the work is that the article summarizes the knowledge about the specifics of the use of traditional and modern protest communication tools in modern conditions. The author carried out the analysis of communication tools efficiency on the example of Belarus. It is concluded that the latest online tools in modern protest communications play a key role because even traditional means, such as protests, are coordinated through messengers and social networks. At the same time, traditional means do not lose their relevance, as the protest effectiveness without their use would be low. Therefore, a successful combination of traditional and modern means, offline and online communications, provides the best results of the protest. Regarding the effectiveness and efficiency of communication means used by the protesters in Belarus, it is worth noting their effectiveness, although the main goal – a change of government – has not been achieved. This is explained by several circumstances, in particular, the epidemiological situation, the rapid reaction of O. Lukashenko's team, and the work of the entire state apparatus, law enforcement agencies to curb the protest wave. The self-proclaimed president also takes symmetrical measures against the opposition, organizes pro-government rallies, mobilizes his supporters, and relies on the power bloc. Consequently, it can be stated that the struggle between the authorities and the protesters will continue, and the final victory will depend on the ability to respond quickly to domestic and external events, to use available resources, in particular, to organize effective information and communication campaigns. ; Мета дослідження передбачає вивчення сучасних засобів комунікацій під час протестів, а також аналіз їх ефективності на прикладі Білорусі. Методологія дослідження полягає в застосуванні таких загальнонаукових методів як: синтез, аналіз, узагальнення, порівняння, які дали змогу дослідити особливості, проблеми й можливості використання традиційних та новітніх засобів комунікацій під час політичних протестів. Наукова новизна роботи полягає в тому, що в статті узагальнено знання про специфіку використання традиційних та новітніх протестних комунікаційних засобів у сучасних умовах, здійснено аналіз їх результативності на прикладі Білорусі. Зроблено висновки про те, що новітні онлайн інструменти в сучасних протестних комунікаціях відіграють ключову роль, адже навіть традиційні засоби, наприклад – протестні акції, координуються за допомогою месенджерів і соціальних мереж. Водночас, традиційні засоби не втрачають своєї актуальності, оскільки ефективність протесту без їх використання була б невисокою. Тому вдале поєднання традиційних та новітніх засобів, офлайн і онлайн комунікацій забезпечує найкращу результативність протесту. Щодо дієвості та ефективності засобів комунікації, які використовували протестуючі в Білорусі, варто відзначити їх ефективність, хоча й не було досягнуто основної мети – зміни влади. Це пояснюється низкою обставин, зокрема, епідеміологічною ситуацією, швидкою реакцією команди О. Лукашенка та роботи всього державного апарату, силових структур для приборкання хвилі протесту. Також самопроголошений президент застосовує симетричні заходи проти опозиції, організовує провладні акції, мобілізує своїх прихильників, робить ставку на силовий блок. Тому можна констатувати, що боротьба між владою і протестуючими ще триватиме, а кінцева перемога залежатиме від уміння швидко реагувати на внутрідержавні та зовнішні події, правильно використовувати наявні ресурси, зокрема організовувати ефективні інформаційно-комунікаційні кампанії.

