U članku se analiziraju povijesne okolnosti bizarne priče Amijana Marcelina, čiji su se navodi uzimali samo kao dokaz da je Dioklecijan oktogonalni hram usred splitske građevine podigao kao mjesto svog trajnog počivališta i da je u njemu stvarno i pokopan. Amijan nam je, zapravo, opisao prvi sudski proces koji se 356. godine vodio u »Aspalatu«, koji je u to doba bio još uvijek neobična kombinacija imperijalne palače i državne tekstilne tvornice, te nam je dao izravan uvid u proces profanacije Dioklecijanovih uspomena u njegovoj palači i početke njene kristijanizacije. ; The article analyses the historical circumstances behind the story of Ammianus Marcellinus (XVI, VIII, 3-7), according to which a certain woman, in the year 356, during the reign of Constantius II, made a report to Rufinus, the chief steward of the praetorian prefecture of Illyricum, accusing her husband Danus and »a gang of plotters« of the theft of the purple robe (uelamen purpureum) from the sarcophagus of the emperor in his mausoleum in Split, of the crime, then, of lèse-majesté, of the most serious affront to the imperial majesty. In the subsequent inquiry, it later turned out that Rufinus had persuaded this woman by a tissue of lies to charge her guiltless husband. Always only in a passing comment, the story is taken as a proof that Diocletian built his octagonal temple as a place for his eternal resting place and that he was in fact entombed there. Ammianus, with his acute and impassioned evaluations of contemporary real politics and characters, described the trial that was conducted in the city, at that time still an uncommon combination of imperial palace and factory for army textiles (Gynaeceum Iovense Dalmatiae – Aspalatho as the place is called, in entirely official terms, in Notitia Dignitatum at the beginning of the 5th century). The Split episode is mentioned as the first in a series of proofs that Constantius II exceeded the severity of Caligula, Domitian and Commodus in the processes of interrogating accused persons who were in any way suspected of having threatened his rule or the attributes of his dignity. The many people put to torture during the investigation must have been working people and officials in Diocletian's gynaeceum. The investigation was conducted, highly logically, by Ursulus, count of the largesses, that is, the head of the sacred state treasury, under whose direct jurisdiction the gynaeceum Io-vense in Aspalathos lay, and by Lollianus Mavortius – praefectus praetorio per Illyricum, known to us as the dedicatee of an important book about astrology by the Late Antique writer Julius Firmicius Maternus, lavishing on him numerous encomiums. It is worth pointing out at once that appointment of Lollianus Mavortius to the position of examining magistrate in the Split case was very logic, not only because he, like count Ursulus, belonged to the imperial consistory, but because at that time justice in the appeal court was carried out by the praetorian prefect, as it was on occasions in the court of first instance. Ursulus was appointed Mavortius' collaborator; in fact, he is the central character in the whole story, one of the exceptionally rare positive characters in the world of Ammianus. He was count of the sacred largesses. A number of special financial bodies were underneath him: in Illyria, for example Rationalis summarum Pannoniae secundae, Dalmatiae et Saviae, as well as comes largitionum per Illyricum. (Not. dig., 188), in rank almost equal to the governor. Dependent on the counts largitionum per Illyricum were the prepositi (for example, Prepositus thesaurorum Salonitanorum), managers of the state workshops, procurators, of which there was a fair number in Illyria (for example, Procurator monetae Siscianae) and also the Comes metallorum per Illyricum (who controlled the gold mines in the interior). In Salona there was also a separate gynaecium, certainly connected with that in Aspalato; also there was a separate workshop for dyeing silk and wool with scarlet – bafium, as well as a weapons factory – fabrica Salonitana armorum, where helmets, gauntlets, breastplates and so on were produced, under the direct control of the magister officiorum. The real investigation into the theft of the purple from Diocletian's tomb carried out precisely by the comes sacrararum largitionum; this shows, it should be underlined, not so much the emperor's wish to get things into the open by a really righteous and strict person, as Ammianus would have it, rather the fact that the crime happened in the premises that were under the direct jurisdiction of the highest financial officer of the empire. The procedure was not conducted by anyone from the level of the provincial politburo, not by any of the officers in Salona, which at that time was the head of the diocese of western Illyria, the prefecture of Italia (composed of seven provinces). Ursulus' authority in the case of this enquiry is thus extremely significant. The comes sacrarum largitionum directly oversaw the work of the gynaecea, like that called after Jupiter in Asapalto. Rufinus is a particularly picturesque character. He was princeps clarissimus, in the highest rank of state officials (agentes ducenarii), from whom the heads of the officia of the prefects and the most important civil governors for West and East were chosen, or for the military in the East. Via these principes, the court was able to keep a close eye on the working of the provincial governors, that is, they had official spies (if we can really say that). We recognise Rufinus from a second Ammianus story (XV, III, 7-11). Danus is usually considered to have been a slave, according to an actually rather arbitrary repair by Heraeus of a lacuna of some 11 to 14 letters in the firstsentence [Per id tempus fer……….num quendam nomine Danum → Per id tempus fere servum quendam nomine Danum]. But Pighi fills this same lacuna by venturing that Danus might have been some official – a palatinus or praefectianus (in his supplement: palatinum vel praefactianum), which does seem a more logical solution. He might, then, have had some official standing in Aspalathos, and Ammianus' story could well be an indirect confirmation of the operations of the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. This new approach, in which we are no longer dealing with a slave, as has been commonly thought, but, probably, with one of the officials in the management of the imperial textile factory in Split, elegantly explains the apparent contradiction of the affair between Rufinus and Danus' wife. We have no knowledge of how the cunning Rufinus became acquainted with this thoughtless woman. Perhaps he met her during an investigation into the theft in the Split mausoleum, which without any doubt really did happen. He seduced her (post nefandum concubitum) with fine words and promises (ut loquebatur iactantius). Ammianus' account might have been a significant proof of the beginnings of Christianity's squaring of accounts with the reliquaries of paganism within the Palace. It was in that same year, 356, that by the edict of Constantius all the pagan temples in Rome and elsewhere in major centres (which would have included Split, which was under direct imperial control) were closed down. This could well have emboldened the Split conspirators to take steps in squaring accounts with the irritating presence of the mortal remains of the emperor-persecutor in the midst of the Split palace-factory, which at that time was already certainly in the process of Christianisation. The sentences that Ammianus might have based on a direct inspection of the dossier of the Roman prefecture certainly demand to be analysed in detail and, as far as is possible, supplemented. The short Split story penned in 15 sentences of Ammianus's masterly hand, in refined literary expression, sets forth a poignant sample of the harsh texture of life in later antiquity. It is also an important historical source, in the context of the great paucity of written sources about the life of the Palace in the century in which it was built, and provides us with some of the names of its first visitors after the death of Diocletian.
Received: 2021-05-17 | Accepted: 2021-07-08 | Available online: 2021-12-31https://doi.org/10.15414/afz.2021.24.04.315-321Milk fat is a source of not only nutritionally valuable but also biologically active ingredients that are involved in various regulatory processes, thus participating in a functioning organism. These compounds have been studied and various beneficial effects on the health and development of the organism have been described. Ingredients such as fatty acids (monounsaturated fatty acids, polyunsaturated fatty acids and conjugated linoleic acid) and phospholipids (glycerophospholipids and sphingolipids) may have a beneficial effect on human health or can prevent various diseases. Some candidate genes that are significantly involved in milk fat metabolisms, such as diacylglycerol O-acyltransferase 1 and stearoyl-CoA desaturase 1, thus contribute to the composition and concentration of the individual components of milk fat. This review deals with the composition of the collected bioactive components of milk fat and their impact on health and their potential to produce functional foods.Keywords: milk fat, phospholipids, fatty acids, bioactive compoundsReferencesArgov-Argaman, N., Mida, K., Cohen, B. C., Visker, M. and Hettinga, K. (2013). Milk fat content and DGAT1 genotype determine lipid composition of the milk fat globule membrane. PLoS One, 8(7), e68707. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0068707Arranz, E. and Corredig, M. (2017). Invited review: Milk phospholipid vesicles, their colloidal properties, and potential as delivery vehicles for bioactive molecules. Journal of dairy science, 100(6), 4213–4222. https://doi.org/10.3168/jds.2016-12236Bauman, D. E., Mather, I. H., Wall, R. J. and Lock, A. L. (2006). Major advances associated with the biosynthesis of milk. 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La tesi di dottorato di Bruno Brancati concerne il ruolo delle corti nella crisi economica europea, con particolare attenzione alle decisioni relative ai diritti sociali. La tesi principale della ricerca è che, in questo particolare momento, il diritto pubblico europeo richiede un'espansione del ruolo delle corti. Infatti, l'autorità del diritto in Europa è in crisi, perché i confini tra i poteri nazionali e sovranazionali sono incerti. Questo contesto richiede un'espansione della "cultura della giustificazione". "Cultura dell'autorità" e "cultura della giustificazione" sono entrambe necessarie. La prima si concentra sull'autorizzazione ad agire dei vari attori. La seconda si concentra sulle ragioni sostanziali delle decisioni. Quando l' "autorità" è in crisi, l'espansione della "cultura della giustificazione" diventa molto importante, ed anche il ruolo delle corti. La "giurisdizionalizzazione" della crisi economica è un fatto, come dimostrano decisioni quali quella sull'ESM e il Fiscal Compact del Tribunale costituzionale tedesco (settembre 2012) o la decisione n. 187 del 2013 del Tribunale costituzionale portoghese, vertente su alcune misure di austerità. Il primo capitolo della ricerca spiega la tesi principale e la struttura del lavoro. Nel secondo capitolo è illustrata la prospettiva dei "conflitti d'autorità". Il costituzionalismo democratico nazionale e il diritto sovranazionale condividono un orizzonte ideale, ma nella storia della loro relazione è possibile distinguere due fasi: quella della "divergenza" e quella della "convergenza". Il diritto nazionale e quello sovranazionale si sovrappongono, e questa sovrapposizione innesca conflitti, perché essi sono diventati simili, ma non identici. Casi come Viking e Laval sono emblema di un importante conflitto tra queste due sfere. Nel terzo capitolo si può vedere che il livello nazionale e quello sovranazionale si intrecciano nella governance economica e finanziaria. Lo spazio per le valutazioni discrezionali in quest'area incrementa le incertezze dei confini tra i due livelli. Nel quarto capitolo, viene presentato il ruolo del rinvio pregiudiziale alla Corte di Giustizia dell'Unione europea nella prospettiva dei "conflitti d'autorità" e viene considerato il caso OMT. Poi, il capitolo si concentra sui rapporti tra diritto nazionale e diritto sovranazionale nelle "giurisprudenze costituzionali della crisi" portoghese e italiana. Nel quinto capitolo sono stati presentati alcuni argomenti classici, usati contro la giurisdizionalizzazione dei diritti sociali: legittimazione democratica, policentricità, expertise, flessibilità. Le relazioni tra il giudice ed il legislatore in quest'area sono spesso problematiche ed il controllo di proporzionalità può essere molto utile da questo punto di vista. Esso può rispettare la sfera legislativa, ma può anche essere molto pervasivo. Nel sesto capitolo, sono considerati alcuni modi di fare uso del controllo di proporzionalità nella giurisprudenza costituzionale della crisi italiana e portoghese. Le due Corti costituzionali si sono confrontate con la questione dell'equa distribuzione dei sacrifici, ma non sono state sempre persuasive. In altre decisioni, la mancata ricezione di adeguate giustificazioni del sacrificio di un diritto ha giocato un ruolo importante. Allocando l' "onere della giustificazione" sul legislatore, il giudice riconosce i suoi deficit, ma svolge anche un controllo molto efficace. Il settimo capitolo si concentra sulla limitazione degli effetti delle decisioni di incostituzionalità. Questa tecnica è molto utile, a causa della policentricità dei casi riguardanti l'allocazione delle risorse. Sia la Corte costituzionale italiana che il Tribunale costituzionale portoghese sono stati criticati per l'uso di questa tecnica. Inoltre, la giurisprudenza della crisi fornisce un'altra indicazione: il giudice può essere molto efficace se le sue decisioni sono pronunciate subito dopo l'adozione della misura. L'ottavo capitolo contiene le conclusioni del lavoro. La crisi mette alla prova le costituzioni, e le costituzioni appaiono "minimalizzate". Esse riescono a limitare la durezza della politica di austerità, ma non possono stravolgerla. Esse potrebbero perfino legittimarla, addomesticandola. Nella giurisprudenza della crisi, le corti corrono il rischio di perdere la propria legittimazione. La proporzionalità è una tecnica che può enfatizzare la discrezionalità del giudice. L'allocazione di un onere di giustificazione sul legislatore può limitarla, senza eliminarla. La limitazione degli effetti temporali della decisione comporta il rischio di politicizzazione del giudice, ma questa tecnica è molto utile in tempo di crisi, perché consente al giudice di adottare un' "etica della responsabilità". Tuttavia, l'adozione di una tale etica deve rispettare le regole che disciplinano il processo davanti alla corte costituzionale e deve essere controllata da un rigoroso ragionamento giuridico. Bruno Brancati's Phd thesis concerns the role of courts in the European economic crisis, with particular attention paid to decisions related to social rights. The main claim of the research is that, in this particular moment, European public law requires an expansion of the role of courts. In fact, the authority of law in Europe is in crisis, because the boundaries between national and supranational powers are uncertain. This context requires an expansion of the "culture of justification". "Culture of authority" and "culture of justification" are both necessary. The first one focuses on the authorization to act of the various actors. The second one focuses on the substantive reasons in support of the decisions to be taken. When the "authority" is in crisis, the expansion of the "culture of justification" becomes very important, and the role of the courts too. The "judicialization" of the economic crisis is a fact. Decisions such as the one about ESM and Fiscal Compact of the German Constitutional Court (September 2012) or decision n. 187/2013 of the Portuguese Constitutional Court, about austerity measures, demonstrate that. The first chapter of the research explains the main claim and the structure of the work. In the second chapter the perspective of the "conflicts of authority" is illustrated. National democratic constitutionalism and supranational law share an ideal horizon, but in the history of their relationship it is possible to distinguish two phases: a phase of "divergence" and a phase of "convergence". The national law and the supranational one overlap, and this overlapping triggers conflicts, because they have become similar, but not identical. Cases such as Viking and Laval are emblematic of an important conflict between these two spheres. In the third chapter one can see that the national level and the supranational one interweave in the economic and financial governance. The space for discretionary evaluations in this area increases the uncertainties of the boundaries between the two levels. In the fourth chapter, the role of the preliminary ruling question sent to CJEU is presented in the perspective of the "conflicts of authority" and the OMT case is considered. Then, this chapter focuses on the relationships between national law and supranational one in the Portuguese and Italian "crisis constitutional case law". In the fifth chapter, some classical arguments, used against the judicialization of social rights, are presented: democratic legitimacy, polycentricity, expertise, flexibility. The relationships between the judge and the legislature in this area are often problematic and proportionality review can be very useful in this respect. It can respect the legislative sphere, but can also be very pervasive. In the sixth chapter, some ways of making use of proportionality review in the Portuguese and Italian crisis constitutional case law are considered. The two Constitutional Courts have faced the issue of the fair distribution of sacrifices, but they have not always been persuasive. In other decisions the failure to receive adequate justification of a sacrifice of a right played an important role. By allocating the "burden of justification" to the legislature,, the judge recognizes its deficits, but also plays a very effective control. The seventh chapter focuses on the limitation of the effects of the decisions of unconstitutionality. This technique is very useful, because of the polycentricity of the cases regarding the allocation of resources. Both the Portuguese and the Italian Constitutional Courts have been criticized because of the use of this technique. Then, the crisis case law provides another insight: the judge can be very effective if its decisions are delivered soon after the adoption of the measure. The eighth chapter contains the conclusions of the work. The crisis represents a test for constitutions, and constitutions appear "minimized". They manage to limit the hardness of the austerity policy, but they cannot upset it. They could even legitimize it, by taming it. In the crisis case law, the courts run the risk of losing their legitimacy. Proportionality is a technique that can emphasize the discretion of the judge. The allocation of the burden of justification to the legislature can limit it, without eliminating it. The limitation of the temporal effects of the decision involves the risk of politicization of the judge, but this technique is very helpful in times of crisis, because it allows the judge to adopt an "ethics of responsibility". Yet, the adoption of such an ethics must respect the rules that regulate the trial before the constitutional court and must be controlled by a rigorous legal reasoning.
Durch genetischen Fortschritt und eine Verbesserung des Managements werden in der modernen Milchviehhaltung immer höhere Milchleistungen erzielt, während der Metabolismus der einzelnen Kühe so vermehrt vor Herausforderungen gestellt wird. Die abnehmende Futteraufnahme rund um die Abkalbung führt zusammen mit dem Bedarf des Fetus für das Wachstum und den Bedarf der einsetzenden Laktation zu einer negativen Energiebilanz der Kuh. Es ist nicht überraschend, dass in dieser frühen Phase der Laktation die höchste Inzidenz an Produktionserkrankungen vorliegt. Daher konzentriert sich das Gebiet der Rinderernährung seit langer Zeit auf die Erforschung von Maßnahmen, welche die Futteraufnahme, den Energiestatus, den Metabolismus und die Gesundheit der Milchkuh in dieser kritischen Phase unterstützen. Solche Eigenschaften wurden für das ionophore Antibiotikum Monensin nachgewiesen, da gezeigt wurde, dass es die mikrobielle Pansenflora hin zu Gram-negativen Bakterien verschiebt und so zu einer gesteigerten Propionatbildung und einer verminderten Methanbildung führt. Propionat stellt den Hauptvorläufer der hepatischen Glukoneogenese dar und könnte daher die Glukoseverfügbarkeit rund um die Abkalbung verbessern und so dem postpartalen Energiemangel entgegenwirken. Nachdem Antibiotika zur Leistungsförderung in der Europäischen Union verboten wurden, hat sich die Suche nach natürlichen Alternativen zu Monensin stark vermehrt und insbesondere die ätherischen Öle sind in den Fokus gerückt. Denn für diese sekundären Pflanzenmetaboliten konnte ebenfalls eine Beeinflussung der Pansenflora nachgewiesen werden, obwohl die Ergebnisse hinsichtlich des Fermentationsprofiles der kurzkettigen Fettsäuren nicht immer konstant waren sondern abhängig von der verwendeten Komponente und der Dosis. Vor Kurzem wurde Monensin als intraruminaler Bolus wieder in der Europäischen Union für hoch konditionierte Kühe als Tierarzneimittel kurz vor der Abkalbung zugelassen. Doch im Angesicht des öffentlichen Interesses für mögliche Rückstände von Antibiotika in Nahrungsmittel tierischen Ursprunges und der Entwicklung von bakteriellen Resistenzen, besteht nach wie vor Bedarf nach natürlichen Alternativen zu Monensin. Den Blutmetaboliten nicht-veresterte Fettsäuren (NEFA) und beta-Hydroxybutyrat (BHB), welche besonders in Energiemangelsituation stark ansteigen, wird eine zentrale Rolle in der verminderten Immunfunktion rund um die Abkalbung nachgesagt. Daher stellt sich ebenso die Frage, ob Monensin und ätherische Öle auch einen Einfluss auf die Immunfunktion haben, zum einen indirekt, über eine Verbesserung des Energiehaushaltes der Kuh, oder aber direkt und so den Gesundheitsstatus in der frühen Laktation verbessern können. Hierfür wurde eine Studie mit 60 multiparen Deutsch Holsteinkühen (mittlere Laktation 2,3 ± 1,4 (Standardabweichung)) durchgeführt, welche auf einem Tiermodell zur Untersuchung der subklinischen Ketose basierte. Die Kühe wurden 6 Wochen vor der Abkalbung entsprechend ihrer Körperkondition (BCS) in eine Gruppe geringerer (LC, n = 14) und höherer Kondition unterteilt. Letztere wurden in der Trockensteherphase überfüttert und in der frühen Laktation verzögert mit Energie versorgt, um eine negative Energiebilanz mit einhergehender Körperfettmobilisierung und Ketonkörperbildung hervorzurufen. Diese hoch konditionierten Tiere wurden entweder einer Kontrollgruppe zugeordnet (HC, n = 13) oder sie erhielten einen Monensin-freisetzenden intraruminalen Bolus 3 Wochen vor der Abkalbung (HC/MO, n = 14) oder ein Gemisch von ätherischen Ölen von Tag -21 bis Tag +56 bezogen auf die Abkalbung (HC/EO, n = 15). Es wurden Futtermittelproben genommen und Leistungsparameter dokumentiert und des Weiteren Blut-, Pansensaft-, Milchproben und Leberbiopsien entnommen. Hierdurch wurden die Leistung und der Energiehaushalt der Kühe erfasst und das ruminale Fermentationsprofil, biochemische und hämatologische Variablen, Antikörper gegen das Bovine Virale Diarrhö Virus (BVBV) und die Populationen und Funktionen der Leukozyten ermittelt. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die Ziele des Tiermodells erfolgreich erreicht wurden: Die Kühe konnten durch die Fütterung zur Abkalbung weiter zunehmen und haben nach dieser enorm in der Frühlaktation an Körpermaße verloren, wie man an den BCS und NEFA Werten erkennen kann. Die Prävalenz der subklinischen und klinischen Ketose (BHB > 1.2 mmol/L) lag in der HC Gruppe 36% höher als in der LC Gruppe. Im ruminalen Fermentationsprofil konnte eine gesteigerte Propionatbildung in der Monensingruppe, aber nicht in der ätherischen Öle Gruppe, nachgewiesen werden, welche in keiner der beiden Gruppen mit einer gesteigerten Blutglukosekonzentration einherging. Betrachtet man die Leistung der Kühe, konnten die Futteraufnahme (DMI) in der Laktation und die Milchmenge nicht durch die Supplemente verändert werden, aber Monensin führte zu einer gesteigerten Futtereffizienz (DMI/Energie-korrigierte Milch). Biochemische Parameter deuten darauf hin, dass in den hoch konditionierten Tieren eine verminderte Leberfunktion und -integrität vorlag, da die Konzentration im Blut von Bilirubin in allen hoch konditionieren Tieren und von Aspartat-Aminotransferase (AST), gamma-Glutamyltransferase (GGT) und Glutamat Dehydrogenase (GLDH) in der HC und HC/EO Gruppe erhöht waren. Monensin konnte die Konzentration von BHB im Blut senken, obwohl die NEFA Freisetzung unverändert war. Es führte zu einer geringeren Konzentration von Blutmetaboliten, die auf eine verminderte Hepatozytenintegrität hinweisen könnten. Die Immunparameter zeigten eine deutliche Beeinflussung durch die Abkalbung, wie es besonders an der Produktion von reaktiven Sauerstoffspezies (ROS) in den neutrophilen Granulozyten und den BVDV Antikörpertitern sichtbar wurde. Die Antikörperreaktion zeigte sich in der Monensin Gruppe besonders hoch in Vergleich zu der ätherischen Öle Gruppe. Milchkühe, die vor der Abkalbung eine hohe Körperkondition aufweisen, scheinen von einem Monensin-freisetzenden Bolus 3 Wochen vor der Abkalbung zu profitieren, da eine erhöhte Bereitstellung von ruminalem Propionat für die hepatische Glukoneogenese die Energieverfügbarkeit der Kuh zu verbessern scheint und so vermutlich einen antiketogene Wirkung ausübt. Des Weiteren konnte so die Futtereffizienz in der Frühlaktation gesteigert werden. Außerdem lassen die Ergebnisse darauf schließen, dass Monensin direkte oder indirekte Effekte auf die Leber und das Immunsystem ausübt, welche noch weiterer Abklärung bedürfen. Für die supplementierte Dosis des Gemisches von ätherischen Ölen konnte kein Einfluss auf die ruminale Propionatbildung, den Energiehaushalt, die Leistung und die Gesundheit der Milchkühe nachgewiesen werden. Andere Komponenten der ätherischen Öle, andere Gemische und andere Dosen könnten möglicherweise bessere Ergebnisse erzielen. ; Genetic and management progress in modern dairy farming allow continuing increasing milk performance of herds whereas metabolism of individual cows often lags behind. The decreasing feed intake at calving together with growth of the fetus and the initiated lactation leads to a negative energy balance of the cow. It is not surprising that the highest incidence of production diseases can be found in early lactation. Therefore, ruminant nutrition has concentrated for a long time on measures to increase and improve feed intake, energy status, metabolism and health in these critical weeks around calving. One approach is the modulation of fermentation processes in the rumen to increase efficiency to convert feed energy. The ionophore antimicrobial drug monensin was successfully applied for this intention as it leads to a shift of the ruminal microflora towards Gram-negative bacteria increasing propionate and decreasing methane production. Propionate is the main precursor of hepatic gluconeogenesis and may therefore improve glucose availability at calving and so antagonize the postpartal energy deficit. After the ban on antibiotics as feed additives in the European Union, the research in natural alternatives to ionophores was greatly enhanced while essential oils caught great interest. These secondary metabolites obtained from plant material also modulate the rumen microflora although changes in short-chain fatty acid profile are not consistent but dependent on used essential oils component and dose. Recently, monensin was relaunched in the European Union as a ruminal controlled-release capsule (CRC) indicated for high condition dairy cows administered just before calving. However, in times of public attention for possible antibiotic residues in milk and meat and the development of bacterial antibiotic resistances, the quest for alternatives to monensin still proceeds. The blood metabolites non-esterified fatty acids (NEFA) and beta-hydroxybutyrate (BHB) that are high during negative energy balance were attributed an etiological involvement in an impaired immune cell function at calving. This raised the question if monensin and essential oils are able to influence immune function, either indirectly via an improved energy status or even directly, and so to contribute to an improved health status in early lactation. Therefore, a study was conducted with 60 multiparous German Holstein cows (parity 2.3 ± 1.4 (SD)) based on an animal model to investigate subclinical ketosis. They were allocated 6 weeks before calving according to their body condition score (BCS) to high and low condition group (LC, n = 14) while an overfeeding in the dry period and an decelerated energy supple in the high condition group in early lactation was intended to provoke a negative energy balance with subsequent body fat mobilization and ketogenesis. High condition cows formed a control group (HC, n = 13), received a monensin CRC 3 weeks before calving (HC/MO, n = 14) or a blend of essential oils from day -21 until day +56 relative to calving (HC/EO, n = 15). Feedstuff samples and performance parameters together with samples of blood, rumen fluid and milk as well as liver biopsies were taken over the trial to assess performance, energy status, ruminal fermentation pattern, biochemical and hematological parameters, Bovine Viral Diarrhea virus (BVDV) antibody titer, leukocyte subsets and function. Results imply that the purposes of the animal model were successfully achieved as all high condition cows further increased their body condition until calving and showed a massive loss of condition in early lactation as seen in BCS and also serum NEFA concentration. The prevalence of either subclinical or clinical ketosis (BHB > 1.2 mmol/L) was 36% higher in HC than in LC group. Ruminal fermentation pattern showed an increased propionate production in HC/MO but not in HC/EO cows which was not accompanied by a higher serum glucose concentration in both groups. Concerning performance, dry matter intake (DMI) and milk yield were not different after calving whereas monensin increased feed efficiency (DMI/energy-corrected milk). Biochemical parameters give evidence for an impaired liver function and integrity as displayed in increased bilirubin concentrations in all high condition cows and increased levels of aspartate-aminotransferase (AST), gamma-glutamyltransferase (GGT) or glutamine dehydrogenase (GLDH) after calving in HC and HC/EO group. Monensin reduced serum BHB concentration although NEFA mobilization was unaltered and led to a reduced concentration of blood metabolites that may indicate in impaired hepatocyte integrity. Immune parameters were greatly influenced by the event of calving as seen in short-term effects on parameters like reactive oxygen species (ROS) production in polymorphonuclear cells and the BVDV antibody titer. From the immune parameters investigated, the BVDV antibody response was more pronounced in HC/MO compared to HC/EO. Dairy cows with a high condition around calving may profit from a monensin CRC administered 3 weeks before calving, as the energy status was improved likely via an increased supply of ruminal propionate to hepatic gluconeogenesis exerting an antiketogenic effect. Furthermore, the feed efficiency was increased in early lactation. Results suggest direct or indirect monensin effects on the liver and the immune system while nature of these effects needs to be clarified further. The supplemented dose of a blend of essential oils showed no effect on ruminal propionate production, energy status, performance and health of transition dairy cows under the current conditions whereas other solitary components and combinations or doses may achieve better results.
