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In child psychiatric hospitalization units, healthcare professionals work with individuals with an intellectual disability (ID) and/or an autism spectrum disorder (ASD), who have challenging behaviors (CBs): self-injuries, aggression, uncontrollable psychomotor agitation, pica, restrictive and repetitive behavior, destructive or disruptive behavior. The injuries associated with the intensity of violent crises are problematic for patients, families and caregivers: their complications are numerous and the use of control measures (seclusion room, restraints) is frequent even though they should be limited. This doctoral research in ethics deals with alternatives to control measures in the management of CBs of patients with ID/ASD, when they are hospitalized in intensive and emergency care units. Its purpose is to identify each of these alternatives by looking at the use of security tools (e.g. helmet, gloves, sleeves, jacket, jumpsuit, splints, padded shield, mat, papoose board) and to examine the moral experiences of healthcare professionals directly exposed to the violence of these extreme situations. This prospective and ethnographic study is multicentric: France, Canada and the United States. It took place from 2017 to 2019 in three psychiatric inpatient units specialized in the assessment and treatment of CBs of individuals with ID/ASD. Data collection was based on participant observation, 37 interviews of healthcare professionals and the analysis of these three departments' procedures. The international scope of this study has made it possible for us to question the local norms through their different care cultures and health policies. Firstly, we have generated an exhaustive inventory of personal protective equipment (PPE) and discovered the existence of other innovative safety tools. PPEs enable a more open care environment that respects freedom of movement within these closed units. The use of PPEs reassure caregivers and can contribute to the restoration of a clinical approach that makes it possible to identify CBs' etiologies and to personalize support in order to set up more effective and more appropriate therapies. From an ethical point of view, the first step of this ethnographic study has highlighted the notion of « shared vulnerability ». Secondly, we have developed the participatory dimension of our study by using an interpretative framework based on Charles Taylor's hermeneutics. This methodological framework – participatory hermeneutic ethnography – has helped us to better understand the moral experiences of caregivers confronted with complex ID/ASD situations. This study has highlighted a neglected dimension of the care relationship: the caregivers' vulnerability. This vulnerability is characterized by the global impact of CBs and a moral distress associated with the restraint and exclusion of individuals with ID/ASD. A strong ambiguity between care and control measures, and a lack of inclusive approaches have been identified as the main barriers to alternatives to restraints. Conversely, the facilitators for alternatives to control measures are defined by professional integrity that simultaneously considers the protection of patients and caregivers, and a relational commitment that enables caregivers to adjust to the specific needs of individuals with ID/ASD to anticipate their crises. The completion of the study has highlighted a conflict of values that opposes two conceptions of autonomy: a rational autonomy, which is counterproductive to the reduction of control measures, and a relational autonomy based on a shared vulnerability. The recognition of a caregiver's vulnerability is a benchmark to create de-escalation approaches and promote an ethics of care. This thesis defends a caring attitude based on cautiousness, shifting between refusing indifference as well as domination. Thus, caregivers' self-concern can be understood as fostering mutual respect. ; Au sein des unités d'hospitalisation de pédopsychiatrie, des équipes de soins travaillent auprès de patients ayant une déficience intellectuelle (DI) et/ou un trouble du spectre autistique (TSA), qui présentent des troubles graves du comportement (TGC) : automutilation, hétéro-agressivité, agitation psychomotrice incoercible, pica, stéréotypies envahissantes, destruction d'objets. Les blessures associées à l'intensité des crises sont problématiques pour les patients, les familles et les soignants : leurs complications sont nombreuses et le recours à des mesures de contention est fréquent alors qu'il faudrait pouvoir les limiter. Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques de sécurisation alternative à la contention dans la prise en charge des TGC des personnes avec DI/TSA. L'objectif est de recenser chacune de ces pratiques en s'intéressant à l'usage des outils de sécurisation (ex. casque, gants, manchettes, veste, combinaison, attelles, bouclier rembourré, tapis, papoose board) et à l'expérience morale des soignants directement exposés à la violence de ces situations extrêmes. Une étude ethnographique a été conduite en France, au Canada, aux États-Unis entre 2017 et 2019, au sein de trois unités d'hospitalisation spécialisées dans l'évaluation et la prise en charge des TGC des personnes avec DI/TSA. La collecte des données a reposé sur une observation participante en immersion, 37 entretiens individuels menés auprès de professionnels et l'analyse des procédures propre à ces trois unités. La dimension internationale de l'étude nous a permis de questionner les normes locales à travers des cultures de service et des politiques de santé différentes dont les valeurs du soin sont à approfondir et à distinguer. Dans un premier temps, nos résultats portent sur le recensement exhaustif des équipements de protection individuelle (EPI) et la découverte d'autres outils de sécurisation novateurs. Les EPI modulent le degré de restriction et permettent une marge de mouvement qui favorise un cadre de soins plus ouvert et respectueux de la liberté d'aller et venir au sein de ces unités fermées. Leur recours rassure les soignants et contribue à la restauration d'un raisonnement clinique permettant d'identifier les étiologies des TGC et d'individualiser les prises en charge psychoéducative et médicale. Sur le plan éthique, ces résultats ethnographiques ont ouvert une discussion sur le concept de « vulnérabilité partagée ». Dans un second temps, nous avons développé la dimension participative de notre étude à partir d'un cadre interprétatif reposant sur l'herméneutique de Charles Taylor. Ce cadre méthodologique nous a permis d'approfondir l'expérience morale des soignants confrontés aux situations complexes en DI/TSA. Nos résultats mettent en lumière une dimension négligée de la relation de soin : la vulnérabilité du soignant. Cette vulnérabilité se caractérise par l'impact global des TGC et une détresse morale associée à la contention et à l'exclusion des personnes avec DI/TSA. La forte ambiguïté entre « soin » et « contention » et le manque d'approche inclusive ont été identifiés comme les principaux freins aux alternatives à la contention. À l'inverse, les leviers favorables aux alternatives à la contention, sont définis à travers d'une part, une intégrité professionnelle qui envisage simultanément la protection des patients et des soignants, et d'autre part, une implication relationnelle permettant aux soignants de s'ajuster aux besoins spécifiques des personnes avec DI/TSA. Ces résultats ouvrent une discussion sur la reconnaissance de la vulnérabilité des soignants alors considérée comme une vertu relationnelle pour penser la violence et créer des approches plus équilibrées, entre l'excès et le défaut de protection. Cette thèse défend une posture soignante fondée sur la prudence. À la recherche du refus de l'abandon et de la domination, elle ouvre une réflexion sur le souci de soi envisagé comme un respect mutuel.

This report provides benchmarks for gender equality in the Australian Defence Force (ADF) using comparable Australian and international data to early 2021. Previous reviews of women's participation in the ADF give context to this analysis. These include the wide-ranging Broderick Review (2012) which identified numerous barriers to women's progression. That review identified issues including the lack of a critical mass of women in the ADF, inflexible career structures, the concentration of women in particular occupations and at lower ranks, difficulties combining work and family, and a culture still marked at times by unacceptable behaviour including exclusion, sexual harassment and sexual abuse (Broderick 2012). In the years since – and despite the implementation of the Defence cultural reform program Pathway to Change – the data presented in this benchmarking report reveals that while some progress towards creating a gender-equitable workforce has been made, more work is needed. From an international perspective, the ADF compares favourably on attraction, recruitment and retention in relation to other Five Eyes nations, and with NATO and other western militaries, including the Nordic nations. Women are joining the ADF at higher rates than NATO countries, and Army and Air Force are set to achieve their 2023 participation targets of 15% and 25% respectively. The Navy is slightly behind in regard to meeting its targets. The available data indicates that there have been positive, but incremental, gains in Australia, as well as in other similar militaries. However, gendered job segregation, in terms of both roles and seniority of position are key issues to be resolved. Women dominate caring, support or logistical (administrative) roles, while men dominate the technical and combat roles. This has implications for women's career progression, particularly as promotion to higher ranks favours combat roles and deployment experience. Examining barriers to promotion for women in the ADF, the data shows that women are much less likely to be promoted to senior ranks and that this pattern is consistent across like militaries. For all Five Eyes nations, but especially in the UK Armed Forces, women remain less likely to be senior leaders than men. It is evident that there are systemic barriers to the career advancement of women. One barrier is caring responsibilities; the presence of a spouse to support a member being promoted to senior ranks is significant. The data shows that for women in higher ranks, having children is relatively rare, while for men in senior ranks, having a family is common. These circumstances highlight a range of socio-cultural issues that will need further exploration. Regarding retention, the ADF is comparably better at retaining women than like militaries, but the rate of retention is still too low to sustain a pipeline for promotion to senior ranks. All Five Eyes nations have difficulties retaining women, although Navy has lower separation rates than the other two services. Women are more likely to leave for family reasons than are men and may also be deferring having children. While data across militaries is not strictly comparable or available, Australia's attrition rates do appear to be lower than in other militaries. The availability and use of flexible work arrangements (FWAs) is an important factor in achieving gender equity. The uptake of FWAs is extremely low in the ADF and FWAs are predominantly used by women. Like other militaries, the ADF has introduced a range of flexible working arrangements in recognition of the changing nature of the Australian labour market and distribution of caring responsibilities in families. While these arrangements are intended to benefit both men and women, the available data reveals that women are far more likely than men to take up flexible service or working arrangements. Developing suitable and effective FWAs, which will be used equally by women and men, presents a significant challenge for the ADF. Rates of abuse, harassment and bullying have been identified as key barriers to the recruitment, retention and promotion of women in the military. Direct statistical comparisons are not possible due to variations in definition and measurement, however, the ADF's rates of such behaviour are broadly comparable to like militaries and follow the broader pattern of disproportionately high rates among women. According to military police data, "women were identified as the victims in more than 80 per cent of the sexual misconduct incidents reported to Defence" (WiADF, 2019-20, p.56). All comparable militaries have identified this as a key area of concern and have instigated a range of policies and programs to address the issue. In Australia, the Sexual Misconduct Prevention and Response Office (SeMPRO) was formed to provide support for people in Defence who had experienced sexual abuse, to advise supervisors and units about dealing with people who had experienced sexual assault, and to provide training on this issue. However, the Values, Behaviours and Resolutions Office still manages sex-based discrimination cases separately from SeMPRO. Despite the recommendations in the Broderick Review that these offices be combined, this has not occurred. Given ongoing discrimination and abuse, this is an area where substantially more work is required to eliminate all forms of unacceptable behaviour. Comparisons with similar Australian industries and the wider Australian workforce reveal representation of women in the ADF is far lower than in the broader Australian workforce. When compared with emergency services, such as police forces, the ADF is not performing as well on overall participation, however rates of women in leadership roles are broadly equivalent (though both are poor). In other Australian industries that have traditionally been highly gender segregated, the ADF is comparable to construction, mining and transport. The experience of STEM industries may be instructive for the ADF which has comparable problems with its own STEM workforce. Reforms have led to rising numbers of women studying STEM, but not to a corresponding improvement in participation, retention or promotion. In the ADF, women also remain under-represented on boards and in senior leadership and decision-making roles. Although the ADF has made some progress, there is more work required to achieve targets for female participation. While by some international comparisons the ADF is performing relatively well, a range of areas of inequity remain. These include occupational segregation, the integration of women into combat positions, low levels of women in leadership positions (including decision-making boards), a lack of opportunities and take up of flexible work arrangements for women and men, and retention of women, particularly after having children. Sexual harassment and sexual assault also continue to disproportionately affect women, which influences their overall experience in the service, and, subsequently, other factors including retention and promotion pipelines. Decisive action is possible in these areas, but a crucial consideration for any program of change is to avoid approaches which will trigger backlash among current service members. Past implementation of well-intentioned policies and strategies for change has been met with significant resistance, even where there has been support from leadership. It will therefore be necessary to present policies as fair and beneficial for service members to ensure buy-in from personnel at all levels. Well-developed communications and education strategies will be important. Finally, the effort to achieve gender integration and inclusion needs to be linked to clear and measurable goals, targets and timelines, and the availability of baseline data from which to measure changes must be ensured. Only when these are in place, will it be clear when success has been achieved.