The purpose of the research is to study modern means of communication during protests, as well as to analyze their effects on the example of Belarus. The research methodology consists in the application of such general scientific methods as synthesis, analysis, generalization, comparison, which allowed to explore the features, problems, and possibilities of using traditional and modern means of communication during political protests. The scientific novelty of the work is that the article summarizes the knowledge about the specifics of the use of traditional and modern protest communication tools in modern conditions. The author carried out the analysis of communication tools efficiency on the example of Belarus. It is concluded that the latest online tools in modern protest communications play a key role because even traditional means, such as protests, are coordinated through messengers and social networks. At the same time, traditional means do not lose their relevance, as the protest effectiveness without their use would be low. Therefore, a successful combination of traditional and modern means, offline and online communications, provides the best results of the protest. Regarding the effectiveness and efficiency of communication means used by the protesters in Belarus, it is worth noting their effectiveness, although the main goal – a change of government – has not been achieved. This is explained by several circumstances, in particular, the epidemiological situation, the rapid reaction of O. Lukashenko's team, and the work of the entire state apparatus, law enforcement agencies to curb the protest wave. The self-proclaimed president also takes symmetrical measures against the opposition, organizes pro-government rallies, mobilizes his supporters, and relies on the power bloc. Consequently, it can be stated that the struggle between the authorities and the protesters will continue, and the final victory will depend on the ability to respond quickly to domestic and external events, to use available resources, in particular, to organize effective information and communication campaigns. ; Мета дослідження передбачає вивчення сучасних засобів комунікацій під час протестів, а також аналіз їх ефективності на прикладі Білорусі. Методологія дослідження полягає в застосуванні таких загальнонаукових методів як: синтез, аналіз, узагальнення, порівняння, які дали змогу дослідити особливості, проблеми й можливості використання традиційних та новітніх засобів комунікацій під час політичних протестів. Наукова новизна роботи полягає в тому, що в статті узагальнено знання про специфіку використання традиційних та новітніх протестних комунікаційних засобів у сучасних умовах, здійснено аналіз їх результативності на прикладі Білорусі. Зроблено висновки про те, що новітні онлайн інструменти в сучасних протестних комунікаціях відіграють ключову роль, адже навіть традиційні засоби, наприклад – протестні акції, координуються за допомогою месенджерів і соціальних мереж. Водночас, традиційні засоби не втрачають своєї актуальності, оскільки ефективність протесту без їх використання була б невисокою. Тому вдале поєднання традиційних та новітніх засобів, офлайн і онлайн комунікацій забезпечує найкращу результативність протесту. Щодо дієвості та ефективності засобів комунікації, які використовували протестуючі в Білорусі, варто відзначити їх ефективність, хоча й не було досягнуто основної мети – зміни влади. Це пояснюється низкою обставин, зокрема, епідеміологічною ситуацією, швидкою реакцією команди О. Лукашенка та роботи всього державного апарату, силових структур для приборкання хвилі протесту. Також самопроголошений президент застосовує симетричні заходи проти опозиції, організовує провладні акції, мобілізує своїх прихильників, робить ставку на силовий блок. Тому можна констатувати, що боротьба між владою і протестуючими ще триватиме, а кінцева перемога залежатиме від уміння швидко реагувати на внутрідержавні та зовнішні події, правильно використовувати наявні ресурси, зокрема організовувати ефективні інформаційно-комунікаційні кампанії.

The following investigation aims to analyze the origin of the relationship between rhetoric and Criminal Law; in fact, the rhetoric or also called "the art of persuasion" where writing is not necessary, was introduced by Socrates, an important Greek philosopher and teacher who lived in Athens in the 300 BC. It is intrinsic to Criminal Law since its normative material is not perfectly codified; in fact, rhetoric constitutes a sort of instrument by which a citizen can support his own opinion both in the political and judicial sphere before, in this case, a criminal trial presenting findings of the fact and an excellent narration in order to obtain the jury's consent. It is also of great interest to mention the importance of identifying the differences and equations between rhetoric and legal considerations; identify the main reasons why the Criminal Law requires rhetoric and then compare it with the Ecuadorian Criminal Law; examine the strategies used by "the art of persuasion" to prove the benefits and disadvantages it brings in Criminal Law; finally, to present some observations to reduce this problem finding a balance