This paper aims to examine how effective Cuba's national security services were in working with drug traffickers to obtain their national goals, how exactly the Cuban government was involved and when these drug operations began, as well as the level of culpability on the part of the Castro brothers and legal veracity of the drug trials. Given the extreme lack of academic study into Cuban intelligence and their potential involvement in the drug trade, this research (utilizing interviews with persons who have direct involvement and insight, analyzing declassified files and memorandums) is highly instrumental in determining how effective Cuba has been in making effective foreign policy in addition to offering insights into how Cuba's military and intelligence agencies have performed covert action operations. ; Winner of the 2021 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the College of Graduate and Continuing Studies Graduate category. ; CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY "Trafficking for a Cause": Cuban Drug Trafficking Operations as a Foreign Policy Alan Chase Cunningham Norwich University Advisor: Gamze Menali 01 June 2021 CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham ABSTRACT A capable intelligence service and military force is immensely integral to the national security policy of any nation, regardless of their political ideology or international activity. Cuba's national security apparatuses have proven themselves time and again to be exceptional at accomplishing the Republic's foreign policy goals. From the nation's early beginnings, in the 1960s and 70s, elements of the Cuban government were involved in the drug trade, either on an official or unofficial basis, utilizing drug trafficking as a form of aiding likeminded non-state actors, acquiring small arms and other weaponry, gaining U.S. currency, and making war against the United States. In the 1980s, following increased international outcry, multiple members of Cuba's military and intelligence forces were arrested, tried, and either executed or sentenced to prison for their roles in the drug trade. Many international observers, alongside defectors from Cuba's military and intelligence services and foreign governments, claimed that these trials were for show designed to protect the Castros. This paper aims to examine how effective Cuba's national security services were in working with drug traffickers to obtain their national goals, how exactly the Cuban government was involved and when these drug operations began, as well as the level of culpability on the part of the Castro brothers and legal veracity of the drug trials. Given the extreme lack of academic study into Cuban intelligence and their potential involvement in the drug trade, this research (utilizing interviews with persons who have direct involvement and insight, analyzing declassified files and memorandums) is highly instrumental in determining how effective Cuba has been in making effective foreign policy in addition to offering insights into how Cuba's military and intelligence agencies have performed covert action operations. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham ACKNOWLEDGMENT I would first like to thank my thesis advisor, Professor Gamze Menali, at Norwich University. She provided exceptional advice and support that was highly integral to the completion of this thesis and my degree. Her comments were always well-received and significantly bolstered my paper's overall effect and allowed my research to take on a professional quality. A better advisor could not have been provided nor found. I additionally must thank those persons who sacrificed their time and allowed themselves to be interviewed for my final project. Bobby Chacon of the FBI, Fulton Armstrong of the Intelligence Community, Harry Sommers of the DEA, Mike Powers of the DEA, Pierre Charette of the DEA, Richard Gregorie of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida, Mike Waniewski of the DEA, Harry Fullett of the DEA, and Seth Taylor of the U.S. Customs Service. This work is intended to honor them and their years of service and dedication to the U.S. government. I would also like to thank two professors whom were of immense importance in my academic career; Professor Jonathan Brown and Assistant Professor Joshua Frens-String of the University of Texas. Both sparked my interest in Latin American affairs and guided me on how to conduct historical research. They were inspirations and role models for me as a historian. Finally, I would like to offer special thanks to both my mother and father who supported me in more ways than one through my entire educational career. My family, importantly Kaytlynn Lopez, were a source for comfort, relaxation, and support throughout this endeavor. I could not have done this without any of them. I hope this work looks well upon all of those who helped and inspired me and allows a new generation of researchers and scholars to better understand this period in Cuban history. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham Table of Contents Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………….01 A Basic History of Cuba's Military and Intelligence Services……………………………….03 Early Beginnings: Cuba and Drugs in the 1960s…………………………………………….07 A Change in Policy: Cuba and Drugs in the 1970s………………………………………….16 The Cocaine Boom: Cuba and Drugs in 1980s……………………………………………….21 The Question of Culpability on the Part of the Castros…………………………………….52 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………61 CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham1 Introduction Cuba's intelligence and military services are among the best in the world. They have been described in laudatory terms by intelligence professionals, national security theorists, and academics alike. Brian Latell, a former National Intelligence Officer (NIO) for Latin America and career Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) analyst, agrees and recounts how veteran counterintelligence officers from all areas of the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC) would, "stand in awe of how Cuba, a small island nation, could have built up such exceptional clandestine capabilities and run so many successful operations against American targets".1 The CIA's former Chief of Counterintelligence, James M. Olson, agrees, writing, "no foreign intelligence service rankled me more than [Cuba's]…It was ruthless, it was devious, and worst of all, it was very, very good".2 Analysts from the research and analysis think tank CNA agree with Latell, writing, "[Cuba's] intelligence services are widely regarded as among the best in the world – a significant accomplishment given the country's meager financial and technological resources".3 The longtime lead historian of Cuban affairs, Jorge I. Dominguez, wrote in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, "Cuba's Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR)…have been among the world's most successful military".4 Longtime attorney and the Chief of Narcotics for the U.S. 1 Brian Latell, Castro's Secrets: The CIA and Cuba's Intelligence Machine (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), p. 01, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/733231302. 2 James M. Olson, To Catch A Spy: The Art of Counterintelligence (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2019), p. 31, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/1055568332. 3 Sean Durns, "Castro's dead, but his spies live on," The Hill, Capitol Hill Publishing, published 05 December 2016, https://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/foreign-policy/308811-castros-dead-but-his-spies-live-on. 4 Jorge I. Dominguez, "Cuban Military and Politics," Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics, Oxford University Press, published 29 May 2020, https://oxfordre.com/politics/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228637-e-1810. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham2 Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida (USAO-SDFL) during the early 1980s, Richard Gregorie, has said that Cuba's intelligence services "is better than the CIA in Miami".5 It is apparent that, across multiple fields and specialties, Cuba is a well-regarded foreign power with a highly effective intelligence apparatus and robust military force. Not only that, but Cuba has been able to maintain effective relationships with like-minded state and non-state actors. Throughout the Cold War, Cuba maintained effective relationships with Latin American states by encouraging leftist revolutions amongst foreign populaces and aligning with foreign political parties6, becoming a benefactor to various regimes, political parties, and revolutionary groups in places like Venezuela, Angola, Nicaragua, and El Salvador. These relationships were maintained in a variety of ways from the providing of covert financial and military aid to the physical commitment of Cuban troops to ground warfare. It is well documented that, one of these relationships included the providing of security to drug traffickers and the usage of Cuba as a weigh station for drug traffickers. Through this almost three decade long covert operation, Cuba was heavily entrenched in building up beneficial relationships with non-state actors like the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and legitimate nation states like Manuel Noriega's Panama, finding a steady source of income, and being able to make war against their age old adversary, the United States of America. By efficiently coordinating these operations and working to traffic illicit substances abroad, Cuba was able to improve their standing in Latin America and assist in the making of revolution abroad, essentially using the trafficking of drugs and other narcotics as a form of positive foreign policy. 5 Richard "Dick" Gregorie (former Chief of Narcotics for the USAO-SDFL) in discussion with the author, 08 April 2021. 6 "Castro and the Cold War," American Experience, Public Broadcasting Service, published 2005, republished November 2015, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/comandante-cold-war/. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham3 Despite the fact that this incident offers a great deal of information as to how Cuba has conducted themselves in a foreign policy sense and has made war against the United States, it has been only minimally studied. In researching this area, one can find only a few academic papers and books written from the late 1990s which covers this issue in depth, with other books on Cuban history or drug trafficking in Latin America failing to cover this area or devoting only a paragraph or two to the entire ordeal. By examining this issue in depth, one can be able to determine just how intricate and involved Cuba's foreign policy endeavors were in addition to better understanding Cuba and the Castro's commitment to the exportation of revolution. This research chronologically catalogs how Cuba engaged in the drug trade, where they expanded and how they altered plans to most effectively suit their own needs. This research also intends to determine the level of knowledge Fidel and Raul Castro, Cuba's most well-known and high ranking officials, had of the operation and show how Cuba's drug trafficking efforts either succeeded or failed in bringing about the results desired by the island nation. A Basic History of Cuba's Military and Intelligence Services To fully and best understand Cuba's involvement in the drug trade, one must first come to understand the nation's intelligence and military infrastructure. The history of the FAR began when Fidel Castro and the military arm of his 26th of July Movement (M26) returned to the nation in December of 1956.7 Though soundly crushed by Fulgencio Batista's forces, Castro's rebellion was able to persevere by launching successful guerilla raids upon important military targets and acquiring a devoted following of students and lower to middle-class Cuban citizens, eventually becoming militarily superior to Batista's forces and claiming the country in January of 1959.8 The rebel army, under the command of Fidel Castro and Ernesto "Che" Guevara, 7 Marc Becker, Twentieth-Century Latin American Revolutions (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2017), p. 111. 8 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham4 purged the military corps of Batista's regime, executing, exiling, or simply discharging various officers before officially creating the FAR in October of 1959.9 The FAR was initially under the control of the Ministry of Defense, yet this was renamed to the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (MINFAR) and was headed by Raul Castro, Fidel's brother and later Vice President.10 Between 1959 and 1961, Castro populated the FAR with officers and enlisted personnel who would remain loyal to the new government, implemented educational programs which served to expose the military to Communist and Marxist teachings, and established militias which bridged the gap between Cuba's military and societal structures.11 Cuba's intelligence service, the Dirección General de Inteligencia (until 1989, the service went by the acronym DGI, before being changed to DI; the acronym DGI will be used when referring to this service), was created sometime in 1961, the actual date being unclear, as placed under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Interior (MININT).12 What is clear with the DGI, however, is their connections to the Soviet Union and the Komitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezposnosti (KGB). Immediately following the Bay of Pigs crisis, the KGB assisted Cuba in infiltrating Cuban exile groups in Florida and New York to determine if the Kennedy administration would try and oust Castro from power again.13 In March of 1962, the KGB set up an "operations base in Havana to export revolution across Latin America,"14 while later beginning an information 9 Damián J. Fernández, "Historical Background: Achievements, Failures, and Prospects," in The Cuban Military Under Castro, ed. Jaime Suchlicki (Miami, FL: University of Miami Graduate School of International Studies, 1989), p. 05. 10 Ibid. 11 Fernández, "Historical Background: Achievements, Failures, and Prospects," in The Cuban Military Under Castro ed. Jaime Suchlicki, p. 07-08. 12 "Cuba, Intelligence and Security," in Encyclopedia of Espionage, Intelligence, and Security, ed. K. Lee Lerner & Brenda Wilmoth Lerner (Farmington Hills, MI: The Gale Group, 2004), p. 292, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/55960387. 13 Oleg Kalugin, Spymaster: My Thirty-Two Years in Intelligence and Espionage Against the West (United States of America: Basic Books, 2009), p. 51-53. 14 Christopher Andrew & Vasili Mitrokhin, The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB (United States of America: Basic Books, 2001), p. 184, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/727648881. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham5 sharing operation with the Cubans and even putting in place a KGB liaison officer within the DGI.15 Since the beginning of Cuba's foray into the world of counterintelligence and foreign intelligence collection, the KGB has been heavily invested and taken a special interest in Cuban intelligence operations. Early Beginnings: Cuba and Drugs in the 1960s Stratfor, a private geopolitical intelligence firm based in Austin, Texas, wrote in 2008 that, "While seeking refuge from Batista forces in the hills outside Havana, the future dictator was sheltered by marijuana farmers. Castro promised the growers protection for their hospitality".16 While trying to corroborate this claim about Castro's promise is difficult, it is well-documented that the Sierra Maestra mountain range, where Castro and his 26th of July Movement carried out guerilla attacks against the Batista regime, "had been traditional outlaw country long before Castro – rife with smuggling, marijuana growing…".17 Cuban governmental involvement in the drug trade seemingly sometime shortly after the DGI was founded in 1961. A declassified Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD – the precursor to the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA)) document details how, in 1961, a meeting was held between Che Guevara (then the President of Cuba's National Bank and head of the National Institute for Agrarian Reform (INRA)18), Ramiro Valdes (Che's deputy during the revolution and now head of the "[state's] security and intelligence apparatus"19), a Captain from Valdes' outfit, and Salvador Allende, then a Senator from Chile.20 The meeting first revolved 15 Ronald Young, "Cuba," in Encyclopedia of Intelligence and Counterintelligence (New York, NY: Routledge, 2015), p. 186, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/436850527. 16 "Organized Crime in Cuba," Stratfor, Rane Corporation, published 16 May 2008, https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/organized-crime-cuba. 17 Gil Carl Alroy, "The Peasantry in the Cuban Revolution," The Review of Politics Vol. 29, No. 01 (1967), p. 97, https://www-jstor-org.library.norwich.edu/stable/1405815?seq=4#metadata_info_tab_contents. 18 Jon Lee Anderson, Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life (New York, NY: Grove Press, 2010), p. 424. 19 Anderson, Che Guevara, p. 368. 20 Rachel Ehrenfeld, Narco-Terrorism (New York, NY: Basic Books, 1990), p. 24. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham6 around Chilean politics, "but soon Comandante Valdes turned the talk to setting up a cocaine-trafficking network in order to raise money to help finance Allende…Valdes…suggested that Roberto Alvarez, chief of Cuban espionage, head the new organization".21 While attempts were made to gain access to this document via a FOIA request to the DEA, the DEA was unable to provide the document by the time of publication. This is not the only document which alleges Cuban governmental involvement in the drug trade during the early 1960s. Commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN - the precursor to the BNDD and therefore the DEA) Henry Giordano specified in multiple letters and internal memoranda that the FBN and BNDD had located, "a "pattern of Cuban nationals," who were "suspected Castro sympathizers . . . dominating the traffic" and "operating in Cuba, Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, and Chile to distribute large quantities of cocaine throughout the United States",".22 This mirrors what Giordano's predecessor, Harry J. Anslinger, seemed to believe in early 1961, that "the island nation [was] trying to subvert the United States with drugs".23 The BNDD too apparently, "investigated a purported Cuban government operation to sponsor marijuana and heroin crops in Cuba's Oriente province, using a secret department within the country's National Institute of Agrarian Reform".24 While both these incidences mention drug trafficking/production on the part of INRA and within Chile, seemingly backing up what the defector alleged to the BNDD, Giordano and Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Treasury David Acheson both changed their opinions in the mid-1960s. The two officials believed that while individual Cubans were involved in the drug trade, this was not government 21 Ehrenfeld, Narco-Terrorism, p. 24-25. 22 William L. Marcy, The Politics of Cocaine: How U.S. Foreign Policy Has Created a Thriving Drug Industry in Central and South America (Chicago, IL: Chicago Review Press, 2010), p. 92, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/592756109. 23 William O. Walker III, Drugs in the Western Hemisphere: An Odyssey of Cultures in Conflict (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1996), 171, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/33132446. 24 Marcy, The Politics of Cocaine, p. 91. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham7 sanctioned and was of such a tiny scale that it would be "too small to have much of an effect on the supply of dollars to that country".25 Naturally, for a government official to change their personal opinion (especially those with the highest access to sensitive documents), they must have been exposed to some form of information which detailed to them that their previously held notion of Cuban involvement was faulty. This being said, evidence collected by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), individual FBN agents, and allegations by Soviet defectors, seem to corroborate the investigations by federal agencies, pointing to drug trafficking endeavors sanctioned by the Cuban government. According to a letter penned by J. Edgar Hoover, the longtime director of the FBI, "several Colombian airplanes taken to Cuba in 1967 were hijacked on behalf of the Cuban government for the purpose of obtaining the cargo—smuggled heroin".26 The Federal Bureau of Narcotics also agreed with the FBI's assessment and even estimated the total worth of the heroin was in the twenty million dollar range.27 Also in 1967, "a Cuban trained Venezuelan intelligence officer established…Cuban link of drugs for guerrilla weapons in the hemisphere," detailing this information before the Organization of American States (OAS), "providing a major connection between Havana, the guerilla movements, and narcotics".28 Acting Federal Narcotics Commissioner and long-time FBN agent Charles Siragusa also claimed in March of 1962 that six Cuban drug traffickers arrested in Miami and New York were transporting cocaine from Cuba to the U.S. for the purposes of "raising money [and] 25 Marcy, The Politics of Cocaine, p. 92. 26 Marcy, The Politics of Cocaine, p. 93. 27 Ibid. 28 Ralph E. Fernandez, "Historical Assessment of Terrorist Activity and Narcotic Trafficking by the Republic of Cuba," The Law Offices of Ralph E. Fernandez and Associates, P.A., Ralph E. Fernandez, P.A., published 22 January 2003, p. 02. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham8 demoralizing Americans and discrediting Cuban exiles in Miami".29 An FBN agent involved in the investigation and raid also confirmed this.30 A 2003 historical assessment focusing on the Cuban government's involvement in the drug trade and terrorism published by the law offices of Ralph E. Fernandez in Tampa, Florida indicated that Juvenito Pablo Guerra, the Miami group's ringleader, was an intelligence officer.31 Among the evidence that this cell was linked to the Cuban government and that Guerra was an intelligence officer includes "a supply of Communist literature and pictures of Cuban premier Fidel Castro in Guerra's apartment".32 While this piece of information is highly circumstantial in trying to link Castro to the drug ring, it does indicate that this cell was most likely not a grouping of exiled Cubans, ones who fled following Castro's claiming power in 1959, but rather were supporters of the Castro regime. Upon being sentenced in June of 1962 to "fifteen years in prison [for] narcotics conspiracy and assault with intent to kill a Federal officer…an undercover narcotics agent testified that Guerra was closely associated with Premier Castro and has been a member of a ring that had smuggled cocaine into this country from Cuba to obtain arms for Dr. Castro during the revolution".33 Also in the early 1960's, a FBN agent named Salvatore Vizzini was involved in the arrest of, "two Cuban agents…in Miami with large amounts of cocaine in their possession".34 29 "Cuba Plot Is Cited in Narcotics Raids," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 31 March 1962, https://www.nytimes.com/1962/03/31/archives/cuba-plot-is-cited-in-narcotics-raids.html?searchResultPosition=78. 30 "Big Cocaine Seizure Held Cuban in Origin," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 30 March 1962, https://www.nytimes.com/1962/03/30/archives/big-cocaine-seizure-held-cuban-in-origin.html?searchResultPosition=106. 31 Fernandez, "Historical Assessment of Terrorist Activity and Narcotic Trafficking by the Republic of Cuba," The Law Offices of Ralph E. Fernandez and Associates, P.A, p. 02. 32 "Big Cocaine Seizure Held Cuban in Origin," The New York Times. 33 "U.S. Jails 2 in Narcotics Case; One Reported Close to Castro," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 02 June 1962, https://www.nytimes.com/1962/06/02/archives/us-jails-2-in-narcotics-case-one-reported-close-to-castro.html?searchResultPosition=12. 34 Ehrenfeld, Narco-Terrorism, p. 25. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningham9 Recounting the arrest in a 1978 letter to Morley Safer of CBS' 60 Minutes, Vizzini detailed that the subsequent investigation proved conclusively that the arrestees (Ramon Diaz and Jose Barrel) were both working for the Cuban government and were either selling the cocaine for profit or were involved in trading the coke for weapons.35 Throughout Vizzini's law enforcement career, this would not be the only time he would encounter evidence of Cuban governmental involvement in the drug trade. Writing in his 1972 memoirs, Vizzini recounted one undercover operation in which he was sent to San Juan, Puerto Rico and received a teletype by HQ. The teletype contained "a lot of unconfirmed rumor" which included headquarters' suspicion, "that Castro and his boys were secretly involved in the smuggling [of narcotics]," while also including the names of two Cuban expats, Luis Valdez and Caesar Vega.36 Eventually being able to infiltrate the Puerto Rican underworld and meet with Valdez and Vega, Vizzini bought $750.00 USD for an ounce of cocaine. While the eventual arrests of those involved failed to capture both Valdez and Vega, the San Juan Police Department's Narcotics Squad seemed to believe the two had already fled back to Cuba.37 While the FBN seemingly was never able to confirm their suspicions about Valdez and Vega's relationships to the Castro government, it is worth pointing out that, in early Summer 1959, a Cuban Major similarly named Cesar Vega was in charge of a Castro sanctioned operation to overthrow the Panamanian government.38 Vizzini it seems held that, "there was reason to believe the operation was being carried on with the knowledge of Fidel Castro, that his supporters were running it, and that the profits were getting back to shore up the dictator's shaky 35 Sal Vizzini, letter to Morley Safer, 27 February 1978. 36 Sal Vizzini, Vizzini: The Secret Lives of America's Most Successful Undercover Agent (New York, NY: Pinnacle Books, 1972), p. 284. 37 Vizzini, Vizzini, p. 309. 38 Robert L. Scheina, Latin America's Wars: The Age of the Professional Soldier Vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2003), p. 56. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m0 government".39 In an extension of remarks placed in the Congressional Record in May of 1965, the CIA's view of these allegations and claims comes through. DeWitt S. Copp, a CIA analyst, detailed additional evidence concerning Castro and the Cuban government's culpability in the drug trade in a paper titled, "Castro's Subversion in the United States". Copp writes, "In December 1964, three Castro agents were arrested at Miami Airport – one of them a Cuban, Marlo Carabeo Nerey…On January 15, 1965, Oscar H. Reguera and Elidoro Martinéz were taken into custody in a New York motel with $3 million worth of cocaine in their luggage. Martinéz is believed to be a Cuban agent," while also making the claim that Cuba was engaging in narcotics trafficking in order "to finance an insurrection in Puerto Rico".40 The CIA, while any comment on the arrests of Juvenito Guerra's cell or the other arrests listed was unable to be found, certainly seemed to investigating that Cuba was, on some level, involved in the trafficking of narcotics to better support their own desires and machinations. This would also not be the last time that a group of drug traffickers would be alleged to be aligned with Cuba in the 1960s as well. In September of 1967, it was reported that, following an investigation conducted by the New York City Police Department (NYPD) and Queens District Attorney's Office, six persons were arrested for their involvement in a drug ring which brought in, "$2.88 million [of cocaine]…from Cuba to Montego Bay, Jamaica and then to New Orleans for the flight to New York".41 According to law enforcement officers, Cuban governmental officials knew about this drug trafficking ring yet, "did not interfere in the 39 Vizzini, Vizzini, p. 282. 40 Representative Craig Hosmer, Extension of Remarks, on 25 May 1965, "Castro's Subversion in the United States – Part I," 89th Cong., Congressional Record, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP75-00149R000400100003-7.pdf. 41 "6 Are Seized Here With Cocaine Worth Nearly $3-Million," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 10 September 1967, https://www.nytimes.com/1967/09/10/archives/6-are-seized-here-with-cocaine-worth-nearly-3million-cuban-did-not.html?searchResultPosition=156. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m1 narcotics ring's activities and, in return, ring members supplied the Cuban government with information about anti-Castro elements in the United States," with members posing, "as fundraisers for anti-Castro elements," and then transmitting the contributor's information back to Cuba.42 Attempts to access the NYPD's files or interview detectives with relevant knowledge of the case were unsuccessful. In the late 1960s as well, it appears that some measure of involvement by the Cuban military in the drug trade was occurring within South Florida. Around 1969, two agents from the FBN/BNDD's Miami Field Office (FO) went undercover as local drug dealers to meet with a Cuban contact at a dock behind the Playboy Club in Miami at 7701 Biscayne Boulevard. According to former DEA Assistant Special Agent-in-Charge (ASAC) Pierre Charette, "the two agents did meet with a Cuban general and had discussed using Cuba as an entry point [for drugs]".43 Charette, who was not himself involved in the meeting but was close with one of the agents who was present, also confirmed that the Cuban general was an "active-duty [officer] with Castro's forces" and that the conversation was audio recorded by one of the agents.44 What one can see here is Cuba utilizing drug trafficking, not as a way of gaining an upper hand against the United States or to gain a better financial standing, but rather as a form of information gathering and intelligence collection on potential political and national security threats. By aligning themselves with a non-state actor able to work abroad in foreign land without arising suspicion from counterintelligence organizations, the Cuban government was able to better defend from foreign threats by Batista supporters and anti-Castro groups. In the form of gaining the upper hand on adversaries and gathering intelligence, this is an ingenious 42 Ibid. 43 Pierre "Pete" Charette (retired Assistant Special Agent-in-Charge with DEA) in discussion with the author, 16 March 2021. 44 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m2 tactic. In the late-1960s, a defector alleged that "Raúl Castro and/or his associates within the Cuban Defense Ministry actively discussed the issue of drug trafficking as an ideological weapon to be used against the United States [and that] Czech intelligence operatives trained Cuban agents to produce and distribute drugs and narcotics into the United States".45 This claim was made by Major General Jan Sejna, a military officer in the Czechoslovak People's Army and, "chief of the political wing of the Czech Defense Ministry and…member of the Communist Party's General Staff and the National Assembly, the country's legislative body".46 Sejna defected in 1968 following the "Prague Spring" under allegations of embezzlement by reformist Communists led by Alexander Dubček, a political opponent of Sejna's "patron, Antonin Novotny".47 Following Sejna's defection, both the CIA and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) kept Sejna on their payroll as a counterintelligence analyst and consultant.48 Throughout the 1960s, it is apparent that Cuba was, at the least, a way station for drug traffickers to resupply before heading on into the United States (as the island nation had served since the mid-1500s)49 or, at the most, was officially sanctioning the trafficking of narcotics into the U.S. for profit. Given the fact that Cuba was a newly created country and was in dire need of economic stability, it makes sense that Castro's regime would engage in some form of drug 45 Emilio T. González, "The Cuban Connection: Drug Trafficking and the Castro Regime," CSA Occasional Paper Series Vol. 02. No. 06 (1997), p. 01-02, https://scholarship.miami.edu/discovery/delivery?vid=01UOML_INST:ResearchRepository&repId=12355424610002976#13355471490002976. 46 Louie Estrada, "Gen. Jan Sejna, Czech Defector, Dies," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 27 August 1997, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/local/1997/08/27/gen-jan-sejna-czech-defector-dies/0aa7916b-1005-4595-9a2e-5dc51012dbf5/. 47 David Stout, "Jan Sejna, 70, Ex-Czech General and Defector," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 30 August 1997, https://www.nytimes.com/1997/08/30/world/jan-sejna-70-ex-czech-general-and-defector.html. 48 "Gen. Jan Sejna, Czech defector, dead at 70," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 26 August 1997, https://apnews.com/article/395f04eda00526846fb4d3cfff44f726. 49 T.J. English, The Corporation: An Epic Story of the Cuban American Underworld (New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, 2018), p. 04, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/990850150. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m3 production and trafficking to provide a certain level of income. Additionally, it also would allow the new nation to craft strong foreign ties to non-state actors and individual governmental officials abroad who could prove valuable in other, more legitimate matters. After the Bay of Pigs fiasco in April of 1961, in which the United States and the Cuban governments became more antagonistic towards one another, one can see (based upon U.S. documents and defector testimony) that Cuba began taking further actions of trafficking narcotics into the U.S. as a method of covert action, "those activities carried out by national governments or other organizations…to secretly influence and manipulate events abroad".50 Sejna's allegations, if true, corroborate a great deal of what the FBN/BNDD and FBI found during the course of their criminal investigations, that the Cuban government was involved in the creating of narcotics and the trafficking of drugs throughout the Latin America region. Given the abundance of evidence surrounding Cuba and the drug trade in the 1960s, it would be logical to believe that some elements of the Cuban government (either individual ministers, agency heads, etc.) or Fidel and Raul Castro themselves, were involved in the trafficking or shipping of narcotics to the United States from Cuba. While the amount of evidence conclusively linking the Castros to the drug trade in the 1960s is minimal (with perhaps the most concrete evidence being the undercover agent's testimony during the Guerra trial), given the fact that Castro exerted a tight grasp upon the daily functions of the government and was heavily involved in minute details of military operations, foreign policy endeavors, and domestic matters, it is hard to envision that Castro was not aware of these operations or was completely oblivious to them. These operations to traffic drugs, throughout the 1960s, do not appear to be a large scale 50 Loch K. Johnson & James J. Wirtz, "Part IV: Covert Action," in Intelligence: The Secret World of Spies: An Anthology, ed. Loch K. Johnson & James J. Wirtz (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2015), p. 237. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m4 policy stance. It did not appear to be organized nor a prominent feature of the Cuban government's foreign policy or income. The usage of drug trafficking by governmental entities and the allowing of drug traffickers to ply their trade within the island nation indicates this was done in an effort to garner additional currency, gather intelligence on threatening groups, or temporarily assist foreign allies. These operations do not seem to be large scale or integral to the overall conduct of the Cuban government, but are instead minor and almost done in a tentative way, perhaps out of fear of reprisal from the U.S. or the Soviet Union had their activities been uncovered. A Change in Policy: Cuba and Drugs in the 1970s Throughout the 1970s, the solidifying of the relationship between the Cuban state and non-state actors became more apparent. It was at this time that the Cuban government began making more long-lasting and profitable strides into the global drug trade while also greatly increasing their alignment with non-state actors and strengthening their foreign policy goals. At this time in Cuban history, Cuba was involved in a variety of foreign policy endeavors and military conflicts. Having failed in the 1960s to become self-sufficient economically, the island, "turned to the Soviet Union for support…[increasing] its subsidies for the Cuban economy through running trade deficits with the island and paying above-market prices for its sugar", further cementing the Soviets' presence in the nation-state.51 Given the fact that Cuba was in need of hard currency and did not desire to be too reliant upon the Soviets, Cuba can be seen as somewhat increasing their drug trafficking and security operations significantly in the mid to late-1970s. Evidence of Cuban involvement in the 1970's drug trade came through in the early-mid 51 Becker, Twentieth-Century Latin American Revolutions, p. 127. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m5 1980s and onward, with multiple defectors and arrested drug traffickers from Cuban military/intelligence organizations and Latin American cartels respectively offering this information to the U.S. government. Cuban defectors and drug cartel associates arrested in the 1980s indicated "in late 1975, some of Colombia's best-known and biggest cocaine kingpins met secretly in Bogotá…with the Cuban ambassador Fernando Ravelo-Renendo…Havana not only was prepared to ignore drug-laden mother ships operating in its waters but also to provide fueling and repair services to its ports…Havana also offered to escort the narcotics boats upon leaving Cuban ports, as well as provide Cuban flags to disguise their origin all the way to feeder vessels stationed off the Florida Keys," in return for roughly "$800,000 per vessel".52 In her book Narco-Terrorism, Rachel Ehrenfeld, then a research scholar at New York University School of Law, claims that Ravelo-Renendo was a Cuban intelligence operative from the Departamento América53, a "parallel intelligence apparatus"54 headed by Manuel Piñeiro Losada. It does seem that Ravelo-Renendo was a Cuban intelligence operative of sorts as, upon his death in July of 2017, a former Cuban Army officer wrote a detailed obituary documenting Ravelo-Renendo's services to Cuba, mentioning his entry into Cuba's intelligence service and his tenure during the 1970s as Cuba's Ambassador to Colombia.55 According to Dirk Krujit, professor emeritus of development studies at Utrecht University, the Departamento América was a unit which, "conducted Cuba's secret foreign 52 Ehrenfeld, Narco-Terrorism, p. 29-30. 53 Ibid. 54 Nora Gámez Torres, "He now hunts Cuban human-rights abusers in the U.S. Was he one himself?" Miami Herald, The McClatchy Company, published and updated 12 July 2018, https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/cuba/article214754450.html. 55 Alfredo García, "Cuban internationalist veteran Fernando Ravelo dies," Colarebo, Colarebo, published 04 July 2017, https://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=es&u=https://colarebo.wordpress.com/2017/07/04/fallece-veterano-internacionalista-cubano-fernando-ravelo/&prev=search&pto=aue. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m6 relations under the direct supervision of, and access to, Fidel Castro"56 with these secret foreign relations techniques coming in the form of "[supplying] arms, money, intelligence, guidance, and a rear base to a variety of leftist guerilla movements in Latin America that wanted to duplicate the Cuban model".57 Manuel Piñeiro Losada too was a close friend of both Fidel and Raul Castro, having solidified his position as a loyal intelligence officer during the revolution.58 An interview with retired Resident Agent-in-Charge (RAC) of the DEA's Tampa office, Mike Powers, also was able to shed some light on how important Cuba was in the Colombian drug trade. He relayed an incident detailed to him by a smuggler arrested sometime in the 1980s who later became an informant. According to the smuggler, in the early 1970s, "he was flying a load of marijuana from Colombia to Florida…As he was almost across [Cuban airspace], a Cuban MiG came up, flew next to him and signaled to follow him and land. At that point, he [the smuggler] held up a bale of marijuana and the pilot laughed and signaled [him to] go ahead [through Cuban airspace]".59 While this incident does not indicate official government sanctioning of the drug trade nor some larger effort by the Cuban government to enter into the drug trade, this piece of information is indicative of how important Cuban airspace was in the drug trade and also how individual Cuban military officers or officials may have begun engaging in the drug trade to attain either larger foreign policy goals or as an extra source of income. This information is all quite interesting as this is the first time there is some form of evidence, albeit tangentially, in which Cuban officials and members of drug cartels met to 56 Dirk Krujit, Cuba and Revolutionary Latin America: An Oral History (London, UK: Zed Books, 2017), p. 05, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/964892858. 57 Larry Rohter, "Manuel Pineiro, Spymaster For Cuba, Is Dead at 63," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 13 March 1998, https://www.nytimes.com/1998/03/13/world/manuel-pineiro-spymaster-for-castro-is-dead-at-63.html. 58 Dirk Krujit, "Cuba and the Latin American Left: 1959-Present," Estudios Interdisciplinarios de América Latina Vol. 28, No. 02 (2017), p. 32, http://eial.tau.ac.il/index.php/eial/article/view/1519/1623. 59 Mike Powers (retired Resident Agent-in-Charge with DEA) in discussion with the author, 20 December 2020. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m7 discuss a potential relationship revolving around the drug trade. However, this information must be treated with care in that these come from the mouths of defectors who must be listened to warily and have their claims treated with suspicion given the facts they, on occasion, will say anything in order to be given a lesser sentence or protection. Attempts to try and access CIA or other IC members' files were largely unsuccessful. However, declassified files were able to shed some light on the area. According to a declassified November 1983 document from the CIA, the Agency documented a series of claims revolving around Cuba and the drug trade, including one which mentioned how "Cuban officials, including Fidel Castro, has considered a scheme in 1979 to deal with narcotics smugglers in order to obtain hard currency for Cuba and contribute to the deterioration of US society".60 The CIA did mention as well that "not all of [these reports] have been corroborated", though were comfortable enough with the totality of the reports that they did endorse the belief that Cuba was involved, in some measure, with drug traffickers.61 The American non-profit, Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba (FHRC), produced a historical work in 2019 documenting Cuba's involvement in Venezuela, including a section on Cuba's alleged involvement in the international drug trade. They allege that Cuba's official entry into the narcotics trade began in 1978, "with the creation of a department for [MININT] operations inside the Cuban corporation CIMEX [Corporación de Industrias Mixtas de Exportación], for money laundering and marijuana trafficking".62 The FHRC cites Norberto 60 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, Drug Trafficking: The Role of Insurgents, Terrorists, and Sovereign States (Langley, November 1983), p. 05-06, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP85T00283R000300010008-6.pdf. 61 Ibid. 62 Juan Antonio Blanco, Rolando Cartaya, Luis Domínguez, & Casto Ocando, "Cubazuela: Chronicle of a Cuban Intervention," Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, published April 2019, p. 87, https://www.fhrcuba.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/CUBAZUELA-CUBAN-INTERVENTION-English.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m8 Fuentes, an original member of the Cuban Revolution and Castro historian, as the source for the claims. While Fuentes' exact statements were unable to be accessed, it is known that a defector from Cuba's Ministry of the Interior, Major Jose Rodriguez Antonio Menier, too claimed that CIMEX was "linked to the drug trade" while even going a step further and stating that Castro had knowledge of general drug trafficking and CIMEX operations, using the profits to "support and opulent lifestyle [and fund] off-budget projects".63 Maria C. Werlau, an independent scholar and Cuban human rights activist, speaking to other anonymous defectors from the DGI, confirmed that CIMEX had a department entirely under the control of MININT in addition to making the allegation that, "100% of their revenue went into Fidel Castro's accounts".64 In testimony before Congressional subcommittees during the late-1980s, two convicted drug traffickers provided similar statements on Cuban involvement in the drug trade. One of them, Luis Garcia, testified that, in either "late-1979 or early-1980, Cuban officials offered him use of airstrips for refueling drug flights" and though he did not accept, "he was aware of other smugglers who did".65 Another trafficker named George Morales claimed that during a 1979 meeting in Cuba, he was sold planes which were seized by the Cuban government (presumably, Morales either stripped these planes for parts or would use them in his own drug trafficking endeavors) before eventually getting the Cubans to agree "to allow his pilots overflight rights through Cuban airspace".66 Senator John Kerry, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, 63 Don Podesta, "Ex-Cuban Officer Says Castro Profited from Drug Trafficking," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 26 August 1989, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1989/08/26/ex-cuban-officer-says-castro-profited-from-drug-trafficking/5f7a23ba-b4ad-4bc6-b8ec-fbea4470bac5/. 64 Maria C. Werlau, "Fidel Castro, Inc. A Global Conglomerate," Cuba in Transition Vol. 15 (2005), p. 379, https://ascecuba.org//c/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/v15-werlau.pdf. 65 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations, Drugs, Law Enforcement, and Foreign Policy: A Report, 100th Cong., 2nd sess., December 1988, p. 64. 66 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha1m9 Narcotics, and International Operations, did however call Morales' statements "obviously incomplete", indicating that Morales' assertions required additional substantiation either through federal investigations, informants, or defectors.67 Attempts to find further evidence of Cuban involvement in the Western Hemispheric drug trade during the 1970s was minimal. It does appear that a top-secret, interagency, criminal investigation, initially codenamed "Operation Delta", was being conducted by the FBI, DEA, NYPD, and Chicago Police Department with the stated goal of "[digging] into the burgeoning Cuba-to-Florida narcotics trade and the distribution of drugs out of Miami".68 The details of this operation, however, are incredibly marginal, with attempts to access the records of this operation failing, despite multiple FOIA requests to the relevant agencies. It is possible that Cuba was not as active in the drug trade during this time due to the other foreign policy endeavors the nation-state was undertaking at that time (extensive military operations in Angola, South Africa, and Ethiopia). Due to the immense pressures going on with the nation, it is highly possible and logical even that Cuba toned down any drug trafficking activities that may have been going on. However, with the Soviet Union's death becoming more imminent and Cuba's foreign policy becoming more Latin American focused in the 1980s, Cuba seems to have significantly increased their ability at trafficking and providing security for drugs shipments as the crack epidemic swept into the U.S. during that time. The Cocaine Boom: Cuban and Drugs in the 1980s The 1980s saw a boom of drug trafficking and use throughout the Western Hemisphere. During the late 1970s, cocaine "[surged] in popularity…[being] associated with celebrities, high 67 Joan Mower, "Witness Claims Contra Drug Smuggling, Payoffs To Cuban, Bahamian Officials With," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 15 July 1987, https://apnews.com/article/5f5dd485a6d6825e88496281a2b1711c. 68 "Drugs gangs here, terrorist linked," Chicago Sun-Times, Sun-Times Media Group, published 16 April 1979, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/drugs/faln-drugs.htm. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m0 rollers and glamorous parties" with this continuing into the 1980s before peaking in 1985 and being declared a nationwide epidemic.69 Throughout this time period, cocaine (and the even more popular derivative crack cocaine) was trafficked into the United States predominantly by organized criminal elements utilizing "a distribution system that imported cocaine from South America into the U.S. market using sea and air routes via the Caribbean and the South Florida coast" in addition to trafficking drugs through Mexico.70 While these trafficking routes are now largely managed and controlled by Mexican cartels like the Gulf Cartel or the Los Zetas, in the 1980s, the Colombians were the largest drug traffickers in the Western Hemisphere. The Medellín and Cali Cartels were the two largest players in the drug trade, with the Medellín Cartel being the dominant organized criminal element until 1993 with the death of Pablo Escobar.71 While both the Medellín and Cali Cartels are now extinct, they were incredibly powerful at the time, with the Medellín Cartel raking "up to $60 million daily in drug profits"72 and the Cali Cartel, by 1992, being "responsible for seventy percent of the cocaine sold in the United States, as well as for the extraordinary growth of the cocaine market in Europe".73 Because of the massive influence these organizations had and their wide area of operations throughout Central and North America, these cartels, mainly the Medellín, also joined forces with legitimate state enterprises such as Manuel Noriega's Panama to drastically increase their 69 Jason Ferris, Barbara Wood, & Stephanie Cook, "Weekly Dose: cocaine, the glamour drug of '70s, is making a comeback," The Conversation, The Conversation, published 08 March 2018, updated 12 March 2018, https://theconversation.com/weekly-dose-cocaine-the-glamour-drug-of-the-70s-is-making-a-comeback-88639. 70 Deonna S. Turner, "Crack epidemic," Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., published 08 July 2016, updated 04 September 2017, https://www.britannica.com/topic/crack-epidemic. 71 U.S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration, Strategic Intelligence Section, The Cocaine Threat to the United States (Springfield, VA, 19 July 1995), p. 04, https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/154678NCJRS.pdf. 72 Sara Miller Llana, "Medellín, once epicenter of Colombia's drug war, fights to keep peace," The Christian Science Monitor, Christian Science Publishing Society, published 25 October 2010, https://www.csmonitor.com/World/Americas/2010/1025/Medellin-once-epicenter-of-Colombia-s-drug-war-fights-to-keep-the-peace. 73 Juan E. Méndez, Political Murder and Reform in Colombia: The Violence Continues (New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, April 1992), p. 82. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m1 drug trafficking abilities.74 During the 1980s, many organized elements utilized the Caribbean to traffic narcotics either into Europe or into North America. It is without question that Cuba was one of these locations in which both air and sea craft landed to refuel and resupply before continuing on their way with payloads of narcotics.75 The first instance of Cuban involvement in the drug trade came in 1982 and 1983, with the apprehension and subsequent investigation of three persons with firsthand knowledge of these operations. These persons were Mario Estebes Gonzalez, an associate of Cuban intelligence, Jaime Guillot Lara, a Colombian weapons and drug smuggler, and Johnny Crump, a Colombian lawyer and drug smuggler. Mario Estebes' story was first reported on in the New York Times in April of 1983. According to Selwyn Raab, Estebes "was arrested by the Coast Guard on Nov. 29, 1981, while he was transporting 2,500 pounds of marijuana in a speedboat off the Florida coast. He was indicted on a charge of possession of marijuana with intent to distribute and faced a maximum prison term of 15 years".76 Facing many years in prison, Estebes decided to turn state's evidence and inform, in returning for immunity from some criminal charges, delivering rather explosive testimony. Estebes' testified that his mission priorities included, "disrupting Cuban exile groups and performing economic espionage, but that his principal mission was the distribution of cocaine, marijuana, and methaqualone[sic] tablets in New York, northern New Jersey, and 74 Mimi Yagoub, "How Panama's Criminal Landscape Has Changed Since the Days of Narco-Dictator Noriega," InSight Crime, InSight Crime, published 30 May 2017, https://insightcrime.org/news/analysis/how-panama-criminal-landscape-changed-since-narco-dictator-noriega/#. 75 Robert Filippone, "The Medellin Cartel: Why We Can't Win the Drug War," Studies in Conflict and Terrorism Vol. 17, Iss. 04 (1994), p. 332, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10576109408435960. 76 Selwyn Raab, "A Defector Tells of Drug Dealing by Cuban Agents," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 04 April 1983, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/04/04/nyregion/a-defector-tells-of-drug-dealing-by-cuba-agents.html. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m2 Florida" and returned multiple millions of dollars back to Cuba.77 He also testified that "heroin and other narcotics were shipped to the New York area inside vans with concealed compartments to hide the drugs" in addition to claiming "he saw Vice Admiral [Aldo] Santmaria give orders permitting the unloading of narcotics at Paredon Grande [a small island off the Northern Coast of Cuba] brought in by a reputed international narcotics trafficker, Jaime Guillot Lara".78 In May of that same year, Estebes spoke before the United States Senate Caucus on International Narcotics Control in a joint hearing, testifying that the Cuban government, "used the 1980 Mariel boatlift to send as many as 7,000 spies to the United States, some of whom were ordered to help drug smugglers ''flood'' this country with illegal narcotics [and that] some agents were in this country for propaganda purposes and others were to create ''chaos'' in the event of war".79 Estebes expanded upon his earlier allegations and stated, "one scheme [involved] 23,000 pounds of marijuana and 10 million methaqualone tablets [being] shipped from Cuba to Florida," the profits of which were to be split between Cuban officials and the smugglers themselves.80 Jaime Guillot Lara is perhaps the most important of the three. Guillot Lara was a well-known drug/arms smuggler in Colombia who also happened to be "a close personal friend of the leader of the M-19 guerilla group, Jaime Bateman".81 As far as his smuggling habits, Guillot Lara, according to the DEA who had been keeping tabs on him as far back at 1975, "he was delivering over 400,000 pounds of marijuana, more than 20 million illicit methaqualone pills and 77 Alex Larzelere, Castro's Ploy-America's Dilemma: The 1980 Cuban Boatlift (Fort. Lesley J. McNair: National Defense University, 1988), p. 229-230, https://media.defense.gov/2020/Apr/23/2002287258/-1/-1/0/LARZELERE_MARIEL_BOATLIFT.PDF. 78 Raab, "A Defector Tells of Drug Dealing by Cuban Agents," The New York Times. 79 "Cuban Ties Boatlift To Drug Trade," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 01 May 1983, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/05/01/us/cuban-ties-boatlift-to-drug-trade.html. 80 Ibid. 81 LT. Timothy J. Doorey, "The Cuban Interventionary Forces: The Growing Strategic and Regional Threat to the United States and NATO" (master's thesis, Naval Postgraduate School, December 1986), p. 115, https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a180123.