Everyday ethics – can you simply be good? is a work arising from reflection on the condition of contemporary ethical debate, as well as on the practice of morality and the policy of morality, which we observe and experience in everyday life at the beginning of the 21st century. The presented research is based on the belief that the ethical dimension of the reality in which we live and which we create remains deeply intertwined with the everyday form and practice of our life. At the same time, this position does not have to, should not and does not mean giving up the ideals born in the bosom of various cultures and minds that co-shape this everyday life. In this sense, it is also a record of the search for a path between consumerist nihilism and fundamentalist universalism, two ideologies of the modern world that dominate it and lead it in opposite directions. The work defends the thesis that every morality is a projection of a form of life, including language that creates this form and practices that embody this life. In this context, the basic research goal is the construction of a narrative that allows to ground moral beliefs in their actual place of origin – i.e. everyday life – in a way that at the same time eliminates the typical complexes of subjectivity and locality. This perspective, in turn, allows for establishing a dialogue between the authentic values present in the life of an individual with the tyranny of ethical systems claiming profundity and universality. It is therefore also an attempt to escape from the symbolic violence of the dominant 369 Roland Zarzycki ideological discourses and to restore morality to its ordinary use in accordance with Wittgenstein's postulate to return to everyday life. Among the research questions that organize the whole reflection, the most important ones concern the strict practice of life, i.e. the relationship between the local form of life and the local morality. How do life forms dictate the rules of morality games? What connection is there between the present-day form of consumerist society and its globalized reality, and the morality games that function today? How does the mystical dimension of ethics emerge in the current of everyday practice, in the mechanism of social training? How does consciousness evolve that exceeds not only the value of individual life, but also itself in the selfdestructive act of questioning the criterion of the mechanism of natural selection, of creating a value higher than the survival of the species? Are arbitrariness, egoism and the subjectivity of beliefs appropriate analytical categories for considering morality? How do fantasy and ideology penetrate the sphere of moral reflection, and in particular, is it possible to have a coherent view of morality that is free from the notions of freedom, dignity and purposefulness? Is taking into account the suffering of the Other an indispensable part of all possible morality? If so, who would the Other be? The book is also devoted to the analysis of the feedback emerging in the course of this reflection and an attempt to understand today's forms of life from the perspective of moral problems plaguing the present day. The culmination of this journey is reflection on the condition of modern man. In the background of these investigations there is a sense of a deep dissonance between the abstract sphere of declared morality and everyday practices, between the intention or appearance of intention and its everyday translation, also between moral fantasy, moral ideology and moral reality. 370 Summary The structure of the work is based on three chapters, the first of which is devoted to the reconstruction of Ludwig Wittgenstein's philosophy of morality, the second to highlighting selected aspects of the sociology of morality, including in particular Pierre Bourdieu's concept of sociology, and the third to the synthesis of the preceding considerations, the designation of new tools of description and narration as well as the analysis of practical aspects of the functioning of moral belief systems in today's world. The first chapter contains a kind of philosophical preliminaries aimed at briefly delineating and explaining those aspects of Wittgenstein's thought that will play a key role in considering ethics. In particular, therefore, it introduces the categories of language games, vision as and forms of life, central to the whole work, which at the same time constitute a peculiar conceptualization of Wittgenstein's considerations on anthropology, sociology and the history of culture. The grammatical connection of consciousness with all possible ethics is signaled in the context of the discussion on the possible understanding of the arbitrariness of morality and ethical invariants. Explaining the consubstantiality of language and human views and moral beliefs allows us to show the complementary role of everyday life and awareness for the developed ethical concept. The second chapter describes the ethics of everyday life from a sociological perspective, formulating a wide range of approaches to it, both affirmative and critical. Thanks to the coupling of these many views, a perspective is developed that allows to problematize the issues under consideration in terms of the categories of purpose, dignity and freedom. The last of these categories also opens up a wide field of reflection on the role, determinism and freedom of the cognitive models themselves. Ultimately, the key stage of this part of the discussion is the application of Pierre Bourdieu's reflective sociology and his concept of 371 Roland Zarzycki social games to formulate the concept of moral capital and further research into the ethics of everyday life. In particular, it helps to explain how, in the socio-political context, morality functions as the title commodity, weapon and distinction. An important theme is also the approach to Jeffrey Goldfarb's policy of small matters as a discourse appropriate to the ethics of everyday life. The last part contains both a summary, conclusions from previous investigations, as well as autonomous considerations aimed at a more complete conceptualization of everyday ethics and determining the place of the concept of a form of life in the practice of contemporary social sciences. The practical and theoretical conditions of the possibilities of everyday ethics as well as the mechanisms by which its authentically and immanently social and everyday character are manifested are consecutively considered. These results are a stimulus for further research into the theory of relativity of morality. Then, selected aspects of the interference of ethics and politics are outlined, crucial for understanding the phenomenon of morality, including the influence of the veils of fantasy and ideology on the very political functioning of morality. In the area of reflection on the economy of morality, moral distance, loyalty distance and the calculation of recognition are indicated as three components that define the vector of moral action. The final part of the text attempts to identify the pivotal features of contemporary life forms, which shape not only the shape of contemporary morality, but also the world: the tyranny of individualism, interpassivity, and then the resulting atrophy of trust, which in turn drives the mechanisms specific to the commodification of morality and the development of forms of hypermorality.

In 1992, European natural habitats became items to be conserved in the same way as species were, thanks to the Habitats Directive. This enlarged the scope of action of nature protection public policies to a new level of biodiversity organisation. But the late recognition of the conservation value of habitats and the gaps in their definitions partly explain the absence of time series data at the national scale. This limits our capacity to monitor and assess their conservation status and to adapt conservation measures at the national and local levels. The present thesis work first investigates rapid, formalised approaches for identifying forest habitats. Then, these approaches are used to study the recent dynamics of forest habitats in relation to two substantial changes that occurred in the past decades, i.e., climate warming and the creation of the Natura 2000 network.We first studied the uncertainties linked to the identification of forest habitats when assigning floristic surveys to habitat types by comparing five expert's judgements with three automatic classification programs. We highlighted high variability among expert judgements, and comparable efficiency between automatic classification programs and expert judgements. We also demonstrated that a limited number of species was sufficient to identify forest habitats, and that surveys carried out in winter could be used too. We thus created time series of standardised data on forest habitats based on different floristic survey sources, whether assigned to a habitat type or not.Secondly, we created 5,701 pairs of historical (before 1987) and recent (after 1997) floristic surveys, and highlighted that 11% of the pairs located in highlands had shifted towards forest habitats characteristic of warmer climate conditions. The increased dominance of these habitats led us to conclude that thermophilisation was underway in highlands. However, no significant shift was observed in lowlands, hence a substantial difference between the thermal requirements of plant communities and current temperatures: a climatic debt is developing. In the face of these different impacts, we proposed that nature protection public policies could be more efficient if they were implemented and prioritised differently in highlands vs. lowlands.Finally, we studied 155 Natura 2000 sites distributed across mainland temperate and mountainous France, and showed that the number of very large trees in the plots where they were observed had increased significantly more inside the network than outside it since its implementation. We thus evidenced that the conservation measures implemented in Natura 2000 forests, which are managed and exploited, have already had positive effects on very large trees – considered as a characteristic of old-growth forests and also used as biodiversity and conservation status indicators of forest habitats.This thesis work was necessary to complement the numerous studies already available at the species and plant community scales, for it is indispensable to aim for the simultaneous conservation of all the levels of organisation of biodiversity to be efficient. Knowing the scope of validity of the tools used to identify forest habitats, but also understanding the recent dynamics of forest habitats and its influencing factors provide useful data to implement surveillance and adapt public policies and management actions, and thereby reach greater efficiency. ; En 1992 en Europe, grâce à la Directive Habitats-Faune-Flore, les habitats naturels sont devenus des objets à conserver au même titre que les espèces, élargissant ainsi le domaine d'actions des politiques publiques à un autre niveau d'organisation de la biodiversité. Mais la reconnaissance tardive de leur valeur de conservation, ainsi que des lacunes dans leurs définitions sont en partie responsables de l'absence de séries temporelles de données sur les habitats à l'échelle nationale. Cela limite notre capacité à surveiller et évaluer leur état de conservation, et à adapter les actions de conservation aux niveaux national et local. Les objectifs de cette thèse sont d'abord d'explorer des approches rapides et formalisées de reconnaissance des habitats forestiers afin de pouvoir ensuite étudier leur dynamique récente au regard de deux grands changements survenus au cours des dernières décennies : le réchauffement climatique et la création du réseau Natura 2000.Nous avons d'abord étudié les incertitudes liées à la reconnaissance des habitats forestiers lors du rattachement d'un relevé floristique à un type d'habitat en comparant cinq experts et trois programmes automatiques de classement. Nous avons mis en évidence la forte variabilité de classement entre experts, et l'efficacité des programmes automatiques qui est comparable à celle des experts. Nous avons également montré que pour la reconnaissance des habitats forestiers, un nombre limité d'espèces est suffisant, et qu'il est possible d'utiliser des relevés réalisés en hiver. Ainsi, nous avons pu créer des séries temporelles de données standardisées sur les habitats forestiers à partir de différentes sources d'inventaires floristiques, rattachés ou non à un type d'habitat.Dans un second temps, la création de 5701 couples de relevés floristiques historiques (avant 1987) et récents (après 1997) a permis de mettre en évidence, en montagne, un changement de 11% des couples vers des habitats forestiers caractéristiques de conditions climatiques plus chaudes. L'augmentation de la dominance de ces habitats nous permet de conclure à une thermophilisation des habitats forestiers en montagne. Cependant, aucun changement significatif n'a été observé en plaine, ce qui conduit à un décalage important entre les exigences thermiques des communautés végétales et les températures actuelles : une dette climatique se développe. Face à des impacts différenciés, nous concluons que les politiques publiques pourraient être mises en place et priorisées de façon différente en montagne et en plaine pour être plus efficaces.Enfin, en étudiant 155 sites Natura 2000 français répartis sur tout le territoire métropolitain tempéré et montagnard, nous avons montré que, depuis la mise en place du réseau, l'augmentation de la quantité des très gros bois sur les zones où ils sont présents est significativement plus forte à l'intérieur du réseau Natura 2000 qu'à l'extérieur. Ainsi, nous avons mis en évidence que les actions de conservation mises en place dans les forêts au sein du réseau Natura 2000, qui sont gérées et exploitées, ont déjà eu des effets positifs sur les très gros bois, considérés comme une caractéristique de vieilles forêts, et utilisés aussi comme indicateur de biodiversité et du bon état de conservation des habitats forestiers.Ce travail de thèse était nécessaire pour compléter les nombreuses études déjà disponibles à l'échelle des espèces et des communautés végétales, car pour être efficace il est indispensable de travailler à la conservation de tous les niveaux d'organisation de la biodiversité simultanément. Connaitre les domaines de validité des moyens de reconnaissance des habitats forestiers, mais aussi comprendre leur dynamique récente et les facteurs qui l'influencent permettent de fournir des éléments pour mettre en place un suivi des habitats forestiers et adapter les politiques publiques et les actions de gestion afin d'en améliorer l'efficacité.