in the practice of rhetoric. KEYWORDS: rhetoric, logic, right, criminal process, rationality. JEL CODE: K14, L10 ; RESUMEN La siguiente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar el origen de la relación entre retórica y Derecho Penal; de hecho, la retórica o también llamada "el arte de la persuasión" donde la escritura no es necesaria, fue introducida por Sócrates, un importante filósofo y maestro griego que vivió en Atenas en el 300 a. C. Es intrínseco al Derecho Penal ya que su material normativo no está perfectamente codificado; De hecho, la retórica constituye una especie de instrumento mediante el cual un ciudadano puede sustentar su propia opinión tanto en el ámbito político como judicial antes, en este caso, de un juicio penal que presenta conclusiones del hecho y una excelente narración para obtener el consentimiento del jurado. . También es de gran interés mencionar la importancia de identificar las diferencias y ecuaciones entre la retórica y las consideraciones legales; identificar las principales razones por las que el Derecho Penal requiere retórica y luego compararlo con el Derecho Penal ecuatoriano; examinar las estrategias empleadas por "el arte de la persuasión" para demostrar los beneficios y desventajas que aporta al Derecho Penal; finalmente, presentar algunas observaciones para reducir este problema encontrando un equilibrio en la práctica de la retórica. ABSTRACT The following investigation aims to analyze the origin of the relationship between rhetoric and Criminal Law; in fact, the rhetoric or also called "the art of persuasion" where writing is not necessary, was introduced by Socrates, an important Greek philosopher and teacher who lived in Athens in the 300 BC. It is intrinsic to Criminal Law since its normative material is not perfectly codified; in fact, rhetoric constitutes a sort of instrument by which a citizen can support his own opinion both in the political and judicial sphere before, in this case, a criminal trial presenting findings of the fact and an excellent narration in order to obtain the jury's consent. It is also of great interest to mention the importance of identifying the differences and equations between rhetoric and legal considerations; identify the main reasons why the Criminal Law requires rhetoric and then compare it with the Ecuadorian Criminal Law; examine the strategies used by "the art of persuasion" to prove the benefits and disadvantages it brings in Criminal Law; finally, to present some observations to reduce this problem finding a balance in the practice of rhetoric. KEYWORDS: rhetoric, logic, right, criminal process, rationality. JEL CODE / CLASIFICACIÓN JEL: K14, L10

Artículo escrito por un elevado número de autores, solo se referencian el que aparece en primer lugar, el nombre del grupo de colaboración, si le hubiere, y los autores pertenecientes a la UAM ; A search is presented for exotic decays of a Higgs boson into undetectable particles and one or two isolated photons in pp collisions at a center-of-mass energy of 8 TeV. The data correspond to an integrated luminosity of up to 19.4 fb-1 collected with the CMS detector at the LHC. Higgs bosons produced in gluon-gluon fusion and in association with a Z boson are investigated, using models in which the Higgs boson decays into a gravitino and a neutralino or a pair of neutralinos, followed by the decay of the neutralino to a gravitino and a photon. The selected events are consistent with the background-only hypothesis, and limits are placed on the product of cross sections and branching fractions. Assuming a standard model Higgs boson production cross section, a 95% confidence level upper limit is set on the branching fraction of a 125 GeV Higgs boson decaying into undetectable particles and one or two isolated photons as a function of the neutralino mass. For this class of models and neutralino masses from 1 to 120 GeV an upper limit in the range of 7 to 13% is obtained. Further results are given as a function of the neutralino lifetime, and also for a range of Higgs boson masses ; We acknowledge the enduring support for the construction and operation of the LHC and the CMS detector provided by the following funding agencies: BMWFW and FWF (Austria); F.R.S. -FNRSand FWO (Belgium); CNPq, CAPES, FAPERJ, and FAPESP (Brazil); MES (Bulgaria); CERN; CAS, MOST, and NSFC (China); COLCIENCIAS(Colombia); MSES and CSF (Croatia);RPF (Cyprus); MoER, ERC IUT and ERDF (Estonia); Academy of Finland, MEC, and HIP (Finland); CEA and CNRS/IN2P3 (France); BMBF, DFG, and HGF (Germany); GSRT (Greece); OTKA and NIH (Hungary); DAE and DST (India); IPM (Iran); SFI (Ireland); INFN (Italy); MSIP and NRF (Republic of Korea); LAS (Lithuania); MOE and UM (Malaysia); CINVESTAV, CONACYT, SEP, and UASLP-FAI (Mexico); MBIE (New Zealand); PAEC (Pakistan); MSHE and NSC (Poland); FCT (Portu-gal); JINR (Dubna); MON, RosAtom, RAS and RFBR (Russia); MESTD (Serbia); SEIDI and CPAN (Spain); Swiss Funding Agencies (Switzerland); MST (Taipei); ThEPCenter, IPST, STAR and NSTDA (Thai-land); TUBITAK and TAEK (Turkey); NASU and SFFR (Ukraine); STFC (United Kingdom); DOE and NSF (USA). Individuals have received support from the Marie-Curie program