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m3 thousands of pounds of cocaine to U.S. markets each year" while also acquiring an impressive fleet of ships for trafficking purposes.82 Guillot Lara first became introduced to the Cuban ambassador to Colombia, Ravelo-Renendo, through their mutual friend, Johnny Crump, during a meeting (conducted at Gonzalo Bassols' apartment, the number two at the Cuban Embassy in Colombia) which resulted in a profitable relationship between Guillot Lara and the Cubans. While Crump would also corroborate this meeting between the following members, Guillot Lara's girlfriend, who was there when the meetings took place, corroborated many aspects, while also testifying that Bassols "told Mr. Guillot-Lara that the drug scheme had been cleared by a high Cuban official" which Bassols then identified was Fidel Castro.83 Either during or immediately after this introduction, according to Congressional testimony from Francis M. Mullen, Jr., the Administrator of the DEA in the early 1980s, Guillot Lara "began to receive official Cuban protection for the movement of his drug-ladened[sic] vessels to the United States…[in addition to transporting and delivering] arms which were ultimately destined for the Colombian terrorist group, M-19" on Cuban behalf.84 Not only did Guillot Lara traffic weapons to Cuban aligned rebels and allow the Cubans in on his drug trafficking endeavors, it appears he "also transferred funds to the guerillas through an employee of a Panamanian bank" acting as something of a go-between.85 From 1980 to 1981, Guillot Lara 82 Nathan M. Adams, "Havana's Drug-Smuggling Connection, Reader's Digest, Reader's Digest Association, Inc., published July 1982, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/drugs.htm. 83 Extensions of Remarks, Cuba's Active Role in Drug Trafficking to the United States, 98th Cong., 1st sess., Congressional Record 130, pt. 24B: 10400, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1984-pt8/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1984-pt8-2-3.pdf. 84 Leslie Maitland Werner, "U.S. Officials Link Castro and Drugs," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 10 November 1983, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/11/10/us/us-officials-link-castro-and-drugs.html. 85 U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication. Cuban Support for Terrorism and Insurgency in the Western Hemisphere, edited by Colleen Sussman, (Washington, D.C., 12 March 1982), p. 02, https://books.googleusercontent.com/books/content?req=AKW5QafYFT9344IVwbKAk5KG_OJydGlr3Q7oZPpK8WHGSx3JeWsUS431ZZwaW55TaMUk3UvHW4jiCHRb9Utgv1_TsoAFZD6FOi8njL3jjxp8gSVFo2zCTKSLLP0KOTaXLPl9ZdycsUgqn7e8ud91hnk09ZPGbYZ0QYrbwbNypMoakmWoqtvZNPGG0e9cQ33AwwDL7jITmBXQF CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m4 and the Cubans entered into a cozy relationship, though one that quickly became fraught with complications. In March of 1981, Colombian authorities found a "cache of M-19 weapons" and, with captured M-19 fighters implicating Cuban involvement, the Colombian government "[broke] off diplomatic relations with Havana and [expelled Ambassador Ravelo] and his staff".86 From midsummer to November of 1981, two Guillot Lara operated boats and one aircraft (the aircraft and one of the boats carried weapons for M-19) were apprehended by both the Colombian Coast Guard and United States Coast Guard; the capture of three M-19 rebels by the Colombian military also resulted in smuggling operations being significantly damaged.87 Guillot Lara fled Colombia, facing criminal charges, before being arrested by Mexican authorities.88 Awaiting extradition by the Mexicans to either the United States or Colombia, Guillot Lara revealed to both Mexican and U.S. investigators that he had "been involved in trafficking operations to Colombia for the M-19 on behalf of the government of Cuba. The latter provided the funds for the purchase of the arms".89 Following his revelations, however, Guillot Lara was released from Mexican custody and disappeared; according to the Colombian daily newspaper El Tiempo, Guillot Lara died in early April 1991 in Cuba of a myocardial infarction having "been detained on the island for twelve years".90 xujwOix6ni7j0-eT0RVti430wKPH9bicd8LdzulTZPXR8JDPGMTsyF2guKz20_HFjQkKlW8r6xpBfdR4TEC5SqWHYuetwHCl4rS7YWkCl0. 86 Adams, "Havana's Drug-Smuggling Connection, Reader's Digest. 87 John Dorschner & Jim McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine, The Miami Herald, KnightRidder, published 20 November 1983, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/crump.htm. 88 Edna Buchanan, "Miami drug smuggler ran drugs for Castro to guerillas, agents say," Miami Herald, Knight Ridder, published 24 January 1982, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP90-00552R000303490005-9.pdf. 89 Dorschner & McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine. 90 "Guillot Died of a Infarction," El Tiempo, Casa Editorial El Tiempo S.A., published 13 April 1991, https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-61284. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m5 Johnny Crump is where the public first became aware of a Cuban connection to the drug trade, though the last defector to be arrested by U.S. authorities. Crump, according to investigative reporter Ernest Volkman, was a Colombian lawyer of American descent who "went into the narcotics racket, running a large-scale cocaine and marijuana-smuggling operation" following the failing of his family's ranch in the late-1970s.91 Being politically well-connected, he was asked to serve as a guide for the newly appointed Cuban Ambassador to Colombia, the aforementioned Fernando Ravelo-Renendo, in 1975, the two quickly becoming friends.92 The two became so close that Crump even asked Ravelo to be his newborn daughter's godfather.93 At one point in 1979, in both federal testimony and statements made to Miami Herald journalists John Dorschner & Jim McGee, Crump detailed a meeting he had between Ravelo in which the ambassador detailed, "was dealing with some Chileans who needed help…seeking American weapons, not traceable back to Cuba, to use in the fight to overthrow Augusto Pinochet," to which Crump agreed and offered assistance.94 Following this, Crump tried to arrange a deal in which a plane would transport marijuana into the country, however, few pilots were willing to enter Cuba's Camaguey airport where Ravelo had arranged for refueling.95 In a previously mentioned meeting between Ravelo, Crump, 91 Ernest Volkman, "The Odd Couple: Castro and Vesco: The Cocaine Alliance," The Gadsden Times, Edward Marsh, published 29 April 1984, https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1891&dat=19840428&id=jKkfAAAAIBAJ&sjid=etYEAAAAIBAJ&pg=5242,6122535. 92 Dorschner & McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine. 93 NBC Nightly News, "The Cuban Connection," featuring Roger Mudd, Brian Moss, Johnny Crump, and George H.W. Bush, aired 29 September 1982, transcript, NBC Network, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP88-01070R000100380010-3.pdf. 94 Dorschner & McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine. 95 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991, transcript, Public Broadcasting System, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/drugs/archive/cubaandcocaine.html. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m6 and Guillot Lara, the four agreed to transport the drugs via boat to Cuba with protection from Cuban Navy and Coast Guard forces.96 In a 1991 interview with PBS Frontline, Crump detailed the finalization of the first watercraft drug shipment to Cuba, discussing how he disembarked from "the plane to a Cuban government car that was waiting for us in the airport. I mean, there's no way that you can go to any country with no passport, with nothing like that, landing from another country in an international airport and have a car waiting for you right there in the field. It has to be with the OK of that government, that country… Everything was paid by the Cuban government. The hotel, you had to sign, like, you are a guest from the Cuban government because they don't let me pay for the hotel"; while Crump left the country before he personally could see any drugs entering the country, he was reassured by Ravelo that the drugs indeed touched down on Cuban soil.97 From that point onward, Crump became very involved in trafficking narcotics and arms with the Cubans, doing so via air and seacraft and aiding the Cubans larger foreign policy goals in aiding left-wing insurgent groups through Central and South America. In January of 1982, however, Crump was arrested in a joint Customs-DEA operation "at the Omni Hotel in Miami…on drug trafficking charges".98 At the time, Crump was acquiring arms and other weaponry "to be sent to an unspecified group in Bolivia" via his friend Jaime Guillot Lara.99 Much like Estebes, Crump was facing heavy prison time and began cooperating with federal 96 Dorschner & McGee, "Did the Castro Regime Run Drugs to Florida?," Tropic Magazine. 97 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991, accessed through vault, Public Broadcasting System, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/film/cuba-and-cocaine/. 98 Buchanan, "Miami drug smuggler ran drugs for Castro to guerillas, agents say," Miami Herald. 99 U.S. Department of State. Cuban Support for Terrorism and Insurgency in the Western Hemisphere, edited by Colleen Sussman, p. 02. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m7 authorities, providing them "with details of his meetings and alleged drug dealings with Cuban government officials in Bogota and Havana".100 Much of Estebes, Guillot Lara, and Crump's claims are astounding, however, it must be kept in mind that these persons are convicted drug traffickers and defectors from Colombian drug cartels or are in some way associated with Cuba's military respectively. Despite this, many prosecutors and U.S. government agencies found some, if not a sizeable portion of their claims, credible. In Estebes' case, Richard Gregorie commented at the time on Estebes' validity as a witness describing how his comments were "very credible" and had been "independently corroborated".101 In an interview with Gregorie, the former attorney stressed he "found him credible because of that [outside and additional] corroboration".102 The Senate Chair of one committee also stated that Estebes' credibility was "checked out…with the Justice Department and the Drug Enforcement Administration".103 As far as Guillot Lara's credibility goes, the CIA's opinion of him seems to be rather high. According to a CIA Special National Intelligence Estimate from 1983, "[t]he Guillot Lara case…is proof that Cuba has used Colombian drug smuggling networks move arms to Colombian insurgents. In this case, Cuban officials and Colombian drug traffickers were clearly associated in facilitating narcotics shipments to the United States. Guillot paid the Cubans in hard currency and used his vessels and smuggling networks to move arms to Colombia for the insurgents. On the other hand, Cuba rather routinely searches some drug-smuggling ships found 100 NBC Nightly News, "The Cuban Connection," featuring Roger Mudd, Brian Moss, Johnny Crump, and George H.W. Bush, aired 29 September 1982, transcript. 101 Raab, "A Defector Tells of Drug Dealing by Cuban Agents," The New York Times. 102 Richard "Dick" Gregorie (former Chief of Narcotics for the USAO-SDFL) in discussion with the author, 08 April 2021. 103 Raab, "A Defector Tells of Drug Dealing by Cuban Agents," The New York Times. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m8 in Cuban waters, confiscates drugs found and often imprisons the crew".104 Through this excerpt, the CIA seems to endorse the view that the overall claims about drug traffickers smuggling weaponry and drugs in collusion with Cuban figures and through Cuban waters is true and based in fact. While the CIA did seem to treat the accounts and his entire involvement with legitimacy, the agency was careful to note they were unsure of "the extent to which Cuba has continued to facilitate drug trafficking, either for money or arms".105 While the following document is not exactly an intelligence estimate or official analysis, an August 1982 conference report conducted by the CIA and the National Intelligence Council (NIC) stated, "Given the involvement of senior Cuban officials and at least two Cuban embassies, we believe this activity was approved at the highest levels of the Cuban Government. It almost certainly was not a case of corruption by mid- or low-level Cuban officials…Given the level of Guillot's Cuban contacts and the political implications of the arrangements, the operation was almost certainly approved at the highest levels of the Havana government" though the document was clear in stating that the U.S. government was uncertain as to who was behind the operation.106 These three witnesses were able to corroborate a great deal of information that the U.S. federal government, mainly the DEA and U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), had been investigating since the late 1970s. With this testimony from defectors and arrested drug traffickers who were seemingly vetted and verified, the U.S. government finally was able to bring forth official charges against certain members of the Cuban government and military. 104 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, Implications for the United States of the Colombian Drug Trade Vol. II (Langley, 28 June 1983), p. 02, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP86T00302R000600990002-9.pdf. 105 Ibid. 106 U.S. Intelligence Community, National Intelligence Council and Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Operations, Cuban Involvement in Narcotics and Terrorism (Langley, August 1982), p. iii, 3, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP83B00851R000100160008-1.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha2m9 On 05 November, 1982, an indictment brought by the USAO-SDFL in Miami, Florida charged that certain drug traffickers and members of the Cuban government did "knowingly, willfully and unlawfully combine, conspire, confederate and agree, together with each other, and with diverse other persons who are both known and unknown to the Grand Jury, to commit certain offenses against the United States" in the importation and possession of methaqualone tablets and marijuana and "used and caused to be used facilities in interstate and foreign commerce, including the telephone, and traveled and caused others to travel in interstate and foreign commerce between the Southern District of Florida, Colombia, Cuba and elsewhere, with the intent to promote, manage, establish, carry on and facilitate the promotion, management, establishment and carrying on of an unlawful activity, said unlawful activity being a business enterprise involving controlled substances".107 The persons charged in this indictment brought forth by the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida included Jaime Guillot Lara, Fernando Ravelo-Renendo, Gonzalo Bassols-Suarez, Aldo Santamaria-Cuadrado, Rene Rodriguez-Cruz, and David Lorenzo Perez, Jr. alongside multiple other, predominantly, Miami-based drug traffickers.108 Neither Crump or Estebes were charged as both had testified for the prosecution and received either partial or full immunity in addition to new identities and federal protection. The Cuban Interests Section in Washington, Cuba's foreign policy arm operating as an independent section of the Czechoslovakian Embassy, commented that the charges against Ravelo, Bassols, Santamaria, and Rodriguez-Cruz were "all lies"109; a January 1982 letter from 107 United States v. Jaime Guillot Lara et al., No. 82-643-Cr-JE (S.D. Fla., 05 November 1982), http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/drugs/indictment-82.htm. 108 Ibid. 109 George Volsky, "U.S. Drug Charges Cite 4 Cuban Aides," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 06 November 1982, https://www.nytimes.com/1982/11/06/us/us-drug-charges-cite-4-cuban-aides.html. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m0 Cuba's Ministry of Foreign Relations (MINREX) denied Cuba ever utilized drug traffickers to transport arms to rebels in Latin America, never gave arms to guerillas in Colombia, and denied that Guillot Lara had ever set foot in Cuba or received any monies from the Republic of Cuba.110 The denial by Cuba of having never gave arms to Colombian guerillas was roundly criticized, most notably in a 1990 interview with former U.S. Ambassador to Colombia Thomas Boyatt.111 Among those charged were high level Cuban officials, some of whom have already been discussed including the Cuban Ambassador to Colombia Ravelo-Renendo and his "minister-counsel" at the Cuban Embassy in Colombia Bassols-Suarez.112 In addition to these figures, the indictment also charged Vice Admiral (VADM) of the Cuban Navy Aldo Santamaria-Cuadrado and Rene Rodriguez-Cruz a "member of the Cuban Community Party Central Committee and president of the Cuban Institute of Friendship With The Peoples [ICAP]" with the same charges.113 It is worth noting that the ICAP was described by the CIA in a 1984 brief as being an organization which, in addition to bringing in foreign youths interested in Communism, Socialism, or Cuba also "provided Cuban intelligence services with a registry of aliens who might prove useful for intelligence collection efforts and operations in their homelands".114 110 "Foreign Ministry Issues Statement on Drugs," Minister of Foreign Affairs Isidoro Malmierca Peoli (28 January 1982), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Latin America Report, Cuba, JPRS L/10334, 18 February 1982, p. 03-04, heading: Foreign Ministry Issues Statement on Drugs, Republic of Cuba, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS) Latin America Report, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP82-00850R000500030043-6.pdf. 111 Ambassador Thomas D. Boyatt (Ret.), interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy, Foreign Affairs Oral History Project, The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training, 08 March 1990, p. 48, https://www.adst.org/OH%20TOCs/Boyatt,%20Thomas%20D.toc.pdf?_ga=2.264396167.981542772.1592939617-1066174783.1588020094&_gac=1.137161348.1589401103.EAIaIQobChMIgqnAwtSx6QIVSx-tBh2tGgsJEAAYASAAEgKALvD_BwE. 112 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, National Foreign Assessment Center, Directory of Officials of the Republic of Cuba (Langley, October 1979), p. 224, https://ufdcimages.uflib.ufl.edu/AA/00/07/66/14/00003/AA00076614_00003.pdf. 113 Mary Thornton, "Four Cuban Officials Indicted in Drug Smuggling," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 06 November 1982, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1982/11/06/four-cuban-officials-indicted-in-drug-smuggling/d70ed042-0adc-42d2-971b-23475f7adc83/. 114 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, Cuba: Castro's Propaganda Apparatus and Foreign Policy (Langley, November 1984), p. 13, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/DOC_0000972183.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m1 David Lorenzo Perez, Jr. is an interesting figure within this legal case as he, in December of 1982, pled guilty to the first count of the criminal indictment.115 In his plea, Lorenzo Perez indicated culpability on Guillot Lara's part to "purchase, receive, store, and possess with intent to distribute approximately eight and one-half million methaqualone tablets" while indicating "that Jaime Guillot-Lara would provide ships to transport methaqualone tablets from Columbia[sic] with the knowledge of the Cuban governmental officials".116 Lorenzo Perez admitted he assisted Guillot Lara in all of these actions while also admitting he "traveled by private vessel from the Southern District of Florida to Paredon Grande, Cuba [and] met with Cuban government officials" including Santamaria and Rodriguez-Cruz.117 In Congressional testimony, Lorenzo Perez also testified that that "Cuban government was also to receive one-third of the profit of the marihuana[sic] sale" yet this did not go through as it appears Guillot Lara kept the profits [just under half a million USD] to himself.118 This case was the most significant development in the long standing allegations against Cuba on the area of narcotics trafficking. However, it is incredibly important to note that there was no evidence linking the Castros to the drug trade. The lead attorney who personally handled the case for the DOJ, Richard Gregorie, stated "Was Fidel Castro involved? At this point, no…[I] can't honestly say I saw that open Cuban involvement [and] did not come up with anyone who spoke directly to Fidel in those early cases".119 115 United States v. David Lorenzo Perez, Jr., et al., No. 82-643-Cr-JE (S.D. Fla., 09 December 1982), p. 01, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/perez-jr.htm. 116 United States v. David Lorenzo Perez, Jr., et al., No. 82-643-Cr-JE, p. 02, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/perez-jr-1.htm. 117 Ibid. 118 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism, Foreign Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs, The Cuban Government's Involvement in Facilitating International Drug Traffic, 98th Cong., 1st Sess., 30 April 1983, p. 33. 119 Richard "Dick" Gregorie (former Chief of Narcotics for the USAO-SDFL) in discussion with the author, 08 April 2021. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m2 Also around this time, many officials from the DOJ and U.S. Department of State (DOS) changed their previously emphasized opinions on the extent of Cuban involvement in the drug trade. In an October 1983 hearing before the Senate Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism, DEA Administrator Mullen stated, "I moved very cautiously at first wanting to have evidence before publicly stating I was convinced that the Cuban Government was involved in drug trafficking. I am now convinced, as I have stated in prior sessions, that there is Cuban Government involvement in drug trafficking", bringing forth the above indictments and other "[classified and confidential] information" to support his reasoning.120 The Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, James H. Michel, stated before Congress also in May of 1983 "the evidence clearly indicates more than a case of corruption by local or mid-level security officials in Cuba…Narcotics trafficking has apparently been sanctioned by Cuba as a means to finance subversion in Latin America".121 These comments were found by the Washington Post to, "fit in with a Reagan administration campaign to rally public and congressional support for its Central American policies, including more aid for El Salvador's army".122 Michel was not the only State Department official to make this claim either. The Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Lawrence S. Eagleburger stated in May of 1983 that he "would find it very difficult to believe that the Cuban Government itself is not 120 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism, Impact of the South Florida Task Force on Drug Interdiction In The Gulf Coast Area, 98th Cong., 1st Sess., 28 October 1983, p. 16, https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/97516NCJRS.pdf. 121 U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Cuban Involvement in Narcotics Trafficking, edited by Colleen Sussman, (Washington, D.C., 30 April 1983), p. 02, https://www.google.com/books/edition/Cuban_Involvement_in_Narcotics_Trafficki/NItKAQAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=0. 122 Edward Cody, "Castro Ties To Drugs Suggested," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 01 May 1983, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1983/05/01/castro-ties-to-drugs-suggested/242170fe-a930-4bc4-b30c-18016f794497/. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m3 involved… [The evidence is] really quite clear that there is major Cuban involvement in the drug traffic in this country", while also accusing the Castro government of playing a role in this.123 However, this appears to be more Eagleburger's own personal opinion as a more senior State Department official stated later that no agency had been able to prove "personal involvement by Fidel Castro".124 A spokesman for the Cuban Interests Section responded to the comments by Mullen and Michel by stating, "[This is] propaganda against the Cubans…We [the Cuban government] are refusing this accusation. We have consistent fighting against drug traffic. There are many American people who are put in Cuban jails for drug trafficking".125 At this stage, in relation to the Guillot Lara/Crump case, these definitive comments that Castro or the Cuban government officially was involved seemed to an extreme jump and other officials protested against this characterization. Stanley Marcus, the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Florida and the attorney whose office brought forth the indictments against the four Cuban officials, stated before Congress "I think it is a fair and accurate statement to say some of the major organs and institutions of the Cuban state and some high-ranking officials of those organs and institutions of the state are involved in drug-running to the United States".126 William H. Webster, then Director of the FBI, also spoke about this in a television interview, stating the majority of the evidence currently being used by some officials to make judgements "[came] from one set of 123 Kenneth B. Noble, "Official Ties Cuba to U.S. Drug Traffic," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 02 May 1983, https://www.nytimes.com/1983/05/02/world/official-ties-cuba-to-us-drug-traffic.html. 124 Ibid. 125 Werner, "U.S. Officials Link Castro and Drugs," The New York Times. 126 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Terrorism and Security, The Cuban Government's Involvement in Facilitating International Drug Traffic, 98th Cong., 1st sess., 30 April 1983, p. 15. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m4 sources and should be viewed with care".127 At this juncture, there was a great deal of conflicting views upon the established evidence, some most likely based upon political and individual biases based upon preconceived notions on both the nature of Communism and Latin America in general. While the evidence linking Castro or the Cuban government as a whole is very minimal (mostly relegated to evidence that would be considered hearsay in a U.S. court of law), it is undeniable that sections of the Cuban government, including areas of Cuba's diplomatic and intelligence services, were utilizing drug traffickers to achieve larger foreign policy goals within the Latin American region. As the 1980s progressed, additional evidence of Cuban involvement in the drug trade became even more apparent with defectors from Noriega's Panama, Cuba's DGI, and the arrests of multiple drug traffickers all speaking to U.S. officials. During this time as well, many criminal investigators of the U.S. federal government found or came across evidence of drug trafficking on Cuba's part along with the U.S. IC coming to a more solid conclusion on the matter. Prior to these November 1982 indictments, an FBI investigation into Cuban involvement in the drug trade was underway. In October of 1982, a U.S. Customs plane near Corpus Christi, Texas intercepted a Cessna aircraft that was having a mechanical malfunction and tracked it to Cleburne, Texas. The pilot, an American, "was arrested with 877 pounds of marijuana onboard" with "Chemical analysis [showing the marijuana] almost certainly was grown in Cuba".128 Following the pilot's conviction in April of 1983, federal investigators detailed "the ring operated for two years in violation of government embargoes on trade with Cuba by shipping computers and other equipment. Some of the return flights carried high-grade Cuban 127 Ibid. 128 "Did Cuba get computers in return for marijuana?" The Miami Herald, KnightRidder, published 02 April 1983, http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/computers.htm. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m5 marijuana".129 The evidence necessary to make the claim that this ring was operating with the explicit approval of Cuban government officials or the Castros themselves is very lacking, however, what this does indicate is that there were individual smugglers beyond large metropolitan centers who were found to have ties to Cuba and that Cuba seemingly was involved in producing drugs in some quantity. In December of 1984, the CIA released an interagency intelligence memorandum stating outright, "Cuba is currently supporting drug trafficking…We judge that Fidel Castro is fully cognizant of and condones the drug-related activity that is taking place with the support of Cuban officials…The key Cuban participants are officers of the Interior Ministry or America Department of the Cuban Communist Party's Central Committee…Their participation strongly indicates a sanctioned government policy, rather than an arrangement for personal gain".130 While a good portion of this document is redacted, this is the first time in which an intelligence agency, or the CIA at least, has openly accused the upper echelon of the Cuban government and Castro himself of playing some role or in some way supporting the activities occurring. During this period, many criminal investigations uncovered more information on Cuban involvement in the drug trade, with additional evidence of Castro involvement becoming more apparent. In addition to this, many Congressional hearings and panels were convened with the goal of exploring the Latin American drug trade, during which many witnesses were called. Among these witnesses was Diego Viafara Salinas, an M-19 physician who infiltrated an armed civilian group with ties to members of the Medellín Cartel.131 Salinas held the belief he would be 129 Ibid. 130 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, Cuban Government Involvement in Drug Trafficking (Langley, December 1984), p. 03, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP87T00217R000700140002-5.pdf. 131 U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Governmental Affairs, Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, Structure of International Drug Trafficking Organizations, 101st Cong., 1st Sess., 12-13 September 1989, p. 70, https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/146771NCJRS.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m6 killed due to his past association with M19 and began providing evidence to the Colombian government, which eventually resulted in the deaths of many prominent Medellín Cartel leaders.132 In testimony before the U.S. Congress, Salinas recalled that, "[on November 22, 1988] two pilots flying a Commander 1000 aircraft were planning to stop and refuel in Cuba. They were leaving from an estate [in the Department of Cordoba] …When the seats of the plane were removed to load the cocaine, I saw the navigation charts, which indicated they were flying over the southern coast of Cuba. These pilots commented that they had to be sure to carry some amount of U.S. dollars with them to leave in Cuba as prearranged payment for the stopover".133 While the pilots Salinas spoke with never identified who gave them clearance to fly over Cuba with drugs, Salinas did testify "that it [the drug trafficking operation] was all the way up to Fidel Castro" with this information apparently coming from Fidel's spokesman.134 It is worth noting that this piece of testimony would effectively qualify as hearsay in a U.S. court of law. Many informants also came forward with information that would prove to be incriminatory to many persons with ties to the drug trade, including certain high-ranking Cuban leaders. On such source, a confidential informant for the DEA, who, after being arrested in 1985 on conspiracy charges, provided information on much of the Medellín's drug trafficking activities to the U.S. government.135 In a request for payment from the DEA's Asuncion Country Office, the agency noted the source's decades of service to the United States, describing him as having led "successful 132 U.S. Congress, Senate, Structure of International Drug Trafficking Organizations, p. 73. 