Modern Chinese political discourse, regarding foreign policy, has aroused considerable interest in the academic world, both by Western intellectuals and by Chinese scholars. In both cases, this interest is found in the possibility of generating a kind of translation of the particular Chinese discursive logics towards significant standards for the West. Furthermore, as an ultimate goal, it is hoped that this interpretive task may favor better political understandings between China and the West. In this sense, the current trade war between China and the United States represents a relevant object of study, to analyze from a Chinese political and discursive perspective. In this research paper we ask: what trends can be identified in an evolutionary analysis of the Chinese agenda in the trade war with the United States? The research analyzes two official documents on the subject (White papers) from the highest echelons of the government of the People's Republic of China: The Facts and China's Position on China-US Trade Friction (September 2018) and China's Position on the China-US Economic and Trade Consultations (June 2019). These two documents represent the official vision of China and its evolution, in accordance with contextual changes. The research develops a theoretical framework focused on Chinese political rationality and its peculiarities. To make this conceptual framework transparent, it is compared with western political rationality. Different dimensions are worked on: political inclusion of actors in decision-making processes, framework for political action, processes of political action, the logic to determine solutions, and time horizon of political action. In the West, democratic horizontality grants argumentative flexibility, and stable frameworks for action restrict it. In China, institutional dynamism grants argumentative flexibility and the hierarchical and particular order restricts it. Democracy with stability versus hierarchy with change: both political schemes establish the argumentative limits. In other words, the dimensions of political rationality have a direct impact on the content and form of Chinese political discourse. Agenda studies is used strategically in this research to analyze Chinese political discourse. The pragmatic use of language and the combination of Confucianism and Marxism in Chinese political discourse can be identified from the perspective of agenda studies. In other words, an agenda approach allows us to consider different dimensions of Chinese political rationality and rhetoric: hierarchy established in a text; non-linearity of the solutions agenda; enabling, contradictory and strategic frameworks; particular context and its relation to general context; and finally, dynamism of the information content. The two specific research questions in this article are: How does China define and particularize its agenda in the trade war with the United States? What trends can be identified in an evolutionary analysis over this agenda? Our research hypothesis is: In Chinese official documents on the trade war with the United States, there are trends regarding political agenda, particularistic resources and an articulation of both. From a methodological point of view, the emergence of new technologies has allowed for the expansion of the frontiers of textual analysis. The present work uses cutting edge automatic natural language processing tools to study the Chinese agenda, such as: identification of parts of speech (Part of Speech Tagging), construction of concordance matrices (with Key Word in Context framework), named entity recognition, and relationship vectors calculation. Also, comparative analysis techniques are used to analyze evolution of the PRC's agenda in the trade war with the United States. In this way, the work proposes an original contribution (theoretical and empirical) to the field of social and political agenda studies, by adapting them to Chinese political rationality and discourse. As conclusions, this investigation demonstrates the fulfillment of the hypothesis, since in the official Chinese documents related to the trade war with the United States there are tendencies on the political agenda, the particularistic resources and the articulation of both. The document The Facts and China's Position on China-US Trade Friction expands the trade discussion towards industrial chains and investments. In this text, measures that correspond to national interests and those that affect the international community are listed, specifying the latter in the WTO arena. Also, goods and services of trade and their rates are particularized with data and proper names. Two other frameworks are relevant: the discussion on intellectual property, and the rules and regulations to foster cooperation. This second one (quite restricted) acts as an enabling framework, although it omits Chinese rhetoric of values and principles. China's Position on the China-US Economic and Trade Consultations document maintains the trend of the central axis of the 2018 document, but it is less aggressive, by centralizing cooperation as an objective. The 2019 document does not offer as important a backing of authoritative resources as the 2018 document does. In addition, the trend of intellectual property debate in China remains very important in the 2019 document. However, as a relevant change, this second document presents a political agenda much closer to the contradictory and dialectical frameworks of China's classical Confucian and Marxist rhetoric (terms such as mutual benefit, mutual respect or win-win relationships are used). There is a marked trend of important coincidences (expanding the discussion from commercial to economic, criticizing protectionism and holding a position in the debate on intellectual property in China), but the differences between documents are also relevant. In particular, the 2019 document embraces in a more friendly way the Chinese political rhetoric of cooperative values and principles, and avoids resources of authority. In this sense, less particularization implies lower levels of orientation. From the point of view of our theoretical framework, both documents seek to highlight collective effectiveness (the development of a global community), and work on problem-solution logics. Furthermore, the change between the two documents reflects the dynamism in China's use of discursive resources. In short, the second document of 2019 shows greater characteristics of a Chinese political discourse which encourages pragmatism. The first document of 2018 develops a more deconstructive position over the western rhetoric of the trade conflict, even using tools that are more typical of scientific discourse (with deductions or inductions from authoritative resources). Chinese political discourse is dynamic, adapting to the context in a multiplicity of possible ways. Identifying continuities and changes in Chinese discourse from the theoretical understanding of its political rationality is essential to interpret current conflicts. ; ¿Qué tendencias pueden identificarse en un análisis evolutivo sobre la agenda china en la guerra comercial con los Estados Unidos? La investigación analiza los dos documentos oficiales en la materia del gobierno de la República Popular China (de septiembre de 2018 y de junio de 2019), desde un marco teórico centrado en la racionalidad política china y en los estudios de agenda, y con herramientas propias del análisis autómatico de textos. Se obtiene como conclusión que el discurso político chino sostiene —como eje central— la intención de expandir el debate comercial a otros significados económicos, mantiene la crítica al proteccionismo y defiende su posición sobre la propiedad intelectual en China. Sin embargo, en el año 2019 en el discurso político chino adquieren una mayor centralidad los valores y principios cooperativos típicos de la retórica política china. Esto se destaca por sobre la estategia china de deconstrucción del discurso occidental sobre el conflicto comercial, lo cual es predominante, con abundante particularización discursiva, en el año 2018.

The reflection of this thesis work questions the idea of 'legitimacy', in the light of the civil war, and revolves around the relationship between order and law and the theoretical and practical crisis of normativity within the state and constitutional system of the Middle East.This thesis therefore lies at the indeterminate and uncertain boundaries of the logic of the law and its organising function, as it oscillates between the methodological field of order and the experimental field of observation of exception and indeterminacy. . Indeed, the study of a post-State context - or pre-State - requires the mobilization of theories and concepts originating from the territory of the exception, this makes it inevitable to be at the crossroads of several disciplines and several academic fields.The territorial rupture in Iraq and Syria and the spatial availability for the rebellion impose a visibility and historicity of the state of nature reflected in this civil and cross-border war. In the face of these events, the legal présupposées of the finalised character of the State and the legal continuity of the constitutional order come out deeply shaken, which reminds, especially from doctrinal perspective, of both conceptions of the order, that of the 'normal and legal time' attributed to Hans Kelsen and that of the 'exceptional moment" attributed to Carl Schmitt.Thus our thesis text is divided into three parts:The first is the legal status of the State based on the international standard of interstate recognition. This allowed us to describe the fragility of the spatial order when various conceptions of legality and norm are opposed. With Hans Kelsen, in whom an internal and external conception of the pure norm and the nomological function of law is emerging, we wanted to highlight the profound contradictions of the concrete order in the rising with the theoretical hypotheses and abstract conception of the constitutional State.In our second part, which is about 'metaphysical and spatial rupture', we have resorted to the thought of Carl Schmitt, for whom legitimacy is not limited to legality nor the State to the constitution. The modern Middle East offers a concrete illustration of Schmittian concepts. Firstly by the contradiction between this interstate order with that of the Jus publicum europaeum, a product of the European spatial and physical order. Then because of the totalitarian rupture during which the State is reduced to the Party and politics to religiosity and uniqueness. The fate of the post-totalitarian State, such as that of Iraq and Syria, also invokes Arendt's work on totalitarianism and Gauchet's work on the metaphysics of unity and political expression of the religious phenomenon. In fact, the Potestas indirecta, a Hobbesian and Schmittian notion, could explain on the occasion of this crisis of unity and religion the logics of continuity and rupture that are discussed by these three authors. In the light of this theoretical association, we define the Exception as the crisis of the Decision and not as the appeal for recovery requesting the Decision.Our third part deals with the Katechon, the theological-political principle of continuity and conservation. We first define the conceptual value of this concept at Hobbes and Schmitt thoughts, and then extend it to the Hegelian condition of civil society and the current aspirations of Arab societies about political change. This part returns first to the crisis of legality, rather than legitimacy, that characterizes the Islamist political project (especially moderate Islamism). Then it evokes political nominalism and the dialectical relationship it defines between ideas and action on the one hand and the project of change on the other. ; A la lumière de la guerre civile en Irak et en Syrie, la réflexion de ce travail de thèse s'interroge sur la question de "légitimité" et tourne autour le rapport entre l'ordre et le droit et la crise théorique et pratique de la normativité au sein du système étatique et constitutionnel des Etats du Moyen-Orient. Cette thèse se situe donc aux frontières indéterminées et incertaines de la logique du droit et de sa fonction organisatrice, car elle oscille entre le champ méthodologique de l'ordre et le champ expérimental de l'observation de l'exception et de l'indétermination. En effet, l'étude d'un contexte post-étatique -ou pré-étatique- nécessite la mobilisation de théories et de concepts issus du territoire de l'exception, ceci rend inévitable de se trouver au carrefour de plusieurs disciplines et de plusieurs domaines académiques.La rupture territoriale en Irak et en Syrie et la disponibilité spatiale pour la rébellion imposent une visibilité et une historicité de l'état de nature que traduit cette guerre civile et transfrontalière. Devant ces événements, les présupposées juridiques du caractère finalisé de l'Etat et de la continuité de l'ordre constitutionnel en sortent profondément ébranlées, ce qui rappelle, surtout sur le plan méthodologique et doctrinaire, les deux conceptions de l'ordre, celle du temps normal attribué à Hans Kelsen et celle du temps d'exception attribuée à Carl Schmitt.Ainsi notre texte de thèse se divise-t-il en trois parties :La première porte sur le statut juridique de l'Etat à partir de la norme internationale de la reconnaissance interétatique. Ceci nous a permis de décrire la fragilité de l'ordre spatial lorsque s'opposent diverses conceptions de la légalité et de la norme. Avec Hans Kelsen, chez qui se dessine une conception interne et externe de la norme pure et de la fonction nomologique du droit, nous avons voulu mettre en lumières les contradictions profondes de l'ordre concret au levant avec les présupposées théoriques et abstraites de l'Etat constitutionnel.Dans notre deuxième partie, où il s'agit de 'rupture métaphysique et spatiale', nous avons fait recours à la pensée de Carl Schmitt, chez qui la légitimité ne se réduit pas à la légalité ni l'Etat à la constitution. Le Moyen-Orient moderne offre une illustration concrète des concepts schmittiens. D'abord par la contradiction des données de cet ordre interétatique avec celui du Jus publicum europaeum, produit de l'ordre spatial et physique européen, puis en raison de la rupture totalitaire durant laquelle l'Etat se réduit au Parti et le politique à la religiosité et à l'unicité. Le destin de l'Etat post-totalitaire, tel celui de l'Irak et de la Syrie, invoque également les travaux d'Arendt sur le totalitarisme et ceux de Gauchet sur la métaphysique de l'unité et l'expression politique du phénomène religieux. En fait, la Potestas indirecta, notion hobbesienne et schmittienne, pourrait expliquer à l'occasion de cette crise de l'unité les logiques de continuité et de rupture dont il est question chez ces trois auteurs. A la lumière de cette association théorique, nous définissons l'Exception comme la crise de la Décision et non comme l'appel de recouvrement sollicitant la Décision.Notre troisième partie porte sur le Katechon, le principe théologico-politique de la continuité et de la conservation. Nous définissons d'abord la valeur conceptuelle de cette notion chez Hobbes et chez Schmitt, puis nous la prolongeons à la condition hégélienne de la société civile et aux aspirations actuelles des sociétés arabes au sujet du changement politique. Cette partie revient d'abord sur la crise de légalité, plutôt que de légitimité, qui caractérise le projet politique islamiste (surtout l'islamisme modéré). Puis elle évoque le nominalisme politique et le rapport dialectique qu'il définit entre idées et action d'une part et projet de changement de l'autre.