and the European Research Council and EPLANET (European Union); the Leventis Foundation; the A.P.Sloan Foundation; the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation; the Belgian Federal Science Policy Office; the Fonds pour la Formation à la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium); the Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium); the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of the Czech Republic; the Council of Science and Industrial Research, India; the HOMING PLUS program of the Foundation for Polish Science, cofinanced from European Union, Regional Development Fund; the Compagnia di San Paolo (Torino); the Consorzio per la Fisica (Trieste); MIUR project 20108T4XTM (Italy); the Thalis and Aris-teia programs cofinanced by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF; the National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund; and Rachadapisek Sompot Fund for Postdoctoral Fellowship, Chulalongkorn University (Thailand)

Artículo escrito por un elevado número de autores, solo se referencian el que aparece en primer lugar, el nombre del grupo de colaboración, si le hubiere, y los autores pertenecientes a la UAM ; A search is performed for long-lived massive neutral particles decaying to quark-antiquark pairs. The experimental signature is a distinctive topology of a pair of jets, originating at a secondary vertex. Events were collected with the CMS detector at the CERN LHC in proton-proton collisions at a center-of-mass energy of 8 TeV. The data analyzed correspond to an integrated luminosity of 18.5 fb-1. No significant excess is observed above standard model expectations. Upper limits at 95% confidence level are set on the production cross section of a heavy neutral scalar particle, H, in the mass range of 200 to 1000 GeV, decaying promptly into a pair of long-lived neutral X particles in the mass range of 50 to 350 GeV, each in turn decaying into a quark-antiquark pair. For X with mean proper decay lengths of 0.4 to 200 cm, the upper limits are typically 0.5-200 fb. The results are also interpreted in the context of an R-parity-violating supersymmetric model with long-lived neutralinos decaying into a quark-antiquark pair and a muon. For pair production of squarks that promptly decay to neutralinos with mean proper decay lengths of 2-40 cm, the upper limits on the cross section are typically 0.5-3 fb. The above limits are the most stringent on these channels to date ; We acknowledge the enduring support for the construction and operation of the LHC and the CMS detector provided by the following funding agencies: BMWFW and FWF (Austria); FNRS and FWO (Belgium); CNPq, CAPES, FAPERJ, and FAPESP (Brazil); MES (Bulgaria); CERN; CAS, MoST, and NSFC (China); COLCIENCIAS (Colombia); MSES and CSF (Croatia); RPF (Cyprus); MoER, ERC IUT and ERDF (Estonia); Academy of Finland, MEC, and HIP (Finland); CEA and CNRS/ IN2P3 (France); BMBF, DFG, and HGF (Germany); GSRT (Greece); OTKA and NIH (Hungary); DAE and DST (India); IPM (Iran); SFI (Ireland); INFN (Italy); MSIP and NRF (Republic of Korea); LAS (Lithuania); MOE and UM (Malaysia); CINVESTAV, CONACYT, SEP, and UASLP-FAI (Mexico); MBIE (New Zealand); PAEC (Pakistan); MSHE and NSC (Poland); FCT (Portugal); JINR (Dubna); MON, RosAtom, RAS and RFBR (Russia); MESTD (Serbia); SEIDI and CPAN (Spain); Swiss Funding Agencies (Switzerland); MST (Taipei); ThEPCenter, IPST, STAR and NSTDA (Thailand); TUBITAK and TAEK (Turkey); NASU and SFFR (Ukraine); STFC (United Kingdom); DOE and NSF (USA). Individuals have received support from the MarieCurie program and the European Research Council and EPLANET (European Union); the Leventis Foundation; the A. P. Sloan Foundation; the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation; the Belgian Federal Science Policy Office; the Fonds pour la Formation à la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium); the Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium); the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of the Czech Republic; the Council of Science and Industrial Research, India; the HOMING PLUS program of Foundation for Polish Science, cofinanced from European Union, Regional Development Fund; the Compagnia di San Paolo (Torino); the Consorzio per la Fisica (Trieste); MIUR project 20108T4XTM (Italy); the Thalis and Aristeia programs cofinanced by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF; and the National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund

"I Have Come to Tell You Something about Slavery" (1841) -- "Temperance and Anti-Slavery" (1846) -- "American Slavery, American Religion, and the Free Church of Scotland" (1846) -- "What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?" (1852) -- "A Nation in the Midst of a Nation" (1853) -- "The Claims of the Negro Ethnologically Considered" (1854) -- "The American Constitution and the Slave" (1860) -- "The Mission of the War" (1864) -- "Sources of Danger to the Republic" (1867) -- "Let the Negro Alone" (1869) -- "We Welcome the Fifteenth Amendment" (1869) -- "Our Composite Nationality" (1869) -- "Which Greeley Are We Voting For?" (1872) -- "Recollections of the Anti-Slavery Conflict" (1873) -- "The Freedmen's Monument to Abraham Lincoln" (1876) -- "This Decision Has Humbled the Nation" (1883) -- " 'It Moves, ' or the Philosophy of Reform" (1883) -- "I Am a Radical Woman Suffrage Man" (1888) -- "Self-Made Men" (1893) -- "Lessons of the Hour" (1894) -- Caleb Bingham, from The Columbian Orator (1817) -- Henry Highland Garnet, from "An Address to the Slaves of the United States of America" (1843) -- Samuel Ringgold Ward, "Speech Denouncing Daniel Webster's Endorsement of the Fugitive Slave Law" (1850) -- Wendell Phillips, from "Toussaint L'Ouverture" (1863) -- Frederick Douglass, "Give Us the Facts," from My Bondage and My Freedom (1855) -- Frederick Douglass, "One Hundred Conventions" (1843), from Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (1881; 1892) -- Frederick Douglass, "Letter from the Editor" (1849), from the Rochester North Star -- Frederick Douglass, "A New Vocation before Me" (1870), from Life and Times -- Frederick Douglass, "People Want to Be Amused as Well as Instructed" (1871), Letter to James Redpath -- Frederick Douglass, "Great Is the Miracle of Human Speech" (1891), from the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star -- Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, from "Rhode Island Anti-Slavery Meeting" (1841) -- William J. Wilson, "A Leaf from My Scrap Book: Samuel R. Ward and Frederick Douglass" (1849) -- Thurlow G. Weed, from "A Colored Man's Eloquence" (1853) -- William Wells Brown, from The Rising Son (1874) -- Elizabeth Cady Stanton, "An 1895 Public Letter from Elizabeth Cady Stanton on the Occasion of Frederick Douglass's Death," from In Memoriam: Frederick Douglass, ed. Helen Douglass (1897) -- Thomas Wentworth Higginson, from American Orators and Oratory (1901) -- Gregory P. Lampe, from Frederick Douglass: Freedom's Voice, 1818-1845 -- Ivy G. Wilson, from Specters of Democracy: Blackness and the Aesthetics of Politics in the Antebellum U.S. -- Richard W. Leeman, from "Fighting for Freedom Again: African American Reform Rhetoric in the Late Nineteenth Century" -- David Howard-Pitney, from the Afro-American Jeremiad: Appeals for Justice in America -- Granville Ganter, from "'He Made Us Laugh Some': Frederick Doublass's Humor" -- Chronology of other important speeches and events in Frederick Douglass's life.

This work compiles experiences and lessons learned in meeting the unique needs of women and children regarding crime prevention and criminal justice, in particular the treatment and social reintegration of offenders and serves as a cross-disciplinary work for academic and policy-making analyses and follow-up in developing and developed countries. Furthermore, it argues for a more humane and effective approach to countering delinquency and crime among future generations. In a world where development positively depends on the rule of law and the related investment security, two global trends may chart the course of development: urbanization and education. Urbanization will globalize the concepts of "justice" and "fairness"; education will be dominated by the urban mindset and digital service economy, just as a culture of lawfulness will. This work looks at crime prevention education as an investment in the sustainable quality of life of succeeding generations, and at those who pursue such crime prevention as the providers of much-needed skills in the educational portfolio. Adopting a reformist approach, this work collects articles with findings and recommendations that may be relevant to domestic and international policymaking, including the United Nations Studies and their educational value for the welfare of coming generations. The books address the relevant United Nations ideas by combining them with academic approaches. Guided by the Editors' respective fields of expertise, and in full recognition of academic freedom and "organized scepticism", it includes contributions by lawyers, criminologists, sociologists and other eminent experts seeking to bridge the gap between academic and policy perspectives, as appropriate, against the international background, including the United Nations developments. The second volume opens with Part IV, which presents articles on different kinds of crime prevention. The effectiveness of punishment and, in particular, imprisonment is examined by contrasting it with alternative sanctions and the following questions are raised: Does harsh punishment have a crime preventive effect? What are the side effects of imprisonment on the offenders and their families? Are alternatives, such as restorative justice or mediation, more effective and cheaper? Part V outlines proactive strategies of crime prevention, e.g. for potential sex offenders or in the domain of internet crime. Part VI envisions a more peaceful and inclusive society, which would be realized by improving the protection of women and children in their everyday life, and easing the reintegration of those who have become offenders. The importance of the role played by the UN in formulating these goals is underlined. The volume concludes with an epilogue of the 70th President of the United Nations Economic and Social Council, Martin Sajdik, and a post scriptum of the editors