133 U.S. Congress, Senate, Structure of International Drug Trafficking Organizations, p. 71-72. 134 Ibid. 135 U.S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration, Asuncion Country Office, REQUEST for PAYMENT under 28 U.S.C. 524 (C)(1)(B) for CONFIDENTIAL SOURCE (CS #####) (Asuncion, post-2009), p. 01. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m7 negotiations for landing rights and refueling operations in [among other countries] Cuba…[the source] purchased a birthday surprise (an airplane bought in the U.S.) for Fidel CASTRO's[sic] birthday, which he personally handed over to Castro's brother Raúl (then Cuba's Minister of Defense) during lunch".136 This information is quite damning to the Castro regime and, if true, would prove that, at the least, Raúl Castro did have knowledge of Cuban involvement in the drug trade and condoned those operations. While it cannot be emphasized enough that this confidential source pled "nolo contendere to the conspiracy charges in 1986", it does speak volumes that the DEA found him an essential and trustworthy source to continue using well into the 21st century.137 At this same time, another development implicated an American fugitive with close ties to the Castro regime in the drug trade. In April of 1985, appearing "before the Senate subcommittee on children, family, and drugs" (which was investigating Nicaraguan governmental involvement in the drug trade) were two convicted smugglers who provided further information on Cuban involvement in the drug trade.138 One of them was smuggler James A. Herring, Jr. who, while insisting he never transported drugs for the Cubans or Nicaraguans, detailed his smuggling activities with the Cubans in an interview with PBS Frontline, saying, "When I would go into Varadero with boatloads of equipment, we would be received by marked vessels that the Cuban navy, so to speak, utilized, their military gunboats. They would escort us into the gunboat dockage there at Varadero. From there they would offload. We would stay as long as we felt necessary to refuel us, wined and dined us. And when we were ready to return to 136 Ibid. 137 Ibid. 138 "Witnesses Testify on Vesco Link to Drug trafficking in Nicaragua, Cuba," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 19 April 1985, https://apnews.com/article/09e42836a8f58d76da155fa155da7847. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m8 the Keys, they would take and escort us out".139 In addition to this, Herring also claimed that the DGI, "would even offer drugs in lieu of the cash. [They] had the availability of enormous amounts of drugs that they had warehoused through seizures that they had made in their country on drug operations that weren't paying protection for their air space or their waterways. So they had a readily available amount of drugs in the form of cocaine, Qualudes[sic] and marijuana".140 Herring also testified that "he worked with Cuban Government officials and [Robert Vesco] to help the Nicaraguan government build a cocaine-processing laboratory near Managua".141 Vesco had been a successful businessman in the United States, creating a hundred-million-dollar manufacturing empire by 1970 before being twice indicted on federal charges for "defrauding thousands of investors [of $224 million USD]" and "for making illegal contributions totaling $250,000" to Richard Nixon's re-election campaign in 1972 and 1976 respectively.142 Following this, Vesco fled to numerous Latin American countries (including Nicaragua) before settling in Cuba around 1984.143 In a March 1996 profile for Vanity Fair, Vesco's immediate family indicates a friendly relationship to Fidel and Raul Castro in addition to a partnership to traffic narcotics with Col. Antonio De La Guardia, a high-ranking figure in the DGI and an important part of Cuba's overall foray into the drug trade.144 Eventually, however, Vesco attracted the eye of U.S. federal law enforcement for his 139 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991. 140 Ibid. 141 Joel Brinkley, "Panel Hears Details Linking Managua and Drugs," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 20 April 1985, https://www.nytimes.com/1985/04/20/world/panel- hears-details-linking-managua-and-drugs.html. 142 Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica, "Robert L. Vesco," Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., published 20 July 1998, updated 30 November 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Robert-L-Vesco. 143 Ibid. 144 Ann Louise Bardach, "Vesco's Last Gamble," Vanity Fair, Condé Nast, published March 1996, https://archive.vanityfair.com/article/1996/3/vescos-last-gamble. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha3m9 alleged participation in drug trafficking and, though some convicted drug traffickers and Cuban intelligence defectors implicated him in criminal acts, the "FBI and [DEA] denied he had any role" in certain elements of the drug trade, disproving these traffickers and defectors' claims.145 Ultimately, Vesco was arrested and sentenced to prison in Cuba in 1996 "for economic crimes against the government of Fidel Castro".146 Since at least April of 1987, the DEA's Miami Office was actively pursuing an investigation against Cuban government and military officials. Harry Sommers, a newly minted DEA agent to the Miami FO and later Special Agent-in-Charge (SAC) of the Atlanta FO, was the lead investigator on the case and detailed his investigation in an April 1990 academic work for Florida International University. According to Sommers, in April of 1987, "two pilots [an American and Cuban national] flew approximately 480 pounds of cocaine from Colombia to [Varadero Military Base, Cuba]…where the cocaine was transferred to Cuban military officers".147 According to Sommers, the pilots were both questioned by U.S. officials and, in this interview, both pilots claimed they had stopped in Cuba to make "emergency repairs" and "presented documentation from the Cuban government confirming their story".148 The drugs were then placed upon a boat named the "Flerida" and, while attempting to enter Florida waters that April, was intercepted by the DEA. In the ensuing interviews with the boat's operators (all Cubans who were "residing in 145 Jim McGee, Pierre Thomas, Guy Gugliotta, & Jerry Knight "Vesco Held In Cuba," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 09 June 1995, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1995/06/09/vesco-held-in-cuba/874c16d3-81a5-4700-84ce- 6a4e8300fdab/. 146 Douglas Farah, "Vesco Gets 13-Year Sentence in Cuba," The Washington Post, The Washington Post Company, published 27 August 1996, https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1996/08/27/vesco-gets-13-year-sentence-in-cuba/77271414- 9219-4efe-b68c-5d30b0f9b11b/. 147 Harry Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," (graduate paper, Florida International University, 23 April 1990), p. 07. 148 Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," p. 08. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m0 Miami"), the DEA found the boat was "[initially] met at sea by a Cuban Coast Guard vessel and escorted to the military base in Varadero [where the] crew members were housed and fed until the cocaine was loaded onto the vessel" upon which the boat was escorted out of Cuban waters by a Coast Guard ship.149 Additional evidence showing U.S.-based drug traffickers of Cuban descent docking and landing at Varadero and interacting heavily with Cuban military officers was uncovered through further investigations in May and November of 1987.150 This investigation led to the federal indictments of various figures in late 1988, including Reinaldo and Rueben Ruiz, a Cuban father and son drug trafficking team operating out of the South Florida.151 Reinaldo Ruiz, facing a sentence of life imprisonment, agreed to make a deal with the government in return for a lighter sentence.152 In a television interview with PBS Frontline before his death, Ruiz detailed his involvement in the drug trade and his associations with the Cuban government. According to Ruiz, he would transport a boat from Florida to Varadero where "everything had been arranged in advance [by Colonel Pardo, Chief of Command of Naval Operations in Varadero]" while his son, Rueben, would fly the cocaine from Colombia to Varadero which, upon landing, would be transferred to Ruiz's boat by members of the Cuban military and MININT.153 In this interview, Ruiz also stated "Every time that I went over there, I was completely sure that I was a 100 percent backing[sic], all the way to the top, otherwise I never, ever touch a thing out there". 154 149 Ibid. 150 Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," p. 08-10. 151 Buddy Nivens, "Jury Links Cuba To Drug Smuggling," South Florida Sun Sentinel, Tribune Publishing, published 27 February 1988, https://www.sun-sentinel.com/news/fl-xpm-1988-02-27-8801120759-story.html. 152 Richard Cole, "Prosecutors: Trafficker Implicated More Top Cuban Officials," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 21 August 1989, https://apnews.com/article/348da22ca41fd9a7e77c7ab9226c504e. 153 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991. 154 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m1 Despite Ruiz's comment, he never once indicated to federal investigators he met Fidel or Raul Castro; the closest Ruiz got to implicating either senior leader was a secret recording made by a DEA informant in which Ruiz claimed "The [payoff] money went in Fidel's drawer".155 Again, Ruiz never identified this person as being Fidel Castro and, if he did, the information would have come from someone who had heard this information from someone else, effectively being inadmissible evidence. What is quite serious about Ruiz's allegations and testimony however are his connections to Cuban intelligence. According to Harry Sommers and confirmed by other federal investigations, Ruiz was a "cousin of Miguel Ruiz-Poo…a Cuban captain in the Ministry of the Interior" who was working in Panama when he met Reinaldo Ruiz.156 While they initially began transporting U.S. goods and products to circumvent the embargo, Reinaldo Ruiz eventually floated the idea of trafficking cocaine through Cuba which resulted in Ruiz-Poo informing his superior Major Amado Padrón Trujillo and Colonel Antonio "Tony" de la Guardia, both members of the Moneda Convertible (MC) Department, a division meant to "circumvent the United States embargo and earn Cuba hard currency".157 This is where Ruiz's involvement in shipping boats and aircraft filled with cocaine and other narcotics to Cuba and then on to Florida began. According to esteemed journalist Andres Oppenheimer, shortly after de la Guardia and Ruiz initially met, Ruiz asked de la Guardia if Fidel Castro was aware of their arrangement to traffic narcotics to which de la Guardia replied in the affirmative. Oppenheimer writes however 155 "Secret Drug Case Tape Talks of 'Fidel' Payoffs" Associated Press, Associated Press, published 09 March 1988, https://apnews.com/article/0800e600293914df73901e1fe452316b. 156 Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," p. 11. 157 González, "The Cuban Connection: Drug Trafficking and the Castro Regime," CSA Occasional Paper Series Vol. 02. No. 06 (1997), p. 10. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m2 "It is unclear whether Tony de la Guardia had personally discussed his cocaine-trafficking plans with Castro. The Commandante, with his instinctive revulsion for money matters, seldom got involved in dirty business deals. That was Interior Minister Abrantes's job…De La Guardia's statement to Reinaldo Ruiz may have reflected the colonel's assumption that Abrantes never would have okayed something as hot as a drug operation without Fidel's blessing".158 Also around this time was the federal indictment against Manuel Noriega, the dictator of Panama who had become an increasing annoyance to the U.S. government. Despite having initially been friendly to the U.S., providing information to the CIA and DEA159, his involvement in substantial drug trafficking and racketeering efforts (in addition to the significant corruption and general abuses of his regime) had made him a liability.160 Among the witnesses who provided information against Noriega was Jose Blandón Castillo, a former key member of Noriega's intelligence service and a "consul general in New York".161 Blandón provided first-hand knowledge of incidences, confirming some of what was already suspected by American officials and investigators on Noriega's activities, but also claimed Fidel Castro mediated a dispute between Noriega and the Medellín Cartel in the Darién Province of Panama. According to Blandón, he "met with Castro in Havana on June 21 or 22, 1984 [and] Castro recommended that Noriega return the $5 million in protection money and return the plant, personnel, and equipment to the Cartel" and on either June 27th or 28th, "Noriega and Castro met 158 Andres Oppenheimer, Castro's Final Hour: The Secret Story Behind the Coming Downfall of Communist Cuba (New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1992), p. 29. 159 Robert L. Jackson, "Noriega Gave DEA Limited Aid for 5 Years, Officials Say," Los Angeles Times, Times Mirror Company, published 16 December 1991, https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-12-16-mn-517-story.html. 160 Philip Shenon, "Noriega Indicted by U.S. For Links to Illegal Drugs," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 06 February 1988, https://www.nytimes.com/1988/02/06/world/noriega-indicted-by-us-for-links-to-illegal-drugs.html. 161 Stephen Engelberg with Elaine Sciolino, "A U.S. Frame-Up of Nicaragua Charged," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 04 February 1988, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP90M00005R001100160023-3.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m3 directly" and Noriega agreed to go forward with Castro's suggestions, resulting in the release of numerous prisoners.162 While this information was used in indictments against senior Cuban officials and Manuel Noriega, some have found reason to doubt Blandón's claims. John Dinges, a noted investigative journalist and current Professor Emeritus of International Journalism at Columbia University, documented Blandón's claims in his 1991 book Our Man in Panama, stating, "There was no independent corroboration for the story…No other witnesses, including [Floyd Carlton Caceres, Noriega's personal pilot], had any knowledge of the Cuban meeting. If investigators had checked flight records and even press clips in Panama, they might have discovered that Blandón had gotten some basic facts of the Darién incident wrong: the dates for the trip to Cuba were wrong, and the prisoners supposedly released at Castro's urging had been freed more than one month before Blandón and Noriega went to Cuba".163 Richard Gregorie, who met with Blandón, disagrees with Dinges' assertions, saying, "Blandón provided the US government with valid evidence that was corroborated, but Blandón volunteered his cooperation and no one knew his true motivation. He was caught, prior to trial, recording his interviews by agents… The photos and information he provided were valid, but whether this was a lure by some foreign intelligence service or an attempt to sell his story for personal gain made him untrustworthy as a witness".164 Castro was interviewed around this time by Maria Shriver of NBC News and wholeheartedly rejected "José Blandón's charge" while also "[inviting] the Congressional committee [which heard Blandón's claims] to visit Cuba to receive evidence that Blandón was 162 U.S. Congress, Senate, Drugs, Law Enforcement, and Foreign Policy: A Report, p. 66. 163 John Dinges, Our Man in Panama: The Shrewd Rise and Brutal Fall of Manuel Noriega (New York, NY: Random House, 1991), p. 292, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/232993288. 164 Richard "Dick" Gregorie (former Chief of Narcotics for the USAO-SDFL) in discussion with the author, 08 April 2021. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m4 lying to Congress".165 In this interview, he also "[denied] that the Medellín drug cartel has ever trafficked drugs through Cuba to the United States".166 Despite Castro's invitation to the committee, subcommittee chairman Senator John Kerry approached the Cuban Interests Section in D.C. and requested to visit Cuba on the conditions that "staff [be] permitted to advance the trip and…the Cubans agreed to discuss the drug trafficking problem in general" along with being able to meet Robert Vesco; the trip never materialized as "The Cubans never replied to any of these requests and never made any further arrangements for the visit".167 The concentrated U.S. criminal investigations, Congressional hearings, and federal indictments, the intense media speculation and reporting, along with seeming pressure from the Soviet Union168 forced the Cuban government's hand. On 12 June, 1989, multiple high-ranking members of Cuba's military and intelligence services were arrested. These members included General Arnaldo T. Ochoa Sanchez,169 Brigadier General Patricio de la Guardia, Colonel Antonio "Tony" de la Guardia (twin brother to Patricio), Colonel Antonio Rodriguez Estupinan, Captain Jorge Martinez Valdes, Lieutenant Colonel Alexis Lago Archoa, and Major Amado Padrón Trujillo.170 Also charged were Captain Leonel Estevez-Soto, Captain Antonio Sanchez-Lima, First Lieutenant Jose Luis Pineda-Bermudez, Captain Miguel Ruiz-Poo, Captain Rosa Maria Abierno-Gobin, and Captain Eduardo Diaz-Izquierdo.171 165 Jane Franklin, Cuba and the United States: A Chronological History (New York, NY: Ocean Press, 1992), p. 239, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/944186211. 166 Ibid. 167 U.S. Congress, Senate, Drugs, Law Enforcement, and Foreign Policy: A Report, p. 66-67. 168 U.S. Intelligence Community, Central Intelligence Agency, International Narcotics Situation Report (Langley, VA: May 1989), p. 13, https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP91M01043R002200150004-9.pdf. 169 Robert Pear, "Cuba Arrests Top General on Corruption Charges," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 16 June 1989, https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/16/world/cuba-arrests-top-general-on-corruption-charges.html?searchResultPosition=8. 170 Robert Pear, "Cuba Seizes 6 More Officers Amid Signs of Big Shakeup," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 17 June 1989, https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/17/world/cuba-seizes-6-more-officers-amid-signs-of-big-shakeup.html. 171 Sommers "Untitled Graduate Studies Paper," p. 14. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m5 The majority of these persons were members of Cuba's Ministry of the Interior and intelligence services, though Estupinan and Martinez were both former aides-de-camp to General Ochoa.172 Save for Archoa and Trujillo, who were not charged with any crime, the other persons were charged with a variety of public corruption crimes, including money laundering, drug trafficking, and treason. As well, though all were arrested rather simultaneously, there were two separate cases going on which involved the drug trade in Cuba. The first involved, "[Antonio "Tony"] de la Guardia, Major Padrón, and six other officers who worked at [the MC Department] … The Cuban government charged that de la Guardia's group arranged for six tons of cocaine to be sent from Colombia through Cuba to the United States in the two years after April 1987, and that they were paid $3.4 million for doing so".173 The second case involved primary Ochoa and his aide-de-camp Martinez (in addition to "several others") in which the Cuban government charged that "[Ochoa] enriched himself in black-market trading, using army resources, when he was stationed in Angola in 1988, and to have neglected his military duties…[stole] $161,000 from Nicaragua's Sandinista army through a failed weapons deal…[and] was said to have conceived of a scheme to send major cocaine shipments to the United States, and for that purpose to have sent Martínez secretly to Medellín, Colombia, in 1988 to meet with Pablo Escobar Gaviria, a magnate of the drug cartel".174 The charges against Ochoa did not allege he was involved in de la Guardia's operations nor ever took part in a drug deal, alleging only he engaged in treason and efforts to gain private funds for either independent military operations or for personal use. 172 Ibid. 173 Julia Preston, "The Trial that Shook Cuba," The New York Review of Books, NYREV, Inc., published 07 December 1989, https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1989/12/07/the-trial-that-shook-cuba/. 174 Ibid. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m6 The trial (which aired on public television throughout Cuba) began on 25 June, 1989, thirteen days after Ochoa had initially been arrested, with the first hearing beginning on the 26th of June.175 Throughout the course of the trial, numerous witnesses were called who testified in regards to the charges, in some cases admitting culpability and accepting responsibility for individual actions which were illegal while also implicating others such as Ochoa and the de la Guardia brothers in the illegal activities they had been charged with. Both Patricio and Tony de la Guardia and Arnaldo Ochoa admitted their involvements in drug trafficking and treasonous activities, respectively, before the trial had commenced.176 At the trial's conclusion, the prosecutor for the government recommended to the Honor Tribunal, a board of 47 high-ranking Cuban military officers (one of whom was Aldo Santamaria-Cuadrado, who had been charged with drug trafficking by the U.S. in 1982)177, that "Arnaldo Ochoa Sanchez, Antonio de la Guardia Font, Jorge Martinez Valdez, Amado Bruno Padron Trujillo, Antonio Sanchez Lima, Alexis Lago Arocha, and Eduardo Diaz Izquierdo [receive] the death penalty…[for] the most serious crimes in this indictment, which are drug trafficking and treason against the fatherland".178 The prosecutor also recommended "30 years imprisonment for defendants Patricio de la Guardia Font and Rosa Maria Abierno Gobin, 25 years imprisonment for defendants Gabriel Prendes Gomez, Leonel Estevez Soto, Miguel Ruiz 175 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 03, https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a347578.pdf. 176 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 07, 154, 164. 177 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 44. 178 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 187. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m7 Poo, and Luis M. Pineda Bermudez, and 15 years imprisonment for defendant Antonio Rodriguez Estupinan".179 The Honor Tribunal agreed unanimously on 11 July 1989, with the stripping of ranks coming later on 12 July 1989.180 On 13 July 1989, Ochoa, Tony de la Guardia, Valdez, and Trujillo were all executed by way of firing squad.181 During and following the trial, Cuba's Ministry of the Interior and the Cuban government as a whole was revamped; Diocles Torralba Gonzalez, Cuba's Minister of Transportation "was dismissed [on 14 June 1989] for "improper conduct" – suggesting he may have been engaged in corruption"182 while Cuba's Minister of the Interior, Brigadier General Jose Abrantes Fernandez, "was dismissed [on] June 26" and then arrested on 31 July 1989 alongside "Brig. Gen. Roberto Gonzalez Caso, a former head of immigration; Oscar Carreno Gomez, former customs chief; Lt. Col. Rolando Castaneda Izquiero, and Hector Carbonell Mendez, director of a state-owned company that dealt in foreign currency".183 Five more Brigadier Generals of the Cuban military, presumably aligned with the Ministry of the Interior, were also "demoted to colonel and retired".184 Both Abrantes and Torralba would later receive twenty year prison sentences, with Abrantes dying in 1991 of a heart attack.185 Replacing Abrantes in the MININT was "trusted four-star general Abelardo Colomé Ibarra" who quickly revamped much of MININT's capabilities.186 179 Ibid. 180 "Cuban Government Proceedings Against Arnaldo Ochoa-Sanchez and Other Officials," Government of Cuba (June-July 1989), Translation by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service. FBIS Daily Report, Latin America, JPRS-LAM-89-003, 25 July 1989, p. 208-209. 181 Oppenheimer, Castro's Final Hour, p. 01-03. 182 Jim Anderson, "U.S.: High-level shakeup may be under way in Cuba," United Press International, United Press International, published 14 June 1989, https://www.upi.com/Archives/1989/06/14/US-High-level-shakeup-may-be-under-way-in-Cuba/4954613800000/. 183 Isaac A. Levi, "Five Senior Cuban Officers Arrested in Drug Scandal," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 31 July 1989, https://apnews.com/article/0782d185225919535cf3aa518ed550a9. 184 Ibid. 185 Richard Gott, Cuba: A New History (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), p. 285. 186 Krujit, Cuba and Revolutionary Latin America, p. 183. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m8 During and after the trial, the charges and convictions were heavily criticized. Some cast doubt on the trial's veracity in regards to having a military officer who had allegations of drug trafficking leveled against him187, while others (Cuban human rights activities, American journalists, and international human rights advocacy and monitoring groups) took offense to the lack of questions asked by the defendants' military appointed prosecutors (in addition to the rather loaded way in which some questions were asked).188 Jaqueline Tillman, a member of the National Security Council, was quoted as saying, "The evidence of Cuban involvement in narcotics trafficking was becoming so abundant that the regime moved to protect Fidel Castro by dissociating him from those activities" while Frank Calzon, a member of the human rights group Freedom House stated that either of the Castros, either Fidel or Raul, "had to approve of this activity, or at least [look] the other way".189 Even civilians of the island nation, according to former diplomat Wayne Smith, were "questioning the official explanation and arguing that there has to be a lot more to this than what is contained in the official announcement".190 Following the trials and into the 1990s, however, Cuba seemingly became more committed to halting drug traffic in Cuba. Fulton Armstrong, a former NIO for Latin America and two-time Director for Inter-American Affairs for the NSC, has stated that "Since Ochoa, collaboration has been good" mentioning that, since 1997, a formal relationship between the United States and Cuba exists, with both the U.S. and Cuba "[identifying] this as a matter of 187 Richard Cole, "Admiral's Role Calls Cuba Drug Crackdown Into Question," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 29 June 1989, https://apnews.com/article/9ef279d0c5de07e958d53e9c1a7bea5b. 188 Preston, "The Trial that Shook Cuba," The New York Review of Books. 189 Robert Pear, "Cuba Discloses A Drug Network Of Top Officials," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 24 June 1989, https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/24/world/cuba-discloses-a-drug-network-of-top-officials.html. 190 Larry Rohter, "Castro Is Anxious About His Military," The New York Times, The New York Times Company, published 25 June 1989, https://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/25/weekinreview/the-world-castro-is-anxious-about-his-military.html?searchResultPosition=10. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha4m9 national interest".191 Pierre Charette, the ASAC for the DEA's Caribbean division during the late-1980s, identified that into the early-1990s, cooperation with the Cuban government has been "fantastic [with] drug trafficking through go-fast boats dropping significantly" and that this productive relationship remains in place today.192 In 1991, the U.S. Customs Service detailed to Frontline that "[drug, arms, and other illicit] trafficking had declined since the trial, but…not stopped".193 The DEA's Administrator194 and Chief of International Operations195, in 1996 and 1999 respectively, both testified before Congress that, despite large profile cases in the media, the Cuban government itself nor senior officials were not involved in drug trafficking. Also in 1996, the State Department's Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs "recognized cuban[sic] counter-drugs efforts, stating that the cuban[sic] government was giving anti-narcotics policies higher public profile in the face of growing narcotics transshipments and consumption".196 General Barry McCaffrey, who served as Commander of U.S. Southern Command (USSOUTHCOM) and was President Clinton's Director of the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ODNCP) from 1994 to 2001, recalled in 2015 "Cuba's a police state, and I don't believe the Cuban government wants to be a hub for drug smugglers. They saw it as a 191 Fulton Armstrong (retired National Intelligence Officer for Latin America with NSC) in discussion with the author, 13 January 2021. 