The creation and development of an information and knowledge-based society and knowledge economy are perceived as one of the most important priorities of social, economic, political development, culture, science and technological progress of modern society (Melnikas, Jakubavičius, Leichteris and Stumbrytė, 2017). It is important to create a learning society, a learning organization, a knowledge economy in order to adapt to the various challenges. Tortorella, Vergara, Garza-Reyes and Sahney (2020) noted that organizational learning can be seen as a process of improvement based on a clearer understanding and knowledge directly related to the organizational culture and environment.The scientific literature (Sakalas, 2012; Walker, 2014; Atkočiūnienė, 2014; Skrickienė, Čepuraitė and Štaras, 2018) presents various features of learning organization characteristics: strategy development, investment in one's future, cooperation, environmental monitoring, focusing on problem identification and resolution, processing and applying large flows of information, responding, and anticipating internal and external changes. Organizational learning is a way of survival, capacity building, enabling it to change, that is to cope with change, and seize new opportunities. According to Walker (2014), knowledge, learning, and innovation are the key factors assuring the success of a modern organization. It should be noted that the acquisition, use and recognition of knowledge largely depend on the culture of the organization. As Salge and Vera (2012) argued, learning organizations understand the importance of learning and increase the ability to turn new knowledge into tangible improvements.In the scientific literature (Minelgaitė and Vaičiukynaitė, 2017; Katilienė, 2010; Vilkaitė-Vaitonė, Papšienė and Stulgienė, 2016; Digrienė, 2018; Shao, Feng and Hu, 2017; Walker, 2014) various definitions, styles and models of leadership have been identified. Usually, many definitions of leadership highlight one aspect in relation to other aspects (Minelgaitė and Vaičiukynaitė, 2017). Amor, Vázquez and Faíña (2020) noted that leadership is a critical component influencing an organization's environment and how employees perceive their work. It should be noted that leadership theory is very diverse, but in the context of a learning organization, the types of transformational and transactional, empowering, positive, and collective leadership are important.It should be emphasized that the leader in the organization of the 21st century must be able to mobilize the organization's staff for the implementation of strategic tasks; to be able rationally and effectively form a favourable environment for the learning organization. Managers and top managers must be guided by modern imperatives of a complex nature: the ideology of innovation, the perception of the need and necessity of change and reform, the application of best practices and experience of postmodern management in their organizational structures. Ewa, Cox, Tse and Lowe (2019) noted that there is a growing number of organizations that prosper and in which leadership is shared rather than concentrated in the hands of specific individuals or between these individuals. The importance of collective leadership will only increase as organizations involve more organizational, virtual, and non-traditional teams. Thus, there will be a need for a smoother and more dynamic process of empowering and consolidating leadership roles. Thus, it is very important to assess what are the opportunities for leadership expression in a learning organization.The object of research is the possibilities of leadership in a learning organization.The aim of the article is to form a model for determining the possibilities of leadership expression in a learning organization.To achieve the goal, the following tasks are formulated:1. Analyse the definitions and features of a learning organization.2. Examine the concept of leadership and analyse leadership styles.3. Identify opportunities for leadership expression in a learning organization.4. Form a model for determining the possibilities of leadership expression in a learning organization.Methods of analysis, descriptive, analytical and comparative analysis of scientific literature are applied in the article.The members of the learning organization are constantly improving their skills, raising their competence, improving their activities based on experience, and improving their decision-making skills. Organizational learning can be ensured through knowledge acquisition, information distribution, information interpretation, and organizational memory. The learning organization must ensure the existence of the following elements: systemic thinking, personal mastery, management of mental models, development of a shared vision and team learning. There is a link between a learning organization and the existence of increased organizational innovation capacity, increased productivity and competitive advantage. It should be emphasized that in order to be successful, it is necessary to exchange knowledge, communicate and learn, clarify and change existing practices.Leadership theory is very diverse, but in the context of a learning organization, transformational and transactional leadership systems become particularly evident. Types of empowering, shared, positive, collective leadership are also distinguished. Leadership can be viewed as any activity that relies on an individual's abilities to effectively play a leadership role in an organization. Leadership development involves the social capital required to lead at the collective or individual level. Leadership can be expressed through the leadership style of leaders, the level of feedback, and the granting of autonomy to subordinates.Learning organizations need knowledgeable, motivated, self-confident employees who can generate new knowledge, make decisions about the acquisition and use of knowledge. Leaders' participation in decision-making allows followers to share their ideas and collaborate, which in turn encourages effective knowledge flows. Inclusive and shared leadership approaches are essential to ensure more sustainable organizational change through forms of organizational learning. There are three social dimensions that facilitate the creation of a learning organization: psychological safety, participation in decision-making, and openness to different opinions. The links between learning organization and leadership can be assessed through organizational culture, personal and collective values, honesty, trust, and collaboration.The possibilities of leadership expression in a learning organization are associated with various variables: the leader, followers, and the conditions that determine the constant changes in the organization. Opportunities for the expression of leadership in a learning organization are possible in various activities of the organization, but it should be emphasized a necessity to form a learning friendly environment, i.e. ensuring psychological security, openness to opinions, participation in the decision-making process. By creating a favourable environment, employees will be more motivated to participate in both the individual and collective learning process, will supplement, share and create new knowledge in order to achieve the efficiency of the organization. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamos lyderystės raiškos besimokančioje organizacijoje galimybės, nagrinėjama besimokančios organizacijos apibrėžtis ir bruožai, analizuojama lyderystės samprata bei pateikiami lyderystės tipai. Remiantis atlikta mokslinės literatūros lyderystės ir besimokančios organizacijos klausimais analize, identifikuotos lyderystės raiškos besimokančioje organizacijoje galimybės bei sudarytas šių galimybių nustatymo modelis. Straipsnio tikslas yra, nustačius lyderystės raiškos besimokančioje organizacijoje galimybes, suformuoti lyderystės raiškos besimokančioje organizacijoje galimybių nustatymo modelį. Straipsnyje taikyti mokslinės literatūros analizės, aprašomasis, analitinis ir lyginamosios analizės metodai.

Effective map use in the field is based on orientation in two spaces: in a physical or geographical space and in a representational, graphic space. When using a map the wayfinding process includes the identification of the user's geographical position in the field (starting point), the identification of the target and planning the route's connecting the two points. However, the initial direction of the user is very rarely the orientation of the map, so the problem of navigation with maps is the translation of the representational space into the user's actual situation. In other words, the projected or actual movement path during navigation must be transformed from one reference frame to the other. Spatial reference frame is a key issue in cartography and geovisualization. The transformation of the human subjects' body-centred, egocentric reference system into an object-centred, allocentric reference system is a complex task. Maps are cognitive tools, traditionally representing large configurational spaces in visual, graphic form (Török 2019). They offer computational advantage over internal, human memory representation, organized into smaller spatial units. Apart from personal experience, learning from maps is a common practice (Meilinger et al. 2015). Supported by ubiquitous map services, prior to visiting unfamiliar places people consult maps to familiarize themselves, and this spatial learning results in memory structures with map-oriented reference frames. In modern societies the massive use of cartographic visualization in spatial thinking underlines the importance of modern cognitive cartographic research, resulting in new insights and consequences well beyond topographic map use (Zentai et al. 2006). Learning from maps influence the structure of the cognitive map. Increasing map use in modern information societies has strong effects on all spatial aspects of the human mind. Recent geo-visualizations, most importantly mobile navigational applications display maps with dynamic, head-up orientation and support the user by turn-by-turn voice navigation. Unfortunately, this practice does not support survey knowledge acquisition, cognitive map building and spatial memory training. The negative effect is decreasing navigational, or more generally spatial, ability of users of GPS navigational services. While the change of reference frame demands higher memory load for the human brain, the cost is compensated by the maintenance and development of human cognitive abilities. The North-is-up reference frame on cartographic maps is actually a rather modern cultural convention. However, we can trace its origin back to the astronomical-geometrical worldview of ancient Greek cosmology. The priority of north was adopted by Hellenic geography and became a classic tradition after the rediscovery of the 2nd c. work, a manual on making a map of the world by Ptolemy . He described the construction of the map in a geometric reference frame, in a north-oriented geographical coordinate system. Map making based on this new concept of geometric space had substantial influence on human spatial thinking from the Renaissance period on. Modern cartography is an Enlightenment project, and from the 19th century maps became common objects in European societies. In the 20th century cartographers and generations of map users were trained in geography with north-oriented maps, atlases – even globes were displayed with north on top. The representational history of cities in European cartography a case where cognitive cartographic issues strongly influenced cartographic practice and the importance of different reference frames is demonstrative. The modern city view as a new genre appears in the late 15th century and cities views were already popular at the time the Nuremberg Chronicle was printed with numerous illustrations (1493). However, how it is perhaps best exemplified by Sebastian Münster's German Cosmography (from 1544) while maps were oriented north or south, the cities were given in perspective . In the Chronicle Buda, the capital of the Kingdom of Hungary, is represented from the east, while Münster included another woodcut, a view of the city from the south. After the long period of the Turkish occupation new representations of the former Hungarian capital were constructed by military engineers in connection with the siege of Buda (1686), representing the campaign's target from military point of view. The cities Buda and Pest, stretching along the Danube, even in the 19th century they were represented with the river as a horizontal axis in landscape format views and maps. The significant change of the orientation of the city maps is the late 19th century, more specifically the period when topographic maps of the third military survey of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy became available. From this time on the historic material demonstrates that maps of Budapest (from 1872) are almost exclusively north-oriented. As a result of this process, generations learned geography from north oriented maps and school atlases. After our virtual reality experiments exploring spatial learning and navigation (Török et al. 2018), in the present field experiment we tested the interaction of local and global reference frames, the sense of geographical North in a sample of young adults. We created an ecologically valid experimental setting by selecting a special location at ELTE university campus in Budapest. In an enclosed vista space , positioned near the river Danube and heading an easterly direction, our participants were asked first to point to North. With good visibility of the river, a major, structural landmark in the configuration of the city we were interested how the misleading direction of the Danube influenced their directional sense. While the general course of the river is north-south, at the site of the experiment the river course changes to northwest-southeast, with a deviation of 30–40° from true north. We expected that the direction of the only visible global landmark, and, of course all the local landmarks, would result in similar pointing errors. In the first test series they were asked to point/draw toward salient urban landmarks in the city, that is in environmental space . In the second test series they pointed towards important cities in a large, geographical space. Finally, they once again indicated the direction of true North in the same geographic space. Our results are consistent with previous research (Frankenstein et al. 2012) that the participants had a clear sense of geographical North learned from maps, moreover, contradicting our expectations, the misleading course of the Danube and local geometry had little effect on the overall high accuracy of pointing to North. However, a few result deviated from the average and suggested high individual differences, presumably due to different spatial thinking strategies of participants. Test subjects living longer in Budapest had a much better sense of North, supporting the importance of learned components in this directional knowledge. Our experiment in the physical world resulted in supporting evidence that North is present in human cognitive map as the cardinal direction for orientation. The implications of the results of our experiment should be considered relevant when designing new maps and user interfaces. Another important result, our experiment suggest that local and global reference frames are not separate systems, but structured hierarchically and integrated in spatial orientation tasks. Although egocentric view may support direct scene recognition and object identification cartographers should construct navigational maps with geographic reference frame as well, especially in the case of extensive and complex environmental/geographical spaces, because these are still learned first from north oriented maps . The long tradition of paper maps, the history of cartography has a lasting effect of human understanding of the physical and virtual worlds.

BRICS içerisinde yer alan (Brezilya, Rusya, Hindistan, Çin ve Güney Afrika) yükselen güçlerinin 21. Yüzyıldan itibaren uluslararası siyasette öne çıkışı kalkınma için işbirliğinin teşvik edilmesi fikrine yeni bir ivme kazandırmıştır. Bu süreçte BRICS'in yapmış olduğu dış yardımlar artırmış ve özellikle Güney ülkeleriyle Güney-Güney işbirliği yoluyla farklı ekonomik işbirliği yolları ve alanları ortaya çıkmıştır. Bu tez, genel olarak bu beş ülke ve özel olarak Çin tarafından Sahra Altı Afrika'da yürütülen ikili dış yardım faaliyetlerine ilişkin hali hazırda var olan ama oldukça kısıtlı olan mevcut literatüre katkı sağlamayı hedeflemektedir. Yükselen donörler olarak nitelendirilen bu devletler, son yıllarda uluslararası kalkınmada istikrarlı bir şekilde öne çıkarken esasen 1950'li yıllara kadar uzanan dış yardım programları ile kesinlikle bu alanda yeni değiller. Böyle olmakla birlikte söz konusu devletlerin dünyanın dört bir yanındaki yardım faaliyetleri kimi zaman Amerika Birleşik Devletleri, Batı Avrupa ve Japonya'nın hakim olduğu uluslararası yardım mimarisine bir tehdit olarak algılanmaktadır. Kalkınma yardımının Güney-Güney işbirliği çerçevesinde önemli bir dış politika aracı olduğu varsayımından yola çıkarak, bu tez söz konusu yükselen güçleri bu alanda harekete geçiren motivasyonların neler olduğunu sorgulamaktadır. Dış yardımın araçsallaştırılmasının arkasındaki temel motivasyonlar nelerdir? Yükselen donörler uluslararası kalkınmada geleneksel bağışçılardan farklı mı? Sahra altı Afrika'nın dış yardımın ana alıcısı olduğu ve doğal kaynaklar açısından zengin olduğu düşünüldüğünde, Çin dış politika araçlarını Sahra altı Afrika ile olan işbirliğinde nasıl ve ne amaçla kullanıyor? Son olarak, uluslararası politikada kalkınma yardımı farklı bağışçılar arasında bir rekabet unsuru olmakla birlikte, aynı zamanda farklı yönelim, teknik ve politik özelliklerine sahip olan bağışçıların her birinin kendi aralarında işi paylaştıkları ileri sürülebilir. Bütün bunlar bize kalkınma yardımı ortamının büyük oranda değiştiğini göstermektedir.İÇİNDEKİLER . . . benTEŞEKKÜRLER . . . ivÖZ . . . vÖZET . . . viKISALTMALAR, KISALTMALAR VE KISALTMALAR LİSTESİ . viiBÖLÜM 1GENEL TANITIM1.1 Sorunun bağlamı veya ifadesi . . 11.2 Araştırma hedefleri ve soruları. . . 71.3 Çalışmanın önemi. . . 81.4 Konunun kapsamı, sınırlaması ve metodolojisi. . . 91.5 Tezin yapısı. . . 10BÖLÜM 2KALKINMA YARDIMI: KAVRAMSAL VE TEORİK ÇERÇEVE2.1 KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE . . 112.1.1 Dış yardım . . . 112.1.1.1 Tanım . . 112.1.2 Yabancı yardım türleri . . 162.1.2.1 Resmi kalkınma yardımı . . 172.1.2.2 Diğer hükümetler arası yardım . . 182.1.2.3 Hükümet dışı yardım . . 192.1.3 Dış yardım için farklı motivasyonlar . . 202.1.3.1 Siyasi-diplomatik . . 21ii2.1.3.2 Askeri güvenlik . . 222.1.3.3 İnsani Yardım . . 232.1.3.4 Özgecil veya gelişimsel . . 232.1.3.5 Ticari . . 242.1.3.6 Prestij . . . 252.1.4 Dış yardım kanalları . . 262.2 KURAMSAL ÇERÇEVE . . 302.2.1 Gerçekçi teoriler . . 322.2.1.1 Klasik gerçekçilik . . 332.2.1.2 Neo-gerçekçilik . . 342.2.1.3 Neoklasik gerçekçilik . . 362.2.2 Liberal teoriler . . 382.2.3 Yapılandırmacı teoriler . . 412.2.4 Global Sistem Teorisi (TSM) . . 43BÖLÜM 3KALKINMA YARDIM MİMARİSİ: KALKINMA YARDIMI BAĞIŞÇILARI OLARAK GELİŞMEKTE OLAN GÜÇLERİN BİR PROFİLİ3.1 Geleneksel yardımdan Güney-Güney işbirliğine: literatürün gözden geçirilmesi . 453.2 Yükselen güçlerin Güney-Güney işbirliğine katkısı . 533.3 Kalkınma yardımında ortaklar olarak yükselen güçler . 563.4 BRICS geliştirme yardımının farkı nedir? . 624. BÖLÜMULUSLARARASI KALKINMADA GELİŞMEKTE OLAN GÜÇLERİN KONUMU: SAHARAN ALTINDA AFRİKA'DA ÇİN ÖRNEĞİ4.1 Afrika'ya Çin yardımına tarihsel bir bakış . . 67iii4.2 Yükselen bir donör olarak Çin . . 714.3 Çin'in dış yardımına yönelik motivasyonlar . . 754.3.1 Siyasi nedenler . . 754.3.1.1 Tek Çin politikası: uluslararası tanınma arayışı . . . 764.3.1.2 Uluslararası kuruluşlarda destek alma . 784.3.1.3 İyi bir uluslararası imaj yansıtma . . 794.3.2 Ticari çıkarlar . . 804.3.2.1 Çin şirketlerine uluslararası pazarların açılması . 814.3.2.2 Doğal kaynaklara güvenli erişim . . 824.3.3 Gelişimsel ve insani endişeler . 844.4 Güney-Güney işbirliği örneği olarak Çin-Afrika ilişkileri . 854.5 Afrika'da Çin yardımı . . 884.5.1 Rol ve etki . . . 884.5.2 Zorluklar ve değişen eğilimler . . 90SONUÇ . . . 95KAYNAKÇA . . . 98EKLER . . . 122 --- Since the beginning of the 21st century, the rise of the emerging powers of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has given new impetus to the promotion of development cooperation. the BRICS have increased their foreign assistance and established distinct avenues and means of economic cooperation, in particular through South-South cooperation with countries of the South. This dissertation provides an overview of the small but growing literature on bilateral foreign aid activities carried out in Sub-Saharan Africa by these five countries in general and China in particular. While these so-called emerging donors are steadily growing in importance in international development, they are certainly not new to the field, with foreign aid programs dating back to the 1950s. The recent increase in the size and scope of their aid activities around the world is seen by some as a threat to the international aid architecture dominated by the United States and its allies in Western Europe and Japan. Starting from the assumption that development aid represents an instrument of foreign policy within the framework of South-South cooperation, our objective is to ask ourselves what are the motivations that drive these emerging countries? What are the main motivations behind the instrumentalization of foreign aid? Are they different from traditional donors in providing aid? Given that sub-Saharan Africa is the main recipient of foreign aid and rich in natural resources, how and for what purposes is China using its foreign policy tools in its collaboration with the latter? On the international scene, development aid can indeed be an element of competition between different donors; on the other hand, we sometimes have the impression that the donors share the work, each with its own tropisms and technical and political characteristics. However, it is clear that the development aid landscape is changing dramatically.TABLE OF CONTENTS . . . iTHANKS . . . ivABSTRACT . . . vÖZET . . . viLIST OF ABBREVIATIONS, ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS . viiCHAPTER 1GENERAL INTRODUCTION1.1 Context or statement of the problem . . 11.2 Research objectives and questions. . . 71.3 Importance of the study. . . 81.4 Scope, limitation and methodology of the subject. . . 91.5 Structure of the dissertation. . . 10CHAPTER 2DEVELOPMENT AID: CONCEPTUAL AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK2.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK . . 112.1.1 Foreign aid . . . 112.1.1.1 Definition . . . 112.1.2 Types of foreign aid . . 162.1.2.1 Official development assistance . . 172.1.2.2 Other intergovernmental assistance . . 182.1.2.3 Non-government assistance . . 192.1.3 The different motivations for foreign aid . . 202.1.3.1 Political-diplomatic . . 21ii2.1.3.2 Military-security . . 222.1.3.3 Humanitarian . . . 232.1.3.4 Altruistic or developmental . . 232.1.3.5 Commercial . . . 242.1.3.6 Prestige . . . 252.1.4 Channels of foreign aid . . 262.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK . . 302.2.1 Realistic theories . . 322.2.1.1 Classical realism . . 332.2.1.2 Neo-realism . . . 342.2.1.3 Neoclassical realism . . 362.2.2 Liberal theories . . 382.2.3 Constructivist theories . . 412.2.4 Global Systems Theory (TSM) . . 43CHAPTER 3DEVELOPMENT AID ARCHITECTURE: A PROFILE OF EMERGING POWERS AS DEVELOPMENT AID DONORS3.1 From traditional aid to South-South cooperation: a review of the literature . 453.2 Contribution of emerging powers to South-South cooperation . 533.3 Emerging powers as partners in development aid . 563.4 How is BRICS development assistance different? . 62CHAPTER 4POSITION OF EMERGING POWERS IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF CHINA IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA4.1 A historical perspective of Chinese aid to Africa . . 67iii4.2 China as an emerging donor . . 714.3 Motivations for China's foreign aid . . 754.3.1 Political reasons . . 754.3.1.1 One-China policy: the search for international recognition . . . 764.3.1.2 Obtaining support in international organizations . 784.3.1.3 Projecting a good international image . . 794.3.2 Commercial interests . . 804.3.2.1 Opening international markets to Chinese companies . 814.3.2.2 Secure access to natural resources . . 824.3.3 Developmental and humanitarian concerns . 844.4 Sino-African relations as a case of South-South cooperation . 854.5 Chinese aid in Africa . . 884.5.1 Role and impact . . . 884.5.2 Challenges and changing trends . . 90CONCLUSION . . . 95BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . 98APPENDICES . . . 122

The actualization of the epoch and personality of the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania Stefan Batory took place in modern Belarus on the wave of growing scientific and public interest in the political history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, neglected in Soviet times. The historical memory of him is most firmly established in the Grodno region and has a 100-year tradition. The article substantiates the reason for this phenomenon - first of all, the city of Grodno owes its worthy status of being a royal city as well as its high historical image to Batory. The 'places of memory' left by Batory in Grodno and their European significance are shown: the Old Castle is the only remaining royal castle in Belarus (except the New Castle), in the 1930s it was supposed to be transformed into the 'Wawel over the Neman', an analogue of Krakow Wawel; 'Batoryevka', known in the history of European medicine (the resting site of the body of Batory); the Vytautas Fara, the most famous Belarusian church destroyed by the communist authorities, which became a symbol of Grodno. Three stages of the evolution of the memory of Grodno and Grodno residents about Batory in the 20th - early 21st centuries are described: from the strong presence in the Grodno tradition from 1919 to 1939 through the transformation into a 'white spot' of history in Soviet times (the king who made campaigns to the East, could not be a symbol of the city) to 'rehabilitation' in the 1990s and an increasing presence in memory in recent years. The contribution of Grodno historians (Yu. Yadkovsky; scientific events organized by D. Karav) to the historical memory of the inhabitants of the region is emphasized. The forms and ways of manifestation of memory are identified: the nationwide character of celebrations of 1933 in honour of the 400 anniversary of the birth of Batory (apogee of his honour); the inclusion into the modern calendar of memorable dates of the day of remembrance of Batory (December 12), the installation of the monument to the lost churches on the site of Vytautas Fara (2014) and the discovery of new circumstances of its tragedy in 1961, 'Stefan Batory Festival' and others. There are three approaches to Batory of modern Grodno: from his recognition as a strong political figure among the figures of Eastern and Central Europe in the second half of the 16th century and his contribution to the development of Grodno through a neutral attitude to its exclusion from urban history (because he favoured the Jesuits, 'suppressed' the locals). Recently, public opinion of the city is concerned about the reconstruction of the 'Vytautas Fara' church, the reconstruction of the Old Castle, and the installation of a monument to Batory. These issues acquire a new practical meaning in the context of the development of Grodno as a tourist centre. Their solution can give a strong impetus to the tourism business in Belarus. ; We współczesnej Białorusi zainteresowanie postacią króla Polski i wielkiego księcia litewskiego Stefana Batorego oraz jego epoką należy tłumaczyć rozwojem badań naukowych poświęconych zaniedbanej w czasach sowieckich historii politycznej Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego i Rzeczypospolitej. Posiadająca