192 Pierre "Pete" Charette (retired Assistant Special Agent-in-Charge with DEA) in discussion with the author, 16 March 2021. 193 PBS Frontline, season 09, episode 10, "Cuba and Cocaine," directed and written by Stephanie Tepper & William Cran, aired 05 February 1991. 194 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on International Relations, Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, Statement by: Thomas A. Constantine, Administrator, Drug Enforcement Administration, 104th Cong., 06 June 1996, https://fas.org/irp/congress/1996_hr/h960606c.htm. 195 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Government Reform, Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, Drug Policy, and Human Resources, Statement by: William E. Ledwith, Chief of International Operations, Drug Enforcement Administration, 106th Cong., 17 November 1999, https://fas.org/irp/congress/1999_hr/ct111799.htm. 196 Isabella Bellezza-Smull, "Will Cuba Update its Drug Policy for the Twenty First Century?," Igarapé Institute, Igarapé Institute, published 29 December 2017, https://igarape.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/08-11-2017-NE-29-Cuba-Drog-Policy.pdf. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha5m0 threat to their children, the workforce, their economy, their government" while noting that though cooperation was imperfect, there was constant communication with the Cubans throughout his time in terms of combating drug trafficking.197 The Question of Culpability on the Part of the Castros The involvement on the part of Fidel and Raul Castro in the drug trade is something that has long been debated and speculated. Since the 1960s, individual criminal investigations, U.S. federal government memorandums, Cuban intelligence defectors, convicted criminals, and congressional hearings have included testimony that has tried to implicate Fidel, Raul, or both Castros in the drug trade. With the 1989 trials, these speculations have increased and, in some cases, due to the handling of the trials, been given more credence. At least two U.S. Congressional hearings have been conducted since 1989, both of which focused on continuing drug traffic in Cuba.198 199 Into the 1990s, more evidence of possible involvement by the Castro regime was revealed. First were the allegations of Carlos Ledher, an experienced drug trafficker and pilot and co-founder of the Medellín Cartel.200 Ledher, upon his arrest and extradition in 1987, was "convicted…on charges of conspiracy and running a criminal enterprise as well as other charges related to the importation and sale of cocaine" in May of 1988.201 Due to this, Ledher began 197 Joshua Partlow & Nick Miroff, "In fight against drugs, Cuba and U.S. on same team," The Washington Post, Nash Holdings, LLC., published 05 January 2015, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/in-fight-against-drugs-cuba-and-us-on-same-team/2015/01/05/6416305a-90fc-11e4-a66f-0ca5037a597d_story.html. 198 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Government Reform, Subcommittee on Criminal Justice, Drug Policy, and Human Resources, Cuba's Link to Drug Trafficking, 106th Cong., 1st Sess., 17 November 1999, https://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=2027. 199 U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Government Reform, Drug Trafficking in the Caribbean: Do Traffickers Use Cuba and Puerto Rico As Major Transit Locations For State-Bound Narcotics?, 106th Cong., 2nd Sess., 3-4 January 2000, https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-106hhrg69521/pdf/CHRG-106hhrg69521.pdf. 200 Mark Bowden, Killing Pablo: The Hunt for the World's Greatest Outlaw (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001), p. 45, https://norwich.on.worldcat.org/oclc/45086854. 201 Patricia Bauer, "Carlos Ledher," Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., published 18 June 2018, updated 03 September 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Carlos-Lehder. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha5m1 cooperating with the U.S. government for a lesser sentence. In federal testimony during the Noriega trial, Ledher claimed "that Castro mediated a bitter 1984 dispute between Noriega and Colombia's Medellin cartel that saved Panama's strongman from probable assassination…and bribed Cuban government officials to ship tons of cocaine into the United States".202 Lieutenant Colonel Luis del Cid, a close aide to Manuel Noriega, alleged during Noriega's trial that he "accompanied Noriega on a flight to Cuba and met Castro following the raid [in which Panamanian troops raided a cocaine lab in Darién province Colombia]" though specified he did not attend the meeting in question.203 While both Ledher and del Cid's testimonies seem to corroborate what Blandón had previously testified in regards to Castro's connections to Noriega and the Medellín Cartel, it must be noted that both del Cid and Ledher testified in exchange for reductions in their sentences (which numbered into the hundreds of years for each of them) and also could easily have become aware of Blandón's testimony in any of the three years prior to their providing evidence to the U.S. government. Two former officials who defected from Cuba two years before the trials, Oscar Valdes from the Ministry of Trade and Manuel de Beunza from the Ministry of the Interior, offered their insights on the trial, claiming the trials were for "show" and were more politically motivated as Castro desired to remove opponents whom he saw as a threat to his power.204 This allegation that the drug trials were a show trial meant to snub out political opponents of Castro's hold on Cuba has become a very prominent. 202 Robert L. Jackson, "Cartel Leader Reveals Secrets of Drug World," The Los Angeles Times, Time Mirror Company, published 21 November 1991, https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1991-11-21-mn-404-story.html. 203 Richard Cole, "Former Aide Tells of Drug Cash, Castro, and Prostitutes," Associated Press, Associated Press, published 24 September 1991, https://apnews.com/article/0b7fcac1c0842630af2d1cc758ab1acd. 204 Jim Anderson, "Defectors: Cuba trials about politics, not drugs," United Press International, United Press International, published 27 July 1989, https://www.upi.com/Archives/1989/07/27/Defectors-Cuba-trial-about-politics-not-drugs/2648617515200/?spt=su. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha5m2 Other defectors, including those from the DGI who defected, also voiced their views on the trial. Jorge Masetti, a DGI officer and Tony de la Guardia's son-in-law who defected from Cuba in 1990, claimed in an interview, "If this operation really existed, it could only have existed if Fidel and Raúl Castro knew about it. They made these accusations, which were supposed to make the case against Ochoa. Arnaldo Ochoa was never proven to have smuggled drugs. The direct evidence does not exist, but they accused Ochoa, and why? Because Fidel wanted to send a message to all the officials with high authority".205 Juan Reinaldo Sánchez, a seemingly credible defector206 from Cuba's MININT who was the personal bodyguard to Castro for seventeen years, wrote in his book The Double Life of Fidel Castro that Castro had knowledge of subordinates' involvement in the drug trade and sanctioned it. Sánchez recalls overhearing a conversation in 1988 between Minister of the Interior Jose Abrantes and Castro in "centered on a Cuban [drug trafficker] living in the United States" who wanted to travel to Cuba to visit his parents; Castro approved the trip along with allowing the trafficker to, as a cover, say he was a Cuban intelligence operative while also requesting that Tony de la Guardia handle "the logistics of the trip".207 This conversation, while innocuous, seems to indicate that Castro did maintain a friendly relationship with some drug traffickers, yet reveals no legitimate information of Castro's involvement in the drug trade. Into the 1990s, working off the indictments against the Ruiz Family in 1988 and the 1992 Noriega trial, the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida began investigating senior level members of the Cuban government. In 1993, the USAO-SDFL "drafted a [proposed 205 The Cuba Libre Story, season 1, episode 7, "Secrets and Sacrifices," directed by Emmanuel Amara, Kai Christiansen, & Florian Dedio, aired 11 December 2015, https://www.netflix.com/title/80109535. 206 Edward A. Lynch, "All Socialists Are Equal, but Some Are More Equal Than Others," Military Review (November-December 2019), p. 124, https://www.armyupress.army.mil/Portals/7/military-review/Archives/English/ND-19/ND-19-Book-B.pdf. 207 Juan Reinaldo Sánchez with Axel Gyldén, The Double Life of Fidel Castro: My 17 Years as Personal Bodyguard to El Líder Máximo (New York, NY: St. Martin's Griffin, 2015), p. 230. CUBAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AS A FOREIGN POLICY Cunningha5m3 indictment that] would have charged Raul Castro and 14 other top Cuban officials [including Manuel Piñeiro, head of the Departamento América] with conspiracy and racketeering for allegedly providing safe passage for Medellin cartel cocaine loads, including permission to fly over Cuba and use its waters".208 Among others allegedly involved in this large enterprise was Abelardo Colomé Ibarra, the Minister of the Interior who replaced Jose
Dottorato di ricerca in Biotecnologie degli alimenti ; Lo smaltimento delle acque di vegetazione dei frantoi oleari costituisce, attualmente, uno dei principali problemi dal punto di vista ambientale, specialmente nei paesi del Mediterraneo dove si concentra la maggior parte della produzione mondiale di olio di oliva. Le acque di vegetazione sono tra i reflui agro-industriali a più alto tasso inquinante a causa del loro elevato carico organico, caratterizzato soprattutto da composti fenolici e polifenolici ad elevata azione antimicrobica e fitotossica. La purificazione biologica delle acque di vegetazione è particolarmente difficile poiché questo refluo presenta solidi in sospensione e un elevato carico organico, in particolare polifenoli con attività biostatica e/o biocida, che riduce fortemente le prestazione degli impianti di depurazione. Di conseguenza, l'impianto deve prevedere due o più stadi di trattamento che rendono la depurazione complessa e costosa. Attualmente, la normativa vigente consente la pratica dello spandimento delle acque di vegetazione sui terreni agrari; nonostante questa risulti, al momento, essere la soluzione migliore sia dal punto di vista pratico che economico, trova attuazione solo se si ha disponibilità di terreni sufficientemente vicini su cui spargere il refluo e comunque deve essere applicata in maniera controllata dal momento che gli eventuali effetti positivi o negativi sulla composizione, sulla carica microbica e la fertilità del terreno sono ancora oggi oggetto di studio. Inoltre, la migrazione di alcuni composti negli strati più bassi del terreno potrebbe causare la contaminazione di eventuali falde acquifere sottostanti con conseguenze per la salute dell'uomo. Negli ultimi anni sono state proposte soluzioni alternative finalizzate a sfruttare questo refluo, in quanto ricco di composti utili. La valorizzazione delle AV mediante il loro impiego per l'ottenimento di prodotti a medio o alto valore aggiunto attraverso processi fisico-chimici o fermentativi, riveste notevole interesse scientifico. Nelle AV sono presenti una grande varietà di biomolecole come acidi organici, polialcoli, zuccheri semplici e complessi e lipidi che le rendono una possibile base per i processi fermentativi. In virtù del contenuto residuo di lipidi, le AV potrebbero rappresentare un ottimo candidato come terreno liquido di crescita per la produzione di lipasi microbiche. Lo scopo della presente tesi di dottorato è stato quello di mettere a punto un processo fermentativo per la valorizzazione delle AV mediante produzione microbica di enzimi, in particolare enzimi lipolitici, ottenendo al contempo un abbattimento, o quanto meno una riduzione, del loro potere inquinante. Esiste una vasta bibliografia in cui viene presa in esame la produzione di lipasi da numerose specie microbiche tra cui Penicillium e Candida e sia il terreno che il processo fermentativo per la produzione di questo enzima è stato ampiamente ottimizzato. Nella maggior parte dei casi, una buona produzione di lipasi microbica prevede l'utilizzo di terreni sintetici piuttosto complessi che sicuramente incidono in maniera significativa sul prezzo finale del prodotto. Inoltre, negli ultimi anni anche la produzione di preparati enzimatici commerciali contenenti lipasi di origine microbica ha avuto un notevole sviluppo. Sigma, Amano, Roche, Novo Nordisk, etc., forniscono preparati lipolititici con varie composizioni e proprietà catalitiche utilizzati in diversi settori: industria alimentare, farmaceutica, dei detergenti e per la produzione di biodiesel. L'innovazione che dovrebbe introdurre questo lavoro è l'opportunità di produrre lipasi microbiche di possibile interesse industriale utilizzando un substrato costituito da un refluo agro-industriale. Con questa idea, si è cercato di mettere a punto un terreno di produzione a basso costo che permettesse di ottenere buoni livelli di attività e contemporaneamente un abbattimento del carico inquinante del refluo finale. In prima battuta, è stato effettuato uno screening di microrganismi (Geotrichum candidum, NRRL 552, 553; Rhizopus sp, ISRIM 383; Rhizopus arrhizus, NRRL 2286; Rhizopus oryzae, NRRL 6431; Aspergillus oryzae, NRRL 1988, 495; Aspergillus niger, NRRL 334; Candida cylindracea, NRRL Y-17506; Penicillium citrinum, NRRL 1841, 3754, ISRIM 118) in grado di crescere sulle acque di vegetazione producendo lipasi. Le produzioni più elevate di enzima sono state ottenute, in condizioni non-ottimizzate, dopo 168 h con Geotrichum candidum NRRL 553 (0,521 U/ml) e Candida cylindracea (0,460 U/ml). Inoltre, livelli di produzione molto interessanti sono stati raggiunti dopo 72 h con i ceppi di Penicillium citrinum (0,365, 0,320 e 0,375 U/ml per NRRL 1841, NRRL 3754 e ISRIM 118, rispettivamente). Questi ceppi sono stati selezionati per valutare, in via preliminare, l'effetto di alcuni fattori sulla produzione di lipasi quali tipologia di AV, utilizzo di vari oli come induttori di attività e impiego di diverse fonti di azoto. Per quanto riguarda la produzione di lipasi da P. citrinum NRRL 1841 su AV, l'attività è stata influenzata in maniera marcata dal tipo di fonte di azoto ma non era aumentata in maniera significativa dall'aggiunta di oli. Nel caso della produzione di lipasi da C. Cylindracea NRRL Y-17506, il cloruro di ammonio e l'olio di oliva rappresentavano rispettivamente la fonte di azoto e l'induttore più adatto; infatti questo ceppo cresciuto in condizioni parzialmente ottimizzate produceva 9,48 U/ml di attività lipolitica dopo 264 h di fermentazione. Successivamente, la produzione di lipasi da P. citrinum NRRL 1841, utilizzando il terreno a base di AV, è stata ottimizzata in beuta valutando l'effetto del pH iniziale, della concentrazione di azoto e di estratto di lievito secondo un approccio multi-fattoriale. La combinazione ottimizzata dal modello è stata la seguente: pH 6,15, 2,7 g/l NH4Cl e 1,1 g/l YE. La produzione massima raggiunta è stata di 1,242 U/ml. Con il terreno così ottimizzato, al fine di ottenere informazioni sul possibile trasferimento di scala del processo, sono stati condotti altri esperimenti in reattori da banco. Allo scopo, sono stati impiegati due tipi di sistemi, un bioreattore ad agitazione meccanica (STR) e uno ad agitazione pneumatica (Air-lift). In entrambi i casi, l'attività lipolitica extracellulare aveva raggiunto il suo picco massimo dopo 192 h di fermentazione. Tuttavia, il massimo di attività è stato significativamente più alto in STR che in Airlift (0,700 vs 0,420 U/ml, rispettivamente). Sebbene tutti i ceppi studiati sono stati in grado di crescere sulle acque di vegetazione e produrre a livelli significativi attività lipolitica, una particolare attenzione è stata riservata a C. cylindracea (noto anche come C. rugosa) per il notevole interesse applicativo della lipasi prodotta da questo lievito. Inizialmente, si è cercato di ottimizzare in beuta la composizione del terreno di produzione (concentrazione dell'olio di oliva, effetto del glucosio, aggiunta di surfactanti e di vari fattori di crescita) e di valutare in via preliminare l'effetto sulla crescita cellulare e sull'attività di alcune condizioni colturali quali velocità di agitazione e aerazione. La migliore composizione del terreno di produzione si è confermata essere quella contenente 3 g/l di olio di oliva, 2,4 g/l di NH4Cl e 0,5 g/l di estratto di lievito, senza l'aggiunta di glucosio e Tween 80. Inoltre, con lo scopo di valutare la fattibilità tecnica di un trasferimento di scala del bioprocesso e approfondire la messa a punto del processo fermentativo sono stati condotti una serie di esperimenti in bioreattore da banco ad agitazione meccanica (STR). In particolare, utilizzando il terreno a base di AV ottimizzato, si è cercato di ottimizzare alcuni parametri quali pH, velocità di agitazione e aerazione. Per quanto riguarda l'effetto della velocità di agitazione e dell'aerazione sulla produzione enzimatica, sono state prese in esame tre velocità di agitazione (300, 500 e 700 giri/min), mantenute fisse durante tutta la fermentazione, e in più è stato condotto un esperimento in cui si è cercato di mantenere la concentrazione dell'ossigeno disciolto nel mezzo superiore al 20% di saturazione facendo variare la velocità di agitazione tra 300 e 800 giri/min. Mentre per valutare l'effetto del pH, sono stati condotti degli esperimenti a pH 6,5 fisso confrontando la produzione con quella ottenuta a pH libero e a pH mantenuto inferiore a 6,5. La massima produzione di lipasi da C. cylindracea è stata ottenuta in bioreattore lavorando a pH libero e ad una velocità di agitazione costante di 500 giri/min (18,50 U/ml) o ad una velocità di agitazione variabile tra 300 e 800 giri/min in modo da assicurare un valore di ossigeno disciolto nel brodo superiore al 20% di saturazione (18,70 U/ml); in quest'ultimo caso, inoltre, la comparsa del picco massimo è stata anticipata nel tempo favorendo così la produttività oraria del bioprocesso. Per quanto riguarda i reattori a 300 e 700 giri/min, la produzione enzimatica è stata di 2,54 e 11,65 U/ml, rispettivamente. Infine, messo a punto il bioprocesso di produzione della lipasi da C. cylindracea coltivata su un terreno a base di AV, si è cercato di identificare il profilo enzimatico del campione grezzo così ottenuto, dal momento che, come è noto dalla letteratura, questo lievito è in grado di produrre fino a sette isoforme ad attività lipolitica. A tale scopo sono stati condotti degli esperimenti di isoelettrofocalizzazione (IEF) analitica. Nel gel sono stati caricati un campione di lipasi commerciale (Tipo VII, Sigma) e due campioni grezzi ottenuti da C. cylindracea coltivata sul terreno a base di AV, prelevati a due tempi fermentativi diversi e corrispondenti ai due picchi di attività lipolitica raggiunti durante le prove in STR (I° e II° picco di massima attività, 48esima e 192esima ora, rispettivamente). Dai risultati ottenuti, è stato osservato che il campione grezzo era costituito da più isoenzimi con attività lipolitica e che il profilo isoenzimatico aveva una sola banda in comune con quello della lipasi commerciale (Typo VII, Sigma) a cui è stato assegnato pI 4,7. Per quanto riguarda il campione prelevato alla 48esima ora, sono state osservate anche una banda piuttosto intensa a pI 5,1 e una tripletta di bande più deboli a pIs di 5,06, 5,0 e 4,9. Durante la fermentazione il profilo isoenzimatico del campione aveva subito delle modifiche: infatti, alla 192esima ora, le bande a pIs 5,1, 5,0 e 4,9 erano scomparse, mentre era comparsa una banda di attività intensa a cui è stato assegnato un pI di 4,5. Infine, in entrambi i campioni grezzi è stata rilevata una banda tenue a pI 3,8. In conclusione, i buoni livelli di attività enzimatica raggiunti dimostrano la fattibilità tecnica di un processo fermentativo finalizzato alla valorizzazione dei reflui oleari mediante la produzione di lipasi, che può avere promettenti utilizzi in varie applicazioni industriali. Comunque, ulteriori fasi di scale-up del processo sono ancora necessarie al fine di poter effettuare una valutazione sulla fattibilità economica del processo. ; The olive mill wastewater (OMW) disposal is, currently, one of the main environmental problems in all olive-oil producing countries, especially in the Mediterranean area. In fact, for its high organic load, phenolic fraction with phytotoxic effects and antimicrobial activity, the OMW is a highly polluted agro-industrial effluent. The biological treatment can be very difficult since solid residues, high organic load and phenols may strongly reduce the depuration efficiency. Consequently, a possible process should include several technological options, physical, chemical and biological, as well as combinations thereof, thus resulting in increased process costs. At the moment, the Italian legislation allows land spreading of untreated olive mill wastewater that is the best economical solution. Application on agriculture soils is a practice which solves partially the problem of OMW disposal. Positive and negative effects on soil composition and fertility are still under study, so that OMW application must be strictly controlled. Land spreading, in fact, may cause serious negative environmental impact regarding, for instance, groundwater contamination. In the last years, alternative solutions have been proposed in view of the use this waste as a source of valuable compounds. Several recent research studies have reported the possibility of OMW valorization to obtain products of actual or potential industrial interest. The presence in OMW of a wide range of biomolecules such as organic acids, polyalcohols, simple and complex sugars and lipids makes it a potential basis for fermentation processes. In this way, OMW could be a putative candidate as a potentially suitable liquid growth medium for the production of microbial lipases by virtue of its residual lipid content. For these reasons, the objective of the present PhD thesis was to assess the suitability of OMW as growth medium for the production of lipases and to set up a related fermentation process that might lead, at the same time, to a low polluting load final effluent. A large number of microbial strains have been screened for lipase production belonging to several fungal genera, Candida and Penicillium in particular. In literature, numerous methods for lipolytic enzyme production are published and medium composition and cultural conditions have been fully optimised. Neverthless, the most frequently used medium is a chemical defined and complex one, significantly affecting the final product costs. Besides, in the last years, a whole range of microbial lipase preparations has been developed. Sigma, Amano, Roche, Novo Nordisk, etc., provide lipolytic preparations with various compositions and catalytic proprierties employed in areas such as detergent pharmaucetic and food industries and biodiesel production. Our innovative approach consists in the trial of producing microbial lipases using an agroindustrial-waste based medium. Our basic idea, in fact, was that of developing a low cost production medium. Firstly, 12 fungal strains belonging to well-known lypolytic species (Geotrichum candidum, NRRL 552, 553; Rhizopus sp, ISRIM 383; Rhizopus arrhizus, NRRL 2286; Rhizopus oryzae, NRRL 6431; Aspergillus oryzae, NRRL 1988, 495; Aspergillus niger, NRRL 334; Candida cylindracea, NRRL Y-17506; Penicillium citrinum, NRRL 1841, 3754, ISRIM 118) were screened for their ability to grow on undiluited OMW and to produce extracellular lipase activity. The highest lipase productions were obtained under non-optimized conditions after 168 h with Geotrichum candidum NRRL 553 (0.521 U/ml) and Candida cylindracea (0.460 U/ml). Interesting production levels were also achieved after 72 h with strains of Penicillium citrinum (0.365, 0.320 and 0.375 U/ml for NRRL 1841, NRRL 3754 and ISRIM 118, respectively). These strains were then selected to study the effect of culture conditions, such as OMW typology, nitrogen sources and inducers, on the enzyme production. With regard to the lipase production by P. citrinum NRRL 1841, the enzyme activity was significantly influenced by nitrogen addition; on the other hand, the addition of oils resulted in a marked increase in biomass without affecting, however, lipase production. Lipase production by C. cylindracea NRRL Y-17506 was significatly favored by ammonium salts and oil addition. This strain growth in OMW medium containing ammonium chloride and olive oil led to an activity peak of 9.48 U/ml after 264 hours of fermentation. In order to optimise lipase production by P. citrinum in OMW-based medium, the combined effect of three variables (i.e, concentration of NH4Cl, yeast extract and initial pH) was assessed using a multi-factorial design with 'optimizer' function of 'Modde 5.0' program. The optimised combination by the model was as follows: pH 6.15, 2.7 g/l NH4Cl e 1.1 g/l extract yeast. The maximum lipase activity was 1.242 U/ml after 192 hour of fermentation. To gain information on the possible up-scaling of the process, further experiments were performed in 3-l laboratory-scale reactors. Specifically, pneumatically agitated (Airlift) and mechanically agitated (STR) reactors were employed using the optimised OMW-based medium. In both cases, the extracellular lipase peaked 192 h after inoculation. Howewer, the maximum activity was significatly higher in STR with respect to the Airlift (0.700 vs 0.420 U/ml, respectively). Of all strains, C. cylindracea appeared to be particularly interesting and was, therefore, used as the model microorganism to further investigate the feasibility of an OMW substrate. Firstly, the optimisation of medium composition was assessed in shaken cultures. In particular, the effects on the lipase production of olive oil concentration (1, 3, 5 e 10 g/l), glucose (5 g/l), Tween 80 (0,5 g/l) and several growth nutrients (yeast extract, malt extract and peptone) addition were studied. The best medium composition was as follows: diluited OMW (1:2), olive oil 3 g/l, NH4Cl 2.4 g/l and yeast extract 0.5 g/l. The glucose and Tween 80 addition negatively affected the production of lipolytic enzyme. Lipase production by C. cylindracea on OMW-optimized medium was subsequently assessed in mechanically agitated bioreactor (STR). To study the agitation influence on enzyme production, a set of experiments was carried out at three impeller speed, 300, 500 and 700 rpm; moreover, an additional experiment was carried out at dissolved oxygen DO > 20% saturation (agitation speed automatically controlled between 300 and 800 rpm). To evaluate the effect of pH, three conditions were compared: free pH; fixed pH (6.5) maintained constant by addition of HCl 4.0 M and NaOH 4.0 M; pH lower than 6.5 controlled with addition of HCl 4.0 M. The maximum lipase productions were obtained with the pH left free to vary, 500 rpm costant agitation speed (18.5 U/ml) and variable agitation speed between 300 and 800 rpm to ensure a dissolved oxygen value upper to 20% (18.7 U/ml); in the latter thesis the onset of enzyme activity was anticipated thus leading to increased bioprocess productivity. At 300 e 700 rpm agitation speed, the maximum lipase productions were 2.54 and 11.65 U/ml, respectively. Finally, to set up the bioprocess of lipase production by C. Cylindracea grown on OMW-based medium, the isoenzymatic profiles of the raw sample was evaluated. This aspect appears to be very interesting since it is known that commercial C. rugosa lipase is a mixture of 3 isoenzymes namenly Lip 1, Lip2 and Lip 3 but the yeast is able to produce up to seven different isoenzymes (Lip 1-Lip 7). Moreover isoenzymatic profiles can depend on media composition and fermentation conditions. With this aim, a set of analitycal isoelectrofocusing experiments were carried out. In the gels, a sample of commercial lipase (Type VII, Sigma) and two raw samples of lipase by C. cylindracea grown on OMW-optimized medium and corresponding to two lipolytic activity peaks (1st and 2nd peak, 48esime and 192esime hour of fermentation, respectively) obtained in STR, were loaded. The results suggest that the raw samples were constituted of more lipolytic isoenzymes with the isoenzymatic profile having only one band in common with that of the commercial lipase (assigned pI 4.7). The sample corresponding to the 1st activity peak showed a strong band at pI 5.1 and a triplette of weak bands at pIs 5.06, 5.0 e 4.9. Moreover, the isoenzymatic profiles changed during fermentation; in fact, the bands at pIs 5.1, 5.0 and 4.9 disappeared and a new strong band at pI 4.5 formed. Finally, in both raw samples a band at pI 3.8 was observed. OMWs valorisation by its use as growth medium for lipase production by C. cylindracea NRRL Y-17506 and P. citrinum NRRL 1841 appears to be possible and promising. Moreover, the investigation for further up-scaling is need to evaluate the economic fattibility of the bioprocess.