stuletnią tradycję i zakorzeniona najsilniej na Grodzieńszczyźnie pamięć historyczna o władcy jest związana z rolą, jaką odegrał on w dziejach miasta: Grodno zawdzięcza Batoremu pozycję miasta królewskiego i atrakcyjny wizerunek historyczny. W oparciu o topografię Grodna w artykule omówiono miejsca związane z Stefanem Batorym: Stary Zamek jako jedyny zachowany po dziś dzień zamek królewski na Białorusi (oprócz tzw. Nowego Zamku), który w latach trzydziestych XX w. planowano przebudować na wzór krakowskiego Wawelu (tzw. Wawel nad Niemnem), znana w historii europejskiej medycyny Batorówka (miejsce przeprowadzenia sekcji zwłok Stefana Batorego), kościół Najświętszej Maryi Panny (zwany też Farą Witoldową) – najsłynniejszy białoruski kościół zniszczony przez władze komunistyczne, symbol Grodna. W artykule opisano trzy etapy ewolucji pamięci mieszkańców Grodna o Batorym w XX i na początku XXI wieku: od pozytywnego wizerunku w latach 1919–1939, poprzez białą plamę w historii w czasach radzieckich (król wyprawiający się na Wschód nie mógł być symbolem miasta), do "rehabilitacji" w latach 90. i dużego zainteresowanie postacią króla w ostatnich latach. Autor podkreśla wkład historyków Grodna (J. Jadkouski; wydarzenia naukowe organizowane przez D. Karawego) w projekty kultywujące pamięć historyczną mieszkańców regionu. Omówiono formy i sposoby manifestowania pamięci o Batorym: ogólnokrajowe obchody 400-lecia urodzin Batorego w 1933 r. (apogeum jego czci); wpisanie do współczesnego kalendarza pamiętnych dat dnia pamięci Batorego (12 grudnia), ufundowanie na miejscu Fary Witoldowej pomnika upamiętniającego dawny kościół (2014) oraz ujawnienie nowych okoliczności wyburzenia świątyni w 1961 r., "Święto Stefana Batorego" i inne. Opisano różne oceny Batorego jako władcy w opinii współczesnych mieszkańców Grodna: od pozytywnych, uznających go za silną postać polityczną w Europie Wschodniej i Środkowej drugiej połowy XVI w. do negatywnych, związanych z postulatem usunięcia króla z historii miasta (ponieważ faworyzował jezuitów, "tłumił" miejscowych). Omówiono zagadnienia, które w ostatnim czasie nurtują opinię publiczną miasta: odbudowa Fary Witoldowej, przebudowa Starego Zamku i ufundowanie pomnika Batorego. Kwestie te nabierają nowego znaczenia w kontekście rozwoju Grodna jako ośrodka turystycznego. Ich uregulowanie może dać silny impuls dla rozwoju turystyki na Białorusi. ; Актуалізацыя эпохі і постаці караля польскага і вялікага князя літоўскага Стэфана Баторыя адбылася ў сучаснай Беларусі на хвалі ўзмацнення навуковай і грамадскай цікавасці да палітычнай гісторыі Вялікага Княства Літоўскага і Рэчы Паспалітай, занядбанай у савецкі час. Гістарычная памяць пра яго найбольш трывала ўмацавалася на Гродзеншчыне і мае ўжо 100-гадовую традыцыю. Артыкул абгрунтоўвае прычыну гэтай з'явы – найперш Баторыю горад Гродна абавязаны годным статусам каралеўскага горада і высокім гістарычным іміджам. Паказаны "месцы памяці", якія пакінуў Баторый у Гродна, і іх еўрапейская значнасць: Стары замак – адзіны на Беларусі (акрамя Новага замку) захаваны каралеўскі замак, у 1930-я г. меркаваны для ператварэння ў "Вавель над Нёманам", раўназначны кракаўскаму Вавелю; «Батор'еўка», вядомая ў гісторыі еўрапейскай медыцыны (месца анатаміравання цела Баторыя); Фара Вітаўта – самы вядомы беларускі храм, знішчаны камуністычнай уладай, які стаў сімвалам Гродна. Ахарактарызаваны тры этапы эвалюцыі памяці Гродна і гродзенцаў пра Баторыя у ХХ – пачатку ХХІ ст.: ад трывалай прысутнасці ў традыцыі Гродна ў 1919–1939 г. праз ператварэнне ў "белую пляму" гісторыі ў савецкі час (кароль, які рабіў паходы на ўсход, не мог быць сімвалам горада) да "рэабілітацыі" ў 1990-я г. і ўзмацнення прысутнасці ў памяці ў апошнія гады. Падкрэслены ўклад гродзенскіх гісторыкаў (Ю. Ядкоўскі; навуковыя мерапрыемствы, арганізаваныя Д. Каравым) у гістарычную памяць жыхароў краю. Раскрыты формы і спосабы праяўлення памяці: агульнадзяржаўнага характару ўрачыстасці 1933 г. у гонар 400-годдзя нараджэння Баторыя (апагей яго ўшанавання); уключэнне ў сучасны каляндар памятных дат дня памяці Баторыя (12 снежня), усталяванне помніка страчаным храмам на месцы Фары Вітаўта (2014 г.) і адкрыццё новых абставін яе трагедыі 1961 г., «Фестываль Стэфана Баторыя» і інш. Выдзелены тры падыходы ў стаўленні да Баторыя сучасных гродзенцаў: ад яго прызнання моцнай палітычнай фігурай сярод дзеячаў Усходняй і Цэнтральнай Еўропы другой паловы XVI ст. і ўкладу ў развіццё Гродна праз нейтральнае стаўленне да вырачэння яго з гарадской гісторыі (бо спрыяў езуітам, "душыў" мясцовых жыхароў). Названы пытанні, якія вярэдзяць гарадскую грамадскую думку ў апошні час: адбудова храма "Фара Вітаўта", рэканструкцыя Старога замку, усталяванне помніка Баторыю. Гэтыя пытанні набываюць новы практычны сэнс у кантэксце развіцця Гродна як турыстычнага цэнтра. Іх вырашэнне можа даць моцны штуршок для турбізнеса Беларусі.

Problem setting. Modern science of public administration forms a theoretical basis for the study of national development and state-building processes. The urgency of the search for theoretical and methodological foundations of state linguistic policy in Ukraine is caused by unstable state linguistic policy both during the whole period of independence and in the historical perspective, by the unacceptable part of Ukrainian society of Ukrainian as a single state, by the non-formation of Ukrainian national identity for the use of language. society, in the hybrid war against Ukraine, which is no longer a potential but a real threat to Ukraine's existence as a state.In the normative legal acts of Ukraine, in particular in the Constitution of Ukraine, such a term as "Ukrainian nation" is not defined, although it is used together with the term "Ukrainian people", within which "citizens of Ukraine of all nationalities" are united. The researcher notes that at the time the Basic Law was enacted, the term "nation" contained mostly ethnic content (at least such a stereotype prevailed and, apparently, prevails in the mass consciousness), the concept of "nation" did not relate to the concept of citizenship. In this sense, the "Ukrainian nation" is primarily an ethno-cultural, linguistic community.Recent research and publications analysis. In scientific discourse, the nation in various contexts has been the subject of attention of researchers in various fields of science, including public administration, namely: B. Anderson, H. Yevsyeieva, V. Karlova, G. Kasianov, M. Kozlovets, I. Kresina, Yu. Kuts, I. Lopushinsky, L. Nagornaya, S. Rymarenko, O. Ryabchenko, V. Sychova, V. Starosolsky, M. Stepykо and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the available research on theories of the nation, as well as the role of the linguistic factor of national genesis, there has been no study of the science of public administration of theories of the nation as a methodological basis of state language policy in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to hypothesize that the theoretical foundations of nation-building are the methodological basis of the state language policy of Ukraine at the present stage of state formation, since language is one of the defining features of Ukrainian national identity and factors of creation of the Ukrainian nation under conditions of multiethnic society and external threats to the nation.Paper main body. There is neither a universal definition of a nation nor a stable set of features.Having analyzed the various theories of the nation, we conclude that such a set may consist of linguistic, cultural, territorial, economic, social, psychological and political characteristics, and none of them can be dominant in this list.Three constituents of the nation, which stand out in the theories of the nation and are decisive for the Ukrainian nation, are considered in the context of the chosen direction of research: the national linguistic picture of the world, national identity, national identity.Noteworthy is the scientific approach whereby language is recognized as a feature of the nation based on the study of the linguistic picture of the world as a sociocultural phenomenon that reflects a conceptual picture of the world.Each language reflects a particular way of perceiving and conceptualizing the world. The values reflected in it create a coherent system of views, a kind of collective outlook that becomes mandatory for all native speakers.The next constituent of the nation, we define the national consciousness. national consciousness means the collective or individual perception of the national identity of a person or community, the specific traits of one's own nation, national values, a shared historical past and a shared historical future.National consciousness is historically formed in the process of nationalization, through awareness of the ethnicity of its origin and organic connection with its cultural roots, recognition of the original character of the native culture, language, national peculiarities, mentality and sense of national solidarity.The next constituent of the nation that underlies its formation is national identity. We can give the following definition of national identity: it is the identification of oneself with a certain nation by the set of certain characteristics of a nation, the realization of oneself as part of the national community.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In spite of the methodological pluralism of the theories of the nation, the ambiguous interpretation of the concept of the nation and the instability of its features in many theories, language is regarded as a marker of national identity, a "symbol of social solidarity" (E. Sapir), a means of "transforming disparate individuals into a coherent, organized" Sorokin), "an external criterion by which one can know the existence of a nation" (V. Starosolsky), and others.Although language itself does not play a decisive role in the formation of a nation and national identity, it becomes meaningful when it is transformed into symbolic value and fulfills an integrative role.As constituents of the nation, the article deals with the national-linguistic picture of the world, national consciousness, national identity.The conducted research proves that belonging to a certain nation (national identity) is manifested in the national consciousness, which is formed, including through thinking and language, and is reflected in the national-linguistic picture of the world. In turn, the national-linguistic picture of the world reflects the peculiarities of the conceptual picture of the world of a social community united by certain factors (eg, territory, economy, history and/or modernity, language or metam, etc.).We believe that the process of forming the Ukrainian nation in the modern era was interrupted by a policy of "Sovietization", the creation of a new community, the "Soviet people", linguistic assimilation, and the simultaneous destruction in the 1930s of the Ukrainian intelligentsia and the Ukrainian peasantry as carriers of Ukrainian identity. The consequences of these political actions are still felt by Ukraine today, and it is too early to speak about the established national identity in Ukraine.Researchers agree that the core of the Ukrainian political nation is the ethnic core, whose constituent is language, and Ukraine bears the name of its titular nation and the largest of its indigenous ethnic groups – Ukrainian. This fact should be the starting point of nation-building and state-building and, accordingly, of state language policy, which is based on the model of "state Ukrainian language – languages of national minorities and indigenous peoples", which is in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine. ; Досліджено теорії нації та виділено ті теорії, які можуть бути визначені як методологічна засада формування державної мовної політики в Україні. Для розгляду обрано такі конституєнти нації, як національномовна картина світу, національна свідомість, національна ідентичність. З'ясовано, що основою української політичної нації є етнічне ядро, складовою якого є мова, а Україна носить ім'я своєї титульної нації й найчисленнішого зі своїх корінних етносів – українського. Зазначено, що цей факт повинен бути основою державної мовної політики в Україні.

The article examines the key influences of state information policy on the formation and development of civil society in Ukraine since getting independence in 1991 to the present day. The actuality of this scientific research is due to the lack of scientific developments in domestic political science that study the correlation between the information policy of the state and the development of the third sector. The purpose of the article is to structure the information policy of Ukraine by developing its periodization and identifying the leading phenomena at each stage that influenced the formation of the third sector. The study used a broad methodological framework, including historical and systemic methods, socio-cultural approach, as well as the study of the legal framework and content analysis.Results. Seven stages in the periodization of the state information policy in Ukraine have been identified: 1) post-Soviet or primary democratization; 2) secondary democratization; 3) primary digitization; 4) secondary digitization; 5) informatization; 6) information and military; 7) technical and technological.It is proved that during the first, second and third stages of proposed periodization, the third sector formally acquires subjectivity, but is perceived by the state and presented in the information field as an object that serves as a stimulus for civil society to fight for real subjectivity. The indifference of the state information policy to the institutions of the third sector in the first stage turns into an open confrontation during the third stage. The fourth stage is characterized by the liberalization of relations: civil society, which loudly declared itself during the "Orange Revolution", becomes a subject in the eyes of the new state administration, which in fact should owe a conscious community for the possibility of successful political "revenge". The fifth stage shows a completely opposite trend in the state's perception of civil society and its reflection in information policy, but this is intentional as a result of the authorities' awareness of the strength and potential of this entity. Thus, the blocking of the development of the CS, in fact, was a confirmation of the government's recognition of its subjectivity. The sixth stage marks a new milestone in the development of the CS and its new status - an equal socio-political actor in the eyes of state power and in its own perception. The seventh stage marks the strengthening of the institutional content of the civil society, despite some confrontational tensions in relations with central government.Conclusions. The seven stages of the information policy of independent Ukraine contain three stages of development of civil society in the context of the influences of the former: 1) stage of objectification in the information space (presentation as a phenomenon, 1991–2003); 2) stage of subjectivation (presentation as a subject, 2004–2013); 3) stage of institutionalization (presentation as a partner, from 2014 to the present). ; В статье проведено исследование ключевых воздействий государственной информационной политики на становление и развитие гражданского общества в Украине с момента обретения независимости в 1991 г. по сегодняшний день. Актуальность этого научного поиска связана с отсутствием в отечественной политологии научных разработок, которые исследовали корреляцию между информационной политикой государства и развитием третьего сектора. Цель статьи заключается в структурировании информационной политики Украины путем разработки ее периодизации и выявления ведущих явлений на каждом этапе, которые повлияли на формирование третьего сектора. В ходе исследования была использована широкая методологическая база, в частности исторический и системный методы, социально-культурный подход, а также изучение нормативно-правовой базы и контент-анализ.Результаты. Выявлено семь этапов в периодизации информационной политики государства в Украине: 1) постсоветский или первичной демократизации; 2) вторичной демократизации; 3) первичной цифровизации; 4) вторичной цифровизации; 5) информатизации; 6) информационно-военный; 7) технико-технологический.Доказано, что на протяжении первого, второго и третьего этапов, предложенной нами периодизации, третий сектор формально приобретает субъектность, но воспринимается государством и подается в информационном поле как объект, что выступает для гражданского общества стимулом к борьбе за реальную субъектность. Индифферентность информационной политики государства к институтам третьего сектора на первом этапе превращается в откровенное противостояние во времена третьего этапа. Четвертый этап характеризуется либерализацией отношений: гражданское общество, которое громко заявило о себе «Оранжевой революцией», становится субъектом в глазах новой государственной администрации, которая, по сути, обязана сознательной общине за возможность удачного политического «реванша». Пятый этап демонстрирует абсолютно обратную тенденцию в восприятии государством гражданского общества и отражении его в информационной политике, но это происходит умышленно в результате осознания властью силы и потенциала этого субъекта. Итак, блокирование развития ГО, на самом деле, стало подтверждением признания властью его субъектности. Шестой этап знаменует новую веху в развитии ГО и его новый статус – равноправного социально-политического актера в глазах государственной власти и в собственном восприятии. Седьмой этап знаменует усиление институционального содержания гражданского общества несмотря на некоторое конфронтационное напряжение в отношениях с центральными органами государственной власти.Выводы. В семь этапов информационной политики независимой Украины помещается три этапа развития гражданского общества в контексте влияния первой: 1) этап объективации в информационном пространстве (презентация как феномена, 1991–2003 гг.) 2) этап субъективации (презентация как субъекта, 2004–2013 гг.) 3) этап институализации (презентация как партнера, с 2014 г. и до сих пор). ; У статті здійснено дослідження ключових впливів державної інформаційної політики на становлення та розвиток громадянського суспільства в Україні з моменту здобуття незалежності у 1991 році по сьогодні. Актуальність цього наукового пошуку пов'язана з відсутністю у вітчизняній політології наукових розробок, які б досліджували кореляцію між інформаційною політикою держави та розвитком третього сектора. Мета статті полягає у структуруванні інформаційної політики України шляхом розробки її періодизації та виявленні провідних явищ на кожному етапі, які вплинули на формування третього сектору. У ході дослідження було використано широку методологічну базу, зокрема історичний та системний методи, соціально-культурний підхід, а також вивчення нормативно-правової бази й контент-аналіз. Результати. Виявлено сім етапів у періодизації інформаційної політики держави в Україні: 1) пострадянський або первинної демократизації; 2) вторинної демократизації; 3) первинної цифровізації; 4) вторинної цифровізації; 5) інформатизації; 6) інформаційно-воєнний; 7) техніко-технологічний.Доведено, що впродовж першого, другого та третього етапів, запропонованої нами періодизації, третій сектор формально набуває суб'єктності, але сприймається державою і подається в інформаційному полі як об'єкт, що виступає для громадянського суспільства стимулом до боротьби за реальну суб'єктність. Індиферентність інформаційної політики держави до інститутів третього сектору на першому етапі перетворюється на відверте протистояння за часів третього етапу. Четвертий етап характеризується лібералізацією відносин: громадянське суспільство, яке голосно заявило про себе «Помаранчевою революцією», стає суб'єктом в очах нової державної адміністрації, яка по суті має завдячувати свідомій громаді за можливість вдалого політичного «реваншу». П'ятий етап демонструє абсолютно зворотну тенденцію у сприйнятті державою громадянського суспільства та відображенні його в інформаційній політиці, але це відбувається навмисне в результаті усвідомлення владою сили та потенціалу цього суб'єкта. Отже, блокування розвитку ГС, насправді, стало підтвердженням визнання владою його суб'єктності. Шостий етап знаменує нову віху у розвитку ГС та його новий статус – рівноправного соціально-політичного актора в очах державної влади й у власному сприйнятті. Сьомий етап знаменує посилення інституційного змісту громадянського суспільства попри певну конфронтаційну напругу у відносинах з центральними органами державної влади. Висновки. У сім етапів інформаційної політики незалежної України вміщується три етапи розвитку громадянського суспільства в контексті впливів першої: 1) етап об'єктивації в інформаційному просторі (презентація як феномену, 1991–2003 рр.; 2) етап суб'єктивації (презентація як суб'єкта, 2004–2013 рр.); 3) етап інституалізації (презентація як партнера, з 2014 р. й дотепер).

Effective map use in the field is based on orientation in two spaces: in a physical or geographical space and in a representational, graphic space. When using a map the wayfinding process includes the identification of the user's geographical position in the field (starting point), the identification of the target and planning the route's connecting the two points. However, the initial direction of the user is very rarely the orientation of the map, so the problem of navigation with maps is the translation of the representational space into the user's actual situation. In other words, the projected or actual movement path during navigation must be transformed from one reference frame to the other. Spatial reference frame is a key issue in cartography and geovisualization. The transformation of the human subjects' body-centred, egocentric reference system into an object-centred, allocentric reference system is a complex task. Maps are cognitive tools, traditionally representing large configurational spaces in visual, graphic form (Török 2019). They offer computational advantage over internal, human memory representation, organized into smaller spatial units. Apart from personal experience, learning from maps is a common practice (Meilinger et al. 2015). Supported by ubiquitous map services, prior to visiting unfamiliar places people consult maps to familiarize themselves, and this spatial learning results in memory structures with map-oriented reference frames. In modern societies the massive use of cartographic visualization in spatial thinking underlines the importance of modern cognitive cartographic research, resulting in new insights and consequences well beyond topographic map use (Zentai et al. 2006). Learning from maps influence the structure of the cognitive map. Increasing map use in modern information societies has strong effects on all spatial aspects of the human mind. Recent geo-visualizations, most importantly mobile navigational applications display maps with dynamic, head-up orientation and support the user by turn-by-turn voice navigation. Unfortunately, this practice does not support survey knowledge acquisition, cognitive map building and spatial memory training. The negative effect is decreasing navigational, or more generally spatial, ability of users of GPS navigational services. While the change of reference frame demands higher memory load for the human brain, the cost is compensated by the maintenance and development of human cognitive abilities. The North-is-up reference frame on cartographic maps is actually a rather modern cultural convention. However, we can trace its origin back to the astronomical-geometrical worldview of ancient Greek cosmology. The priority of north was adopted by Hellenic geography and became a classic tradition after the rediscovery of the 2nd c. work, a manual on making a map of the world by Ptolemy. He described the construction of the map in a geometric reference frame, in a north-oriented geographical coordinate system. Map making based on this new concept of geometric space had substantial influence on human spatial thinking from the Renaissance period on. Modern cartography is an Enlightenment project, and from the 19th century maps became common objects in European societies. In the 20th century cartographers and generations of map users were trained in geography with north-oriented maps, atlases – even globes were displayed with north on top. The representational history of cities in European cartography a case where cognitive cartographic issues strongly influenced cartographic practice and the importance of different reference frames is demonstrative. The modern city view as a new genre appears in the late 15th century and cities views were already popular at the time the Nuremberg Chronicle was printed with numerous illustrations (1493). However, how it is perhaps best exemplified by Sebastian Münster's German Cosmography (from 1544) while maps were oriented north or south, the cities were given in perspective. In the Chronicle Buda, the capital of the Kingdom of Hungary, is represented from the east, while Münster included another woodcut, a view of the city from the south. After the long period of the Turkish occupation new representations of the former Hungarian capital were constructed by military engineers in connection with the siege of Buda (1686), representing the campaign's target from military point of view. The cities Buda and Pest, stretching along the Danube, even in the 19th century they were represented with the river as a horizontal axis in landscape format views and maps. The significant change of the orientation of the city maps is the late 19th century, more specifically the period when topographic maps of the third military survey of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy became available. From this time on the historic material demonstrates that maps of Budapest (from 1872) are almost exclusively north-oriented. As a result of this process, generations learned geography from north oriented maps and school atlases. After our virtual reality experiments exploring spatial learning and navigation (Török et al. 2018), in the present field experiment we tested the interaction of local and global reference frames, the sense of geographical North in a sample of young adults. We created an ecologically valid experimental setting by selecting a special location at ELTE university campus in Budapest. In an enclosed vista space, positioned near the river Danube and heading an easterly direction, our participants were asked first to point to North. With good visibility of the river, a major, structural landmark in the configuration of the city we were interested how the misleading direction of the Danube influenced their directional sense. While the general course of the river is north-south, at the site of the experiment the river course changes to northwest-southeast, with a deviation of 30–40° from true north. We expected that the direction of the only visible global landmark, and, of course all the local landmarks, would result in similar pointing errors. In the first test series they were asked to point/draw toward salient urban landmarks in the city, that is in environmental space. In the second test series they pointed towards important cities in a large, geographical space. Finally, they once again indicated the direction of true North in the same geographic space. Our results are consistent with previous research (Frankenstein et al. 2012) that the participants had a clear sense of geographical North learned from maps, moreover, contradicting our expectations, the misleading course of the Danube and local geometry had little effect on the overall high accuracy of pointing to North. However, a few result deviated from the average and suggested high individual differences, presumably due to different spatial thinking strategies of participants. Test subjects living longer in Budapest had a much better sense of North, supporting the importance of learned components in this directional knowledge. Our experiment in the physical world resulted in supporting evidence that North is present in human cognitive map as the cardinal direction for orientation. The implications of the results of our experiment should be considered relevant when designing new maps and user interfaces. Another important result, our experiment suggest that local and global reference frames are not separate systems, but structured hierarchically and integrated in spatial orientation tasks. Although egocentric view may support direct scene recognition and object identification cartographers should construct navigational maps with geographic reference frame as well, especially in the case of extensive and complex environmental/geographical spaces, because these are still learned first from north oriented maps. The long tradition of paper maps, the history of cartography has a lasting effect of human understanding of the physical and virtual worlds.

Over the past decades, the tourism industry has grown at an unprecedented rate worldwide, with protected areas among the most visited destinations. The European Union is calling for the "sustainable use of sites, that benefits local communities and economies, particularly by exploiting the potential for sustainable tourism and green jobs" (European Commission, 2017, p 14). To support European Protected Areas having an active role in the promotion of sustainable development based on tourism, the EUROPARC Federation, the largest pan-European non-governmental organisation working with protected areas, created the European Charter for Sustainable Tourism in Protected Areas (ECSTPA) in 2001, a methodology that guides Protected Areas towards becoming sustainable destinations. Despite implemented in 164 destinations across 20 European countries, the methodology lacks visibility and recognition among the tourism sector and wider community. This project aimed to analyse the needs and expectations of the internal network of sustainable destinations and the external positioning of the ECSTPA among its competitors, in order to propose a marketing strategy and a rebranding of the methodology. After the literature review that framed the value and opportunities of the ECSTPA, an extensive participatory process was initiated, which included personal interviews, a qualitative survey to the members of the network, the creation of an expert commission and several workshops. Through the internal and external analysis, the need to create a stronger network who is able to capitalise the existing knowledge and to leverage the benefits of being awarded the ECSTPA became evident. In addition, the lack of and attractive graphic identity and coherent positioning called for a full rebranding of the methodology, which is proposed with the project. The results of the participatory process revealed the high interest of the network in taking part in the promotional activities of the ECSTPA. Empowering the network of sustainable destinations and partners awarded is thus a fundamental step for the successful implementation of the marketing strategy and the action plan proposed. Over the next four years, the implementation of the strategy and action plan will require a higher engagement of the internal network through capacity building tools and trainings; the delivery of new communication tools; and the development of strategic alliances with the tourism sector. ; Nas últimas décadas a indústria do turismo cresceu a um ritmo sem precedentes em todo o mundo, com as áreas protegidas entre os destinos turísticos mais visitados. Há uma necessidade crescente em abordar o turismo a partir de uma perspetiva sustentável, capaz de gerar riqueza e bem-estar social para as comunidades locais sem comprometer a proteção dos valores naturais e culturais que são, muitas vezes, a razão da chegada de visitantes. Simultaneamente, a Comissão Europeia reconhece o valor do turismo enquanto atividade económica geradora de múltiplos benefícios para as comunidades rurais, e está a implementar medidas que permitam a exploração do turismo de forma sustentada, especialmente aumentando o seu potencial para a criação de empregos verdes (Comissão Europeia, 2017, p 14). Para apoiar as áreas protegidas europeias a terem um papel ativo no desenvolvimento sustentável do seu território, a Federação EUROPARC, a maior organização não-governamental a trabalhar com as áreas protegidas europeias, criou em 2001 a Carta Europeia do Turismo Sustentável em Áreas Protegidas (ECSTPA). Trata-se de uma metodologia que apoia as áreas protegidas a tornarem-se destinos sustentáveis, baseada num conjunto de normas e indicadores de performance. As áreas protegidas são assim estimuladas a iniciar um processo participativo com as autoridades locais, com os empresários afetos ao turismo e a comunidade, no sentido de definir uma visão territorial conjunta para o desenvolvimento turístico do território, e um plano de ação a cinco anos para a sua implementação. Apesar de ter sido aplicada em 164 destinos em 20 países europeus, a metodologia carece de visibilidade e reconhecimento entre o setor de turismo e a comunidade em geral. Uma vez que foi concebida para ser uma ferramenta interna para os gestores de áreas protegidas, durante os últimos 17 anos, poucos esforços e recursos foram alocados à promoção da ECSTPA. No entanto, o recente crescimento da rede, com o envolvimento de centenas de empresas na indústria do turismo que trabalham com as áreas protegidas certificadas, trouxe uma mudança de expectativas: parceiros e áreas protegidas começaram a exigir uma maior visibilidade e reconhecimento da metodologia. Este projeto, requerido pela Federação EUROPARC, tem como objetivo analisar as necessidades e expectativas da rede de destinos e parceiros sustentáveis a seguir a metodologia, de forma a criar o primeiro plano estratégico de marketing e plano de ação da ECSTPA. A metodologia de trabalho incluiu uma extensa revisão de literatura que enquadrou o valor das áreas protegidas e o potencial da ECSTPA para a implementação dos "Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável", e permitiu situar a metodologia entre os seus principais concorrentes. Seguidamente, foi iniciado um longo processo participativo que incluiu entrevistas pessoais, um estudo qualitativo das expectativas e necessidades das áreas protegidas que implementam a ECSTPA, que culminou na criação de uma análise SWOT para três dimensões da ECSTPA: a perceção do custo da ECSTPA, o produto, e a comunicação. A análise interna revelou a necessidade de criar uma ligação mais forte entre os membros da rede de áreas que seguem a metodologia, de forma a capitalizar o conhecimento existente e alavancar os benefícios da ECSTPA. Notória foi também a necessidade de melhorar a visibilidade da ECSTPA através da criação de uma identidade gráfica mais atraente e definição de um posicionamento coerente. Desta forma, o desenvolvimento da estratégia de marketing inclui a proposta de um rebranding (ou de reformulação da marca) da ECSTPA, com a criação de uma nova identidade gráfica e valores da marca. De forma a garantir um processo participativo aberto aos membros da rede da ECSTPA, foi estabelecida uma comissão de comunicação composta por representantes das áreas protegidas que seguem a metodologia e especialistas em comunicação e turismo sustentável. Através de quatro workshops, num total de oito dias de trabalho, os resultados de cada sessão serviram de base para as sessões conseguintes, garantindo uma continuidade do processo e máximo envolvimento de diversos membros da rede e da comissão de comunicação. O processo participativo implementado revelou o grande interesse da rede em participar nas atividades promocionais da ECSTPA. Desta forma, tornou-se evidente que ações que potenciem o fortalecimento da rede de destinos e parceiros sustentáveis é um passo fundamental para o sucesso da implementação da estratégia de marketing e do plano de ação proposto. Nos próximos quatro anos, a implementação da estratégia e do plano de ação exigirá a ativação da rede interna; a capacitação dos membros da rede através de instrumentos de aprendizagem online e sessões de formação em comunicação; a criação de novas ferramentas de comunicação para aumentar o reconhecimento da marca; e o desenvolvimento de alianças estratégicas com o setor de turismo.

Problem setting. Modern science of public administration forms a theoretical basis for the study of national development and state-building processes. The urgency of the search for theoretical and methodological foundations of state linguistic policy in Ukraine is caused by unstable state linguistic policy both during the whole period of independence and in the historical perspective, by the unacceptable part of Ukrainian society of Ukrainian as a single state, by the non-formation of Ukrainian national identity for the use of language. society, in the hybrid war against Ukraine, which is no longer a potential but a real threat to Ukraine's existence as a state.In the normative legal acts of Ukraine, in particular in the Constitution of Ukraine, such a term as "Ukrainian nation" is not defined, although it is used together with the term "Ukrainian people", within which "citizens of Ukraine of all nationalities" are united. The researcher notes that at the time the Basic Law was enacted, the term "nation" contained mostly ethnic content (at least such a stereotype prevailed and, apparently, prevails in the mass consciousness), the concept of "nation" did not relate to the concept of citizenship. In this sense, the "Ukrainian nation" is primarily an ethno-cultural, linguistic community.Recent research and publications analysis. In scientific discourse, the nation in various contexts has been the subject of attention of researchers in various fields of science, including public administration, namely: B. Anderson, H. Yevsyeieva, V. Karlova, G. Kasianov, M. Kozlovets, I. Kresina, Yu. Kuts, I. Lopushinsky, L. Nagornaya, S. Rymarenko, O. Ryabchenko, V. Sychova, V. Starosolsky, M. Stepykо and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the available research on theories of the nation, as well as the role of the linguistic factor of national genesis, there has been no study of the science of public administration of theories of the nation as a methodological basis of state language policy in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to hypothesize that the theoretical foundations of nation-building are the methodological basis of the state language policy of Ukraine at the present stage of state formation, since language is one of the defining features of Ukrainian national identity and factors of creation of the Ukrainian nation under conditions of multiethnic society and external threats to the nation.Paper main body. There is neither a universal definition of a nation nor a stable set of features.Having analyzed the various theories of the nation, we conclude that such a set may consist of linguistic, cultural, territorial, economic, social, psychological and political characteristics, and none of them can be dominant in this list.Three constituents of the nation, which stand out in the theories of the nation and are decisive for the Ukrainian nation, are considered in the context of the chosen direction of research: the national linguistic picture of the world, national identity, national identity.Noteworthy is the scientific approach whereby language is recognized as a feature of the nation based on the study of the linguistic picture of the world as a sociocultural phenomenon that reflects a conceptual picture of the world.Each language reflects a particular way of perceiving and conceptualizing the world. The values reflected in it create a coherent system of views, a kind of collective outlook that becomes mandatory for all native speakers.The next constituent of the nation, we define the national consciousness. national consciousness means the collective or individual perception of the national identity of a person or community, the specific traits of one's own nation, national values, a shared historical past and a shared historical future.National consciousness is historically formed in the process of nationalization, through awareness of the ethnicity of its origin and organic connection with its cultural roots, recognition of the original character of the native culture, language, national peculiarities, mentality and sense of national solidarity.The next constituent of the nation that underlies its formation is national identity. We can give the following definition of national identity: it is the identification of oneself with a certain nation by the set of certain characteristics of a nation, the realization of oneself as part of the national community.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. In spite of the methodological pluralism of the theories of the nation, the ambiguous interpretation of the concept of the nation and the instability of its features in many theories, language is regarded as a marker of national identity, a "symbol of social solidarity" (E. Sapir), a means of "transforming disparate individuals into a coherent, organized" Sorokin), "an external criterion by which one can know the existence of a nation" (V. Starosolsky), and others.Although language itself does not play a decisive role in the formation of a nation and national identity, it becomes meaningful when it is transformed into symbolic value and fulfills an integrative role.As constituents of the nation, the article deals with the national-linguistic picture of the world, national consciousness, national identity.The conducted research proves that belonging to a certain nation (national identity) is manifested in the national consciousness, which is formed, including through thinking and language, and is reflected in the national-linguistic picture of the world. In turn, the national-linguistic picture of the world reflects the peculiarities of the conceptual picture of the world of a social community united by certain factors (eg, territory, economy, history and/or modernity, language or metam, etc.).We believe that the process of forming the Ukrainian nation in the modern era was interrupted by a policy of "Sovietization", the creation of a new community, the "Soviet people", linguistic assimilation, and the simultaneous destruction in the 1930s of the Ukrainian intelligentsia and the Ukrainian peasantry as carriers of Ukrainian identity. The consequences of these political actions are still felt by Ukraine today, and it is too early to speak about the established national identity in Ukraine.Researchers agree that the core of the Ukrainian political nation is the ethnic core, whose constituent is language, and Ukraine bears the name of its titular nation and the largest of its indigenous ethnic groups – Ukrainian. This fact should be the starting point of nation-building and state-building and, accordingly, of state language policy, which is based on the model of "state Ukrainian language – languages of national minorities and indigenous peoples", which is in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine. ; Досліджено теорії нації та виділено ті теорії, які можуть бути визначені як методологічна засада формування державної мовної політики в Україні. Для розгляду обрано такі конституєнти нації, як національномовна картина світу, національна свідомість, національна ідентичність. З'ясовано, що основою української політичної нації є етнічне ядро, складовою якого є мова, а Україна носить ім'я своєї титульної нації й найчисленнішого зі своїх корінних етносів – українського. Зазначено, що цей факт повинен бути основою державної мовної політики в Україні.