Pharmaceuticals are essential to achieve health outcomes, but are at the same time a major cost factor in every health system. From a patient perspective, access to pharmaceuticals is a proxy for the functioning of the health system. With increasing economic strength, patients become more demanding with regard to access to modern, sophisticated drugs and providers become more aggressive in marketing those drugs. This paper reflects the situation in the pharmaceutical sector in Turkey, identifies critical issues, and discusses policy options based on current trends and the overall policy objectives of the Turkish government. This paper is structured as follows: chapter one gives introduction; chapter two gives overall policy objectives in the pharmaceutical sector in Turkey; chapter three presents institutional and regulatory framework; chapter four presents reimbursement rules; chapter five focuses on governance issues in the pharmaceutical sector; chapter six gives market overview; chapter seven gives payment for pharmaceuticals in Turkey; chapter eight presents prescribing practices - rational use of medicines; and chapter nine gives conclusions and way forward.
Las evaluaciones ecotoxicológicas son herramientas fundamentales en las estimaciones de riesgo ambiental y la toma de decisiones de políticas de control y prevención de daños ecológicos. A nivel regional la caracterización ecotoxicológica de sedimentos se determina principalmente evaluando en ellos niveles de contaminantes considerados como prioritarios, sin tener en cuenta factores tales como biodisponibilidad, resuspensión posibles interacciones o impacto sobre estructura y funcionamiento de las comunidades asociadas a sedimentos. En ese sentido los bioensayos son herramientas esenciales para evaluar la calidad del ambiente porque responden de manera integrada a los efectos adversos de mezclas químicas complejas con las que están en contacto y cuya ecotoxicidad interesa conocer. Los bioensayos con anfípodos tienen considerable relevancia en la evaluación toxicológica de agua dulce, siendo Hyalella azteca, de amplia distribución en el hemisferio norte, la especie más utilizada. Los protocolos para bioensayos estandarizados fueron diseñados en el hemisferio norte en función de los requerimientos y biología de esta especie. Además, estos protocolos se centran primordialmente en la evaluación de parámetros tradicionales (mortalidad y crecimiento) sobre los anfípodos, asumiendo que la ausencia de efecto indica que el medio de ensayo es ecotoxicológicamente aceptable. Sin embargo, hay una tendencia mundial a evaluar el impacto de los contaminantes en un sistema acuático particular a través del monitoreo ecotoxicológico con especies nativas. La necesidad de utilizar especies locales se hace evidente, entre otras razones, porque el uso de las mismas adaptadas a las características del ambiente, pueden proporcionar resultados mucho más cercanos a la realidad que los obtenidos con una especie exótica. Por lo tanto, debido a que las especies propuestas en los protocolos internacionales no son las mismas que encontramos en nuestros ecosistemas acuáticos, es muy importante evaluar el efecto de los contaminantes sobre especies autóctonas sobre la base del conocimiento biológico, ya que estas pueden mostrar requerimientos y características diferentes a las de las especies estandarizadas en dichos protocolos. Es recomendable que cada región geográfica tenga protocolizado diversos métodos de ensayo donde las especies autóctonas estén representadas. Este trabajo presenta resultados obtenidos a partir de la evaluación de efectos de matriz acuosa y sedimentos contaminados sobre dos especies de anfípodos dulceacuícolas presentes en la región: Hyalella curvispina y Hyalella pseudoazteca, por medio de bioensayos de toxicidad en condiciones controladas de laboratorio. Utilizando organismos de dos estadios de vida, se realizaron ensayos de exposición aguda y subcrónica a dos metales pesados, tóxicos referentes (cobre y cadmio) en matriz acuosa, sedimento procesado y agua de poro extraída del mismo, adaptando una metodología estandarizada para H. azteca. Los puntos finales fueron concentración de metal en tejidos, sobrevivencia y crecimiento, siendo los dos últimos parámetros tradicionales para estos protocolos experimentales. A su vez, se investigó la utilidad del Índice de Masa Corporal (IMC) como nuevo parámetro evaluador de efecto subletal. Con el objetivo de utilizar nuevos puntos finales de evaluación de efecto temprano por exposición a metales en H. curvispina, se determinaron efectos sobre el contenido de glucógeno, proteínas totales, lípidos totales, triglicéridos, arginina fosfato, niveles de peroxidación lipídica (TBARS) y actividad de catalasa (CAT), superóxido dismutasa (SOD) y Na+/K+ ATPasa, en matriz sólida y acuosa. Además se ajustó e implementó para esta especie la técnica de sistema de transporte de electrones (ETS) como biomarcador de estado metabólico. Se llevó a cabo la evaluación de la ecotoxicidad de sedimentos ambientales realizando ensayos con sedimento completo y agua de poro, utilizando a H. curvispina como organismo prueba, evaluando como puntos finales parámetros tradicionales de efecto. A su vez, sobre muestras de sedimento completo se investigó la utilidad de biomarcadores de efecto temprano (niveles de lipoperoxidación y actividad de SOD, CAT y ETS). En relación al efecto del cadmio y cobre en solución H. curvispina probó ser sensible a concentraciones ecológicamente relevantes de ambos metales. Los resultados reafirman su importancia como una especie adecuada para ensayos de evaluación ecotoxicológica en cuerpos de agua dentro de su área de distribución. Con respecto a la toxicidad de ambos metales en bioensayos en matriz sólida, se demostró que ambas especies sufren efectos negativos sobre el crecimiento a concentraciones de Cd y Cu cercanas a los Niveles Guía de Calidad de Sedimentos (SQGs), desarrollados para el hemisferio norte, siendo el IMC el mejor parámetro discriminador de efecto. En cuanto al desarrollo de nuevos puntos finales de efecto temprano para ensayos con anfípodos se confirmó que la exposición a Cu ó Cd, tanto en solución como en sedimento, afectó de manera significativa a la mayoría de los parámetros metabólicos y bioquímicos evaluados. Se postula al ETS como nuevo biomarcador de efecto en bioensayos ecotoxicológicos con H. curvispina. El protocolo aplicado, los parámetros determinados y la especie test elegida, resultaron ser aptos para monitorear la calidad toxicológica de sedimentos ambientales. El uso de biomarcadores demostró una mayor sensibilidad y un más preciso ajuste de evaluación de efectos que el obtenido por el ensayo estándar de sobrevivencia y crecimiento, y se revelan más contundentes en relación a la evaluación de efectos proponiéndose su implementación en estudios de biomonitoreo de sedimentos. Por último, se estableció una línea de base como contribución al incremento del conocimiento biológico de las especies de ensayo, utilizando como criterio el IMC y parámetros del metabolismo energético, comparando el estado general de los animales en medio acuoso y sedimento en situaciones control. Se concluyó que H. curvispina puede ser empleada en bioensayos tanto en matriz sólida como acuosa, pero la especie resulta más apropiada para la realización de bioensayos en presencia de sedimentos. Con respecto a H. pseudoazteca resulta una especie apropiada para su uso en bioensayos en matriz sólida, pero no es recomendada para su utilización en ensayos en matriz acuosa. ; Ecotoxicology assays are fundamental tools for assessing environmental risks and making political to control and prevent environmental damage. At a regional level, ecotoxicological characterization of sediments is determined mostly by analysing the toxic levels present in them that are prioritized, not taking into account variables such as bioavailability, resuspension, possible interactions or impact on the structure and functioning of the communities associated to the sediments. In this sense, bioassays are essential tools for assessing environmental quality because they respond in an integral way to adverse effects of complex chemical mixtures with which they come in contact and of which there is an interest in knowing their ecotoxicity. Bioassays with amphipods are of remarkable relevance for toxicological assessment in freshwater, being Hyalella azteca, widely distributed across the northern hemisphere, the most employed species. Standardized bioassay protocols were designed in the northern hemisphere based on the requirements and biology of this species. Moreover, these protocols are focused mainly on the assessment of traditional parameters (growth and mortality) of amphipods, assuming the absence of an effect implies that the assay medium is ecotoxicologically acceptable. However, there is a worldwide trend to assess toxic impact in a particular aquatic system through ecotoxicological monitoring with native species. The need to use local species becomes evident, among other reasons, because using these adapted to the environmental characteristics can give results which are much closer to reality than those obtained using an exotic species. Therefore, considering the species proposed by international protocols are not the ones we find in our aquatic ecosystems, it is extremely important to assess the effect of pollutants on native species on the basis of biological knowledge, since native species may present requirements and characteristic that are different to those of the standardized species in said protocols. It is advisable that each geographic region have a diversity of standardized assay protocols where native species are represented. This work presents results obtained from the assessment of the effects of polluted sediments and liquid matrix on two freshwater amphipod species present in the region: Hyalella curvispina and Hyalella pseudoazteca, through toxicity bioassays in controlled laboratory conditions. Acute and subchronic exposure to two heavy metals, reference toxics (copper and cadmium) in liquid matrix, processed sediment and groundwater assays were performed, adapting a methodology standardized for H. azteca, using organisms at different life stages. Endpoints were metal tissue concentration, survival and growth, being these last two the traditional parameters for these experimental protocols. At the same time, utility of the body mass index (IMC) as a new parameter to evaluate sublethal effects was assessed. Aiming to use new endpoints to evaluate early effects of metal exposure in H. curvispina, the effects on glycogen, total proteins, total lipids, triglycerides, phosphate arginine, lipids peroxidation levels (TBARS) and catalase activity (CAT), superoxide dismutase (SOD) and Na+/K+ ATPase were determined in both solid and liquid matrix. In this work, the electron transportation system (ETS) technique was adjusted and implemented for this species as a metabolic state biomarker. Environmental sediment ecotoxicity assessment was carried out with complete sediment and pore water assays using H. curvispina as test organism, taking as endpoint the traditional effect parameters. Utility of early effect biomarkers (lipoperoxidation levels and SOD, CAT and ETS activity) was also assessed using complete sediment samples. With regard to the effect over cadmium and copper in solution, H. curvispina showed sensitivity to concentrations of both ecologically relevant metals. The results reasserted its significance as an adequate species for ecotoxicological assessment assays in water bodies inside their area of distribution. As for the toxicity of both metals in bioassays with solid matrix, it showed that both species suffer negative effects on growth when using concentrations of Cd and Cu close to the Sediment Quality Guideline (SQG) levels (developed for the North hemisphere), with the IMC being the best parameter for effect discrimination. With regard to developing new early effect endpoints for assays with amphipods, it was confirmed that the exposition to both metals significantly affected most of the intermediary metabolism parameters and biochemical oxidative damage evaluated, both in solution and in sediment. ETS is presented as a biomarker of effect in ecotoxicological bioassays with H. curvispina. The applied protocol, the determined parameters and the test species chosen were adequate for monitoring the toxicological quality of environmental sediments. The use of biomarkers showed a higher sensitivity and a more precise effect evaluation adjustment than the one obtained through the use of the standard survival and growth assay. Since they are also more telling in regards to the effects evaluation, its implementation in sediment biomonitoring studies is proposed. Finally, a baseline was established as contribution to the increment of biological knowledge of the test species, using the IMC and parameters from the energetic metabolism as criteria, comparing the general state of the animals in water and sediment media in control situations. It is concluded that H. curvispina can be used in bioassays with both solid and water matrix, but the species is more adequate for carrying out bioassays in presence of sediments. With regard to the H. pseudoazteca, it is an adequate species to be used in solid matrix bioassays, but it is not recommended for its use in water matrix trials. ; Fil:Giusto, Anabella. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Exactas y Naturales; Argentina.
Not Available ; Quality Protein Maize (QPM): Importance and production requirements Ramesh Kumar, DP Chaudhary, AK Das and Sujay Rakshit ICAR - Indian Institute of Maize Research, Ludhiana Introduction The present scenario of increasing population puts pressure on agriculture not only to increase production and productivity but also the grain quality. It is imperative that increasing production of food crops to ensure food and nutritional security of the nation has become a necessity rather a matter of choice. However, the challenge to meet the growing demand for food seems to be a daunting task due to rapid reduction in agricultural land, reduced availability of water resources and climate change. Moreover, ensuring the nutritional security or improving the nutritional status of the poorer section on sustainable manner is an added challenge. The present food production scenario indicates that much of the future food production is expected to come from coarse cereals, particularly maize because of its highest yield potential as compared to any other food crop. Maize has already credited as queen of cereal and further due to its high content of carbohydrates, fats, proteins and some of the important vitamins and minerals, it has also acquired a well - deserved reputation as 'poor man's nutri - cereal'(Kumar et al .,2012). Maize contributes 15% of the world's protein and 19% of the calories derived from food crops (Vasal SK, 2002). Millions of people in the world, and particularly in developing countries, derive a part of their protein and daily calorie requirements from maize (Mbuya et al.,2011). In recent years the diversified uses of maize as food, feed and as an industrial raw material is also increasing. In addition to this maize is part of the livestock - to - meat cycle across the world (Tanumihardjo et al., 2019). The food processing industries are coming up with new value - added products of corn like flakes, chips, biscuits, sooji etc. Increased demand from consumers has led to higher per capita consumption and demand for maize. Improved growth in Indian economy has increased per capita income thereby improving the purchasing power of its people. The consequence of all these events has led to change in the food habits with an increased non - vegetarian population of the country. The increased non - vegetarian populations had its own cascaded of events on food/feed and meat industries. The increased demand of meat has increased the demand of maize from poultry and piggery feed industries. In this particular context, quality protein maize (QPM) can play a crucial and very important special role in ensuring the food and nutritional security of the country. Nutritive Value of Quality Protein Maize The maize grain on an average contains around 15 % moisture, 8 - 12 % protein, 2 - 4 % fat, 3 % fibre, 67 - 72 % starch and around 1.5% minerals. Hence it is a good source of carbohydrates, fats, proteins and some of the important vitamins and minerals and, therefore, termed as nutri - cereal. Majority of the population depend on cereals for their livelihood and maize is the staple cereal food for several million people, especially in the developing countries across Sub - saharan Africa who derive their >30% of the total dietary protein and >20% of the daily calories requirements from maize as it supplies many macro and micronutrients necessary for human metabolic needs. The kernel protein is made up of five different fractions, viz., albumin 7 %, globulin 5 %, non - protein nitrogen 6 %, prolamine 52 % and glutelin 25% and the left - over 5 % is residual nitrogen. The quality of maize protein is poor due to the presence of large concentration of an alcohol soluble protein fraction, prolamine also known as zein in the endosperm. Zein is very low in lysine and tryptophan content and since this fraction contributes more than 50 percent of the total protein, the maize protein is, therefore, deficient in lysine and tryptophan content. On the other hand, zein fraction contains very high amount of leucine and imbalanced proportion of isoleucine. The ill - proportion of four essential amino acids in normal maize kernels results in poor protein quality of traditional maize kernels affecting its biological value i.e. the availability of protein to the body. Thus, the composition of maize protein has an in - built drawback of being deficient in two essential amino acids, viz., lysine and tryptophan. However, high - quality protein sources, such as eggs, meat, dairy products and legumes provide total or complementary sources of these amino acids, but many rural poor have limited access to these foods. Therefore, populations depending on maize as their staple food generally show the protein deficiency disorders like Marasmus and Kwashiorkar. In addition, maize lacks vitamin B and also due to high concentrations of phytate some minerals in the maize grain have low bioavailability. Therefore, a need was felt to improve the biological value of protein in maize varieties. In early 1960s the breeders at Purdue University obtained the natural mutants of maize which have soft and opaque grains. The biochemical and genetic analysis of mutant kernels revealed that they contain higher concentration of lysine and this nutritionally superior maize was named opaque - 2 maize, after discovering that "opaque - 2" single gene mutation is responsible for the improved protein quality (Mertz et al., 1964). It was mentioned that the original mutants obtained were soft and opaque, but they have some draw - backs like higher susceptibility to storage and ear rot. Therefore, to overcome this problem International Center for Maize and Wheat Improvement (CIMMYT) introduced endosperm modifier genes through continued recurrent selection breeding programme led by Dr. S. K. Vasal and team. As a result, hard endosperm o2 stocks were developed and were designated as quality protein maize (QPM) to distinguish it from soft o2 strains. Quality protein maize (QPM) was created by selecting genetic modifiers that convert the starchy endosperm of an opaque2 (o2) mutant to a hard, vitreous phenotype. However, not all of the hard endosperm o2 lines retained high levels of the critical amino acids. Later the genetic studies on QPM have shown that there are multiple, unlinked o2 modifiers (OPM), but their identity and mode of action are unknown. In QPM the concentration of zein is lowered by 30 percent, as a result the lysine and tryptophan content increases in comparison to maize. The lower contents of leucine in QPM further balance the ratios of leucine to isoleucine (Table1). The balanced proportion of all these essential amino acid in QPM enhances the biological value of protein (Table - 2). The true protein digestibility of maize vis - à - vis QPM is almost same, but the biological value of QPM is just double as compared to maize varieties (Fig1), rather it is highest among all cereals and pulses (Fig1). The reason behind it is that all cereals except QPM are deficient in lysine, an essential amino acid and all pulses are deficient in another essential amino acid methionine. Maize breeders have developed several QPM hybrids by incorporating opaque - 2 mutant gene modifiers in different parental lines. QPM looks and taste like normal maize, but it contains nearly twice the quality of lysine and tryptophan along with balanced amino acid profile. QPM as Food and Nutritional Security In India, tribal population constitutes approximately 10% of the total population and is found in most parts of the country especially in the states of Madhya Pradesh, Assam, Nagaland, Gujarat, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, etc. Thus, a sizable tribal population exist which is economically deprived. Further, most of tribal population depends on maize as their basic diet. In these areas the scope for QPM to ensuring food and nutritional security is paramount. Substituting maize with QPM is a viable option for ensuring their nutritional requirements. Tribal peoples are acknowledged to have very close association with ecosystem and environment because of their dependence on nature directly for daily requirements. However, the problem of malnutrition arises due to inadequate intake of nutrients in the diet. The situations are almost same in some African countries. Several studies are conducted on human beings and animal and are continue to be conducted on positive health benefits of QPM consumption in their daily diet. Gunaratna et al., 2010 reported that consumption of QPM instead of maize leads to an increase in growth rate of height and weight by 12 and 9%, respectively in infants and young children coming from population with mild to moderate under nutrition where maize is the significant component of the diet. This happened due to the higher biological value of QPM as compared to the maize (Table 2). The results are encouraging and based on these results the Indian policy makers can think of providing QPM in the tribal belt or in the areas where there is a problem of malnutrition. Government of India can also think of introducing QPM in public distribution system and QPM based food in mid - day meal in schools and Aanganwadis. Government of India has already started Tribal - Sub Plan (TSP) and under this programme the Directorate of Maize Research has provided QPM hybrid seeds for cultivation in the areas where tribal population is more. Some on - farm trainings have also being organized in these areas for creating awareness to use QPM as staple food. QPM and Animal feed Maize is an integral part of the animal feed used in India and outside. There are several studies where maize has been replaced by QPM as an ingredient of animal feed and encouraging results have been observed in case of broilers, chickens and pigs. Feed trials have repeatedly shown that pigs fed with QPM grow twice as fast as those fed with commercial maize (Krivanek et al., 2007). Some nutritional studies with pigs and chicken diets have shown that performance is improved when QPM is substituted for maize without any additional protein supplement. In broiler diet, the substitution of QPM for maize at a rate of 60% substantially reduces the need for soybean meal and therefore the cost (Subsuban et al., 1990). Similarly, in an experiment with finisher pigs, less soybean meal was needed to maximize performance in diets based on QPM compared with diets having maize. Beef steers fed on high–lysine maize gained faster weight compared to those fed on normal maize. Thus, QPM can reduce the cost of animal feed by decreasing the expenditure incurred on more expensive high protein sources. Linear programming models allow feed companies to identify the cheapest way of providing the minimum dietary requirements for farm stock. Calculations for pig and poultry ration containing maize, QPM, sorghum, soybeans meal and synthetic lysine and tryptophan showed that the usage of QPM instead of maize resulted in saving of 2.8% on chickens feed and 3.4 % on pig feed (Lopez - Pereira, 1992). It is also evident that if QPM was to replace maize in broiler feed in Kenya, the 5% cost reduction would translate into a gain of US dollars 300,000 either as reduced costs for farmers or profit for feed manufactures. In India also it can happen if we use QPM as an ingredient in animal feed. It will help in reducing the cost of feed as well as in increase the growth of the animal either it is broiler, chicken, pig or cattle. The broilers and chickens fed with QPM matured in less time as compared to non QPM fed ones and the farmer benefitted by selling more number of animals in a short span of time. Additionally, QPM fed pigs experience rapid weight gain and are ready for market sooner or can provide an additional quality protein source for small farm families. Impact of QPM Babies and adults consuming QPM are healthier and at lower risk for malnutrition disorders such as marasmus and kwashiorkor. Data from Latin America and Africa showed the role of QPM in reversing the effects of malnutrition in those who are already affected. QPM offers 90% the nutritional value of skim milk, the standard for adequate nutrition value. At a time when UNICEF reports that 1,000,000 infants and small children are starving each month, the inclusion of QPM in daily rations improves health and saves lives. Additionally, QPM fed pigs experience rapid weight gain and are ready for market sooner or can provide an additional quality protein source for small farm families. The commercial success of QPM can be achieved as several QPM hybrids have been developed and tested across varying climatic and growing conditions. At present QPM varieties are grown on roughly 9 million acres (36,000 km²) worldwide. Meanwhile, QPM research and development have spread from Mexico to Latin America, Africa, Europe, and Asia. In Guizhou, the poorest province in China, where QPM hybrid yields are 10% higher than those of other hybrids, and the crop has enabled new pig production enterprises, bringing increased food security and disposable income. In total, the QPM germplasm is being grown worldwide and it is contributing over $1 billion annually to the economies of developing countries. Production requirements Isolation distance The foremost requirement for QPM cultivation is isolation distance of minimum 400 meters. There should not be any other maize crop (non - QPM) in surrounding of 400 meters. The opaque - 2 gene is expressed when it present in homozygous conditions, if any other maize crop is there in surrounding area and pollen of other maize will fall on QPM silk and it will create heterozygous conditions resulting opaque 2 gene will not express that is why it is strongly recommended that we will have to grow QPM crop in isolation or we can grow this in a specified area where only QPM is grown. Soil and climate QPM can be grown successfully in a wide range of soil from loamy sand to clay. But it performs well in high organic matter content soil with high water holding capacity and neutral in pH. Soil should have high drainage capacity as maize is more susceptible to water logging condition. QPM can be successfully grown in varied climatic conditions though out the country in an altitude from mean sea level to 3000 m height. Selection of cultivar A no. of QPM hybrids have been released in India for cultivation namely, HQPM1, HQPM 4, HQPM 5, HQPM 7, Shaktiman 1, Shaktiman 2, Shaktiman 3, Shaktiman 4, Shaktiman 5, Pusa HM 8, Pusa HM 9, Vivek QPM 9 and Pusa Vivek QPM 9 improved. The farmers can select anyone among these hybrids in consultation with local maize breeder/agriculture expert. Sowing time QPM can be grown in all the seasons viz. kharif, rabi and spring. Seed rate Seed rate varied according to seed size, season, sowing method. But on an average 20 kg/ha is optimum for higher yield. Seed treatment To protect the seed from seed and soil borne diseases and pest seed should be treated before sowing with fungicide Bavistin + Captan in 1:1 ratio @ 2 g/kg seed. Method of sowing Line sowing in furrows at 60 - 70 x 20 - 25 cm (row x plant) spacing to obtain the optimum plant population of 70000 to 80000 per ha with sowing depth of 4 - 5 cm is the best method. Nutrient management The requirement of nutrient and fertilizers are as follows: Nutrient Dose Form Requirement (Kg/ha) N 150 - 180 Urea 3255 - 3906 P2O5 70 - 80 SSP 438 - 500 K2O 70 - 80 MOP 116 - 133 Besides that ZnSO4 @ 25 kg/ha and FYM @ 10 t/ha is required for high productivity of QPM. FYM should be applied at 10 - 15 days before sowing. The whole amount of SSP, MOP, ZnSO4 and 10% of urea should apply as basal in furrows. The remaining urea should be applied in three split applications. 20% urea at 4 leaf stage, 40% at 8 leaf stage and remaining 30% at flowering stage. Fertilizers should be applied from both sides of rows. Three days before application of fertilizers light hoeing is needed for optimum use of nutrients by crops. Water management If irrigation facility is available then irrigation should be done in furrows up to 2/3rd height of the ridge at knee high stage, flowering and grain filling stage. Weed management Weed is a serious problem of maize in Tirap district of Arunachal Pradesh which may causes yield loss up to 35%. Therefore, timely weed management is essential for good yield. Pre - emergence herbicide atrazine @ 1.0 - 1.5 kg a.i./ha in 600 litre water is very effective for control of weed. Tembotrione @ 262 ml in 375 litre water is recommended for post - emergence application and it should be applied when the crop is 25 - 30 days old. Earthing up Earthing up is a very essential operation in QPM cultivation. Earthing up should be done when the crop is 35 - 40 days old. Insect Pest Management: Maize stem borer (Chilo partellus) The pest lays eggs on the lower surface of central whorl leaf and the larvae enter the plant from the central whorl and eventually results in dead heat formation Foliar application of Chlorantraniliprole 18.5 SC @ 0.3 ml / litre water in 200 litre water per ha is quite effective The spray should be done at the appearance of symptoms on 2 - 3 weeks old crop. It can also be controlled by release of 8 trico cards (Trichogramma chilonis) per ha at 10 & 17days after germination. Pink stem borer (Sesamia inferens) This insect is more serious in peninsular India during rabi season. Foliar application of Chlorantraniliprole 18.5 SC @ 0.3 ml / litre water in 200 litre water per ha is quite effective. The spray should be done at the appearance of symptoms on 2 - 3 weeks old crop. Shoot fly (Atherigona spp.) It is more serious during spring season in northern India. It lays eggs on emerging seedlings and maggets cuts the growing point resulting in dead heart formation. Seed treatment gaucho 600FS @ 6.0 ml/ kg seed is most effective. Fall Armyworm (Spodoptera frugiperda) It is new exotic pest in maize ecosystem. It feeds heavily on central whorl leaves and it is more serious on crop up to six weeks old. It lays eggs in clusters on upper and lower surface of the leaves. Young larvae cause papery windows on leaves while grown larvae feeds by making bigger irregular wholes, cut the leaf margins and may damage the central whorl leaves also. The infected plants are filled with its excreta. The seed treatment with Cyantraniliprole 19.8% + Thiamethoxam 19.8% FS @ 6 ml/kg of seed offers protection for 15 - 20 days of crop growth against Fall Armyworm is quite effective up to 3 leaves/ 20 days old crop. Release of egg parasitoids viz., Telenomus remus (4000/ ac) or Trichogramma pretiosum @ 50,000/acre at 7 and 14 days following first spray using neem formulation with the trap catch of one moth/day observed continuously. Note: Parasitoid release may be alternated with neem spray at weekly intervals, but not to be applied simultaneously. For management of early instar larvae with a damage level of 5 - 10%, whorl application of Bacillus thuringiensis v. kurstaki formulations 2% (400g/acre) applied @ 2g/l or Metarhizium anisopliae or Beauveria bassiana (1kg/acre) applied @ 5 g/liter is recommended. If infestation is more than 10%, spray with anyone of the recommended insecticides with label claim, viz., Chlorantraniliprole 18.5 SC (80 ml/acre) applied @ 0.4 ml/l or Thiamethoxam 12.6 % + Lambda cyhalothrin 9.5% ZC (50ml/acre) applied @ 0.25 ml/l or Spinetoram 11.7 % SC (100ml/acre) applied @ 0.5 ml/l is recommended. DISEASE MANAGEMENT Turcicum leaf blight: Spray Zineb/Meneb @ 2.5 - 4.0 g/l water 2 - 4 times at 8 - 10 days intervals as a control measure. Maydis leaf blight: It can be controlled by 2 - 4 times spraying of Dithane Z - 75 or Zineb @ 2.4 - 4.0 g/l water at 8 - 10 days intervals after first appearance of the symptoms of disease. Banded leaf and sheath blight: Seed treatment of peat - based formulation (Pseudomonas fluorescence) @ 16 g/kg of seed or soil application @ 7 g/l water as soil drenching or foliar spray of Sheethmar (Validamycin) @ 2.7 ml/l water is effective against this disease. Bird management In some places mature cobs are damaged by birds. In such situations matured cob can be protected from bird damage by tying cobs with leaf of the same plant. Harvesting Harvesting should be done at optimum moisture content (20%) in grain to avoid postharvest loses due to store grain pest and diseases. Harvesting immediately after shower should be avoided. The harvested cobs should be sun dried before shelling and should be shelled at 13 - 14% grain moisture. During storage the moisture content of grain should be 8 - 10 %. Table 1. Essential amino acid content of maize Amino acid Normal (mg per g N) QPM (mg per g N) Lysine Isoleucine Leucine Sulphur amino acid Aromatic amino acid Threonine Tryptophan Valine 177 206 827 188 505 213 35 292 256 193 507 188 502 199 78 298 Table 2. Protein quality of maize Quality measures Normal QPM True protein digestibility Biological value (%) Amount needed for equilibrium 8040 - 47547 92 80 230 References Gunarathna NS, De Groote H, Nestel P, Pixley KV and McCabe GP. (2010). A meta - Analysis of community level studies on quality protein maize. Food Policy. 35: 202 - 210. Krivanek AF, De Groote H, Guraratna NS, Diallo AO and Friesen D. (2007). Breeding and Disseminating quality protein maize (QPM) for Africa. African J. Biotech. 6 (4):312 - 324. Kumar RS, Kumar B, Kaul J, Chikkappa GK, Jat SL, Parihar CM and Kumar A. (2012). Maize research in India - historical prospective and future challenges. Maize Journal. 1(1):1 - 6. Lopez - Pereira MA.(1992). The economics of quality protein maize as an animal feed: Case Studies of Brazil and EI Salvador, CIMMYT, Mexico, DF. Mertz ET. (1970). Nutritive value of corn and its products. In: Inglett GE, editor. Corn: culture, Processing, products. Westport, Conn.: Avi Publishing. p 350–9. Subsuban CP, Olanday PO, Cambel IH. (1990). Advantages of quality protein maize (QPM) In broiler ration. Research and Development Journal (Philippines). 1(1): 5 - 17. Vasal, S.K. (2002). Quality protein maize development: An exciting experience. In Integrated Approaches to Higher Maize Productivity in the New Millennium, Proceedings of the Seventh Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Maize Conference, Nairobi, Kenya,5–11February2002;Friesen,D.,Palmer,A.F.E.,Eds.;CIMMYT(InternationalMaize and Wheat Improvement Center) and KARI (Kenya Agricultural Research Institute): Nairobi, Kenya, pp. 2–9. 3. Mbuya, K.; Nkongolo, K.K.; Kalonji - Mbuyi, A. (2011). Nutritional analysis of quality protein maize varieties selected for agronomic characteristics in a breeding program. Int. J. Plant Breed. Genet. Vol.(5): 317–327. Tanumihardjo, S., McCulley, I., Roh, R., Lopez - Ridaura,S., Palacious - Rojas,N. and Vellakumar, S.(2014). Introgression of low phytic acid locus (lpa2 - 2) into elite maize (Zea mays) inbred through marker Assisted backcross breeding. Aust. J Crop Sci., 8:1224 - 1231. ; Not Available
Andehrs Behring Breivik no encaja en ninguna categoría existente de actuación violenta o política. Como lo revela su manifiesto, que dará que hablar durante años, Breivik es un terrorista sui generis.Brevemente, Breivik es un joven noruego que el pasado viernes cometió dos ataques terroristas. En el primero detonó una bomba en el distrito gubernamental de Oslo. En el segundo apareció disfrazado de policía en una pequeña isla donde se celebraba una reunión anual de las juventudes del Partido Laborista del país, y atacó a la multitud con armas y municiones de guerra.El manifiesto que el agresor envió a algunos miles de contactos horas antes de cometer el ataque es una obra sin precedentes en la historia de la acción criminal e ideológica. En primer lugar, el texto suma más de mil quinientas páginas, de las cuales Breivik es el autor de más de la mitad. En segundo lugar, la obra está escrita en perfecto inglés, con el objetivo expreso de difundir la ideología ahí presentada a la mayor cantidad de personas posible. En tercer lugar, los contenidos del trabajo son muy variados y llegan a un nivel de detalle inaudito. Este último aspecto es lo que hace de Breivik y su manifiesto algo extraordinario. Entre otras cosas, el lector encontrará:Una exposición detallada de la ideología política del autor (a la cual llama "Cultural conservatism or a nationalist/conservative direction"), con discusiones sobre Antonio Gramsci, György Lukács, Karl Marx, la historia del comunismo, tablas estadísticas sobre la demografía europea y otros elementos.Una descripción de los orígenes de la organización que pretende tener detrás, la Pauperes commilitones Christi Templique Solomonici o PCCTS. El nombre es el término en latín para la orden medieval monástica y militar más conocida como los Templarios.Una guía meticulosa sobre cómo comprar los ingredientes para la elaboración de explosivos, así como su preparación, su detonación en ensayos, e incluso dónde y cómo esconderlos.Una guía similar para la obtención de armas, con discusiones de diversas fuentes como la mafia albanesa o la rusa. También explica cómo preparar una armadura de combate, así como los principios del combate urbano con armas de fuego.Una bitácora de su "trabajo" desde 2002 en adelante, que incluye su dieta con detalles sobre su ingestión de proteínas y su rutina diaria.Un presupuesto de toda su "obra" desde ese año en adelante. Breivik afirma haber invertido €317.000 a lo largo de una década en su "proyecto".Instrucciones para la construcción de su epitafio.Instrucciones para la implementación de un sistema de medallas, uniformes y ritos para la orden neo-templaria, con diagramas, nombres y criterios para la aplicación de cada una.Pasos básicos de contra-inteligencia para evitar ser detectado.Un currículum vitae completo.No hay cuestiones de menor importancia para Breivik: el ensayo también incluye discusiones detalladas sobre el estado actual de la educación terciaria en Estados Unidos y Europa, extensas explicaciones sobre la teología y la historia islámica, críticas hacia las letras del hip-hop misógino estadounidense, listas de canciones inspiradoras, etc. Una enorme proporción de los textos, como el propio Breivik admite, son de autores con argumentos válidos y que están muy lejanos de promover o aceptar actos de violencia como el suyo.El cuadro que ofrece la lectura de este ensayo es de una persona de una enorme inteligencia, capacidad de organización y, sobre todo, disciplina. Breivik es un individuo altamente preparado física y mentalmente para la grotesca tarea que se propuso. Tal como indica su ensayo, ya tiene preparados los discursos que realizará en su juicio, que pretende que sea altamente público. Antes de lanzar su ataque ya tenía decidido qué criterios aplicaría con el abogado que le asignara el estado, lo que le contestará al juez y demás quienes le digan que es un criminal psicótico, y cómo planea que termine el juicio.Esto último hace que sea poco probable que aparezcan otros Breiviks – aunque sigue siendo posible. Resulta simplemente increíble que pueda haber otro individuo que comparta la misma ideología hasta el mismo nivel de compromiso, y que sobre todo elija seguir el mismo camino.Breivik se ve a sí mismo como una persona fuertemente politizada, por lo cual es necesario discutirlo en esos términos. De los primeros que surgen apuradamente en los medios –seguramente por no haber leído el manuscrito-, no se aplica casi ninguno. Breivik no es nacionalsocialista o "neo-nazi"; tampoco es asimilable al Unabomber (por más que haya coincidencias en sus textos), ni al Ku Klux Klan o a los partidos nacionalistas europeos.De hecho, quizá la forma más correcta de definir a Breivik es resucitando el significado verdadero de un término muy abusado: "de derecha". Breivik ha elegido responder a la amenaza que percibe en Europa, que es sin dudas el Islam, con un remedio neo-medieval. En su ensayo, Breivik postula que la forma óptima de organización política en Europa debe estar basada en la monarquía, y no en repúblicas:"The king or queen of a country is more democratic than a president ever could be because he or she represents all citizens." (el original no es de Breivik).El noruego está a favor de la fusión de todas las iglesias bajo el Papa nuevamente, aún siendo él mismo luterano (no practicante, a diferencia de lo que sugieren los medios). La nueva mega-Iglesia tendría un monopolio público de la religión, así como acceso privilegiado a los contenidos de la educación y los medios. Su visión de una sociedad conservadora es esta: "Ladies should be wives and homemakers, not cops or soldiers (…) Children should not be born out of wedlock. Glorification of homosexuality should be shunned."Aunque Breivik dedica literalmente cientos de páginas a textos sobre la historia de la violencia islámica contra Europa (y también sobre el caso opuesto), en ningún momento menciona los más de mil años de calamidades, miseria y sufrimiento humano que fueron consecuencia directa del sistema medieval-monárquico-eclesiástico.El principal objetivo de Breivik y sus "templarios" es la erradicación de la presencia del Islam en Europa a través de tres modalidades. La primera es la conversión al cristianismo (incluyendo como variable su creación intelectual más débil, los cristianismos "agnóstico" y "ateo"). Esta vía tiene clarísimos componentes anti-liberales y anti-democráticos, ya que los musulmanes conversos deberían renunciar a sus nombres, idiomas, vínculos con sus países de origen (incluso por vía electrónica) y otras cuestiones básicas. Para Breivik, incluso será necesario que "All traces of Islamic culture in Europe will be eradicated, even locations considered historical" – algo por definición poco "conservador".Además, Breivik no tiene ilusiones sobre el "liberalismo islámico": "to take the violence out of Islam would require it to jettison two things: the Quran as the word of Allah and Muhammad as Allah's prophet. In other words, to pacify Islam would require its transformation into something that it is not."La segunda modalidad de erradicación del Islam es la limpieza cultural, que consistiría de deportaciones o expulsiones (Breivik menciona muchos modelos, incluyendo las gigantescas ordenadas por Stalin). La última es la exterminación.Es en referencia a esto último que Breivik dedica un pasaje a discutir a Adolf Hitler y el nacionalsocialismo. El autor se aleja de estos claramente, aunque por razones muy diferentes de las del ciudadano común. Su explicación es que la "causa" nacionalsocialista y el liderazgo de Hitler destruyeron a los nacionalismos europeos por más de un siglo (es decir, hasta bien entrado el siglo XXI), porque optaron directamente por el camino de la exterminación. El resultado fue una guerra que terminó en derrota, y la entrega del continente al bolchevismo y uno de sus herederos, la socialdemocracia multicultural.Esto explica una de las principales diferencias entre Breivik y el movimiento neo-nacionalsocialista es su posición respecto a Israel y los judíos. El terrorista noruego interpreta al estado israelí como un modelo a seguir de "reunión nacional" étnica, y simpatiza enormemente con su lucha anti-jihad. Ergo, para Breivik se trata de un aliado ante un enemigo en común. El mismo principio aplica Breivik, quien se define como anti-racista, a las alianzas que propone con asiáticos orientales, hindúes y otros con tal de luchar contra el Islam.A quien sí defiende Breivik abiertamente es a Slobodan Milosevic. De hecho, el noruego argumenta que fueron los ataques de la OTAN a la Serbia de ese dictador genocida lo que primero despertó su instinto conservador. Esa podría ser una pista significativa para entender el rompecabezas ideológico del agresor, ya que las dos intervenciones internacionales en Yugoslavia ocurrieron antes del Once de septiembre, que es el gran disparador de la actual preocupación por la jihad entre muchos occidentales.En la visión de Breivik, quizá el sistema de organización social ideal sería elapartheid, pero a diferencia del caso de Sudáfrica, no dentro de un país. Para él, los judíos deberían haber sido expulsados de Europa en los 1930s; ahora deberían ser expulsados los musulmanes. El autor incluso menciona los casos de países de Asia Oriental del presente, como Corea del Sur y Japón, como ejemplos de naciones étnicamente homogéneas y prósperas. Evidentemente, Breivik es una persona que piensa en términos profundamente colectivistas. No hay derechos individuales para las personas que no forman parte de su grupo. Esta forma de concebir el mundo, sumada a la forma en que Breivik se presenta como líder de un movimiento ideológico violento, lo hacen similar a figuras como Lenin, Hitler, Mao, el Che Guevara u Osama bin Laden.De hecho, como todo pretendiente a líder carismático, Breivik incluye en su manifiesto instrucciones para tener preparadas fotografías en las que el atacante se "vea bien", pensando en el momento en el cual su rostro sea visto por el mundo – tal como está ocurriendo ahora. Así se lo propuso Breivik: "As a Justiciar Knight you will go into history as one of the most influential individuals of your time. So you need to look your absolute best and ensure that you produce quality marketing material prior to operation." El texto incluso recomienda utilizar una cama solar y aplicarse maquillaje antes de tomarse las fotografías.El aspecto más sorprendente del planteo de Breivik es el blanco que escogió para su ataque. Al leer el inmenso manifiesto y contrastarlo con los hechos de los días pasados, es inevitable quedarse con la sensación de que fue todo una excusa para perpetrar un acto de extrema violencia contra jóvenes inocentes (y desarmados, por supuesto). El manifiesto incluso lo admite con una subsección entera: "The cruel nature of our operations". Breivik explica que aunque el enemigo objetivo es el Islam en Europa, el objetivo inmediato son los europeos que han trabajado durante cerca de medio siglo para que exista esa presencia islámica en la región.Estos son, para el noruego, los multiculturalistas, marxistas y demás miembros de una suerte de élite europea. De hecho, su objetivo explícito es que para el año 2020 ocurran golpes de estado en diversos países de Europa occidental (junto con la abolición de la Unión Europea), de modo de instalar regímenes conservadores que trabajen para la eliminación simultánea del marxismo multicultural y del Islam.Estas élites y su "political correctness" son las responsables, para Breivik, de que no se puedan discutir abiertamente cuestiones que preocupan a un nacionalista conservador como él. La principal de ellas es la presencia de musulmanes en Europa. La sección tres del manifiesto es fundamental, porque tras más de 750 páginas de "diagnóstico" sobre el estado actual de Europa, el autor quiebra con todos los demás que citó y anuncia su alejamiento de la vía pacífica. Por ejemplo, en la página 791 aparece, como un subtítulo más, un anuncio importante: "Why armed resistance against the cultural Marxist/multiculturalist regimes of Western Europe is the only rational approach".De hecho, en esa sección hay varias páginas dedicadas a enunciar los cargos legales que se le imputan a multiplicidad de líderes europeos. Como parte de su gigantesca acusación contra el sistema político-social europeo de posguerra, Breivik incluso ofrece cálculos específicos de las cantidades de europeos cuyos derechos han sido violados de diversas maneras por los efectos de esas políticos, que van desde la violación y el asesinato hasta los despidos de personas. Todos se imputan, en conjunto y criminalmente, a estas "élites" cuya muerte se anuncia poco a poco.En lugar de estas personas aparecerá, en palabras de Breivik, un "cultural conservative tribunal" en cada país que implemente un nuevo régimen político. Como parte de esta iniciativa, aparecen mencionadas casualmente algunas medidas atroces: "All Muslims are to be immediately deported to their country of origin. Each family (family head) will receive 25 000 Euro providing they accept the deportation terms. Anyone who violently resists deportation will be executed". Breivik también prevé compensaciones financieras para los sujetos que fueron "víctimas intelectuales" del sistema previo, así como específicamente para los ciudadanos de Serbia por el bombardeo de OTAN. También incluye los parámetros de su propia "ley de medios", por utilizar un desafortunado término rioplatense, que implica la imposición de cuotas de periodistas e intelectuales "conservadores" y nacionalistas en diversas organizaciones mediáticas.El método que ha elegido Breivik, conscientemente sin duda, es similar al viejo anarquismo de la propaganda por el hecho, que consiste de atacantes solitarios que cometen actos espectaculares de demostración e inspiración ideológica. El noruego llama a su campaña de violencia "A Declaration of pre-emptive War" contra sus dos enemigos. Breivik indica claramente que aquellos que existan como él actualmente en Europa son pocos pero que están en aumento; su ataque está pensado para encender la chispa de la conmoción en la región, lo cual incluiría también la aparición de más adeptos. Tácticamente, el ataque del pasado viernes 22 de julio en Noruega es definido por su autor como "military shock attacks by clandestine cell systems".Hay más pasajes que directamente preanuncian el ataque que Breivik escogió lanzar: "consider making use of a remote detonation, (…) to attract attention to one location. Ensure that the enemy forces are heading for this location. By then, you will be on the opposite side of town and in the middle of the process of finishing your primary goal." El blanco se vuelve cada vez más específico: el primero de la lista que hay en el manifiesto es "political parties - cultural Marxist/multiculturalist political parties."En el apartado correspondiente a este tipo de organización, el primer país detallado es Noruega, y el primer partido que aparece ahí es el "Norwegian Labour Party". Más adelante, nuevamente en primer lugar entre una lista de blancos, dice que un blanco primario es: "the annual party meeting of the socialist/social democrat party in your country."Curiosamente, aunque Breivik propone algunas formas de organización colectiva (como la neo-templaria), sus instrucciones para los actos de terrorismo son estrictas respecto a que las células deben ser individuales. Es por eso que Breivik el terrorista pasó desapercibido, a juzgar por la información disponible, incluso en los círculos nacionalistas no violentos.De los nueve miembros que supuestamente asistieron en 2002 a la reunión fundacional en Londres de la organización neo-templaria (todos anónimos), cuatro son descritos como "cristiano ateo" o "cristiano agnóstico". El propio Breivik está muy indeciso respecto a su religión: "I'm not going to pretend I'm a very religious person as that would be a lie (…) I consider myself to be 100% Christian (…) I'm not an excessively religious man". Sería interesante saber qué opinaría Hugues de Payens, fundador de la orden original, respecto a esta falta de disciplina teológica (que en realidad es una ausencia total). Son sin ninguna duda los nombres de estos nueve miembros iniciales, y de otros, lo que más están buscando los servicios de inteligencia de varios estados europeos.La visión del mundo de Breivik está claramente influenciada por el pensamiento colectivista, y su propia obra parece aproximarse a un sistema de pensamiento que podría llamarse ideológico. Es por eso que es posible concluir que no se trata de un lunático desequilibrado que pertenece a un manicomio. Es peor que eso: una persona que en todo momento supo lo que hacía, que se preparó durante años para hacerlo, y que desplegó un alto nivel de meticulosidad para lograrlo. Hasta el efecto de su ataque está pensado desde hace años: "The art of asymmetrical warfare is less about inflicting immediate damage but all about the indirect long term psychological and ideological damage. Our shock attacks are theatre and theatre is always performed for an audience".Las descripciones más personales de Breivik son reveladoras del grado de control que tenía sobre sí mismo: "I have managed to stay focused and highly motivated for a duration of more than 9 years now (…) I have never been happier than I am today (…) I do a mental check almost every day through meditation and philosophizing (…) I simulate various future scenarios relating to resistance efforts, confrontations with police, future interrogation scenarios, future court appearances, future media interviews etc".El objetivo de Breivik es la fundación de una nueva cadena de nacionalismos post-nazis en Europa, y es importante que ese proyecto fracase. El autor concibió un "100 year plan to contribute to seize political power in Western European countries currently controlled by anti-nationalists" (de ahí el título de su manifiesto: 2083). En sus planes más delirantes hacia el futuro, Breivik menciona todo tipo de planes, desde el robo y la detonación de armas nucleares en las capitales europeas hasta la colaboración con Al-Qaeda, el gobierno de Irán, y otros terroristas islámicos.Como se dijo anteriormente, el manifiesto es increíblemente largo y contiene todo tipo de cosas. Hay discusiones muy detalladas sobre la niñez ("My best friend for many years, a Muslim"), adolescencia (incluyendo encuentros con pandillas pakistaníes y un pasado como "graffiti artist") y juventud del autor, con descripciones (con nombres) de sus amigos y hasta las vidas sexuales de sus familiares más cercanos. Hay planes para la importación de inmigrantes en la era "post-islámica" de Europa, con detalles sobre los horarios, la compensación, las localidades y más. Breivik tiene hasta pensado cuál será el nuevo himno de Europa. También explica que él no fue el fundador de la organización neo-templaria, sino el octavo miembro (algo que recuerda a la historia de Adolf Hitler y su ingreso al NSDAP), y que a través de ella conoció a un criminal de guerra serbio en Liberia. Su mentor fue un inglés, fundador de la organización y sin duda un importantísimo blanco para la inteligencia doméstica británica en este mismo momento.Actualmente el "caso Breivik" se encuentra en una etapa que el propio terrorista ya tiene planeada desde hace años: "Your arrest will mark the initiation of the propaganda phase. Your trial offers you a stage to the world (…) A Justiciar Knight is not only a valorous resistance fighter, a one man army; he is a one man marketing agency as well". El terrorista está muy consciente de la opinión que el mundo se ha formado sobre él, y ya ha recorrido mentalmente el camino para superar el ostracismo de su causa: "It might sound completely ridiculous and funny to most people today. But by presenting the following accusations and demands in all seriousness we are indirectly conditioning everyone listening for the conflicts and scenarios ahead. They will laugh today, but in the back of their minds, they have an ounce of fear, respect and admiration for our cause and the alternative and authority we represent".Breivik no es un criminal o incluso un terrorista común. Es una figura nefasta con una ideología totalmente nueva. Es muy importante conocer los términos ideológicos y metodológicos en los que operó, porque existe una preocupante posibilidad de que haya otros como él en el futuro.*Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay Candidato al Master of Arts in Security Studies - Georgetown University
Background of the research This study intends to analyses the involuntary resettlement of an indigenous Dayak community due to the implementation of the Bakun Dam Project in Sarawak, Malaysia. The significance of this research is that it raises important questions on the impact of development imposed by the state government of Sarawak on the indigenous people who have been regarded as in need of change and to be brought closer to urbanization vis-à-vis modernization through resettlement. Involuntary resettlement due to development projects or infrastructure improvements is not a singular phenomenon and in this context it is often argued that development projects provide employment to the local population and enforce development. However, a dam project also displaces local people from their homes and traditional livelihood. This research focuses on the forced displacement of the indigenous communities at Sg. Asap resettlement because of the implementation of the Bakun Hydro-electric Project (BHP). It is viewed as an involuntary resettlement as the indigenous communities who were residing within the area of the planned BHP had no choice but to move to the resettlement. Their villages and native lands were claimed by the state government for the implementation for the BHP. Thus, the whole problem is focused on the question of why is the resettlement that is promised as a development program for the people by the state government of Sarawak being regarded as forced displacement. In this research, forced displacement is observed at three different levels. First, prior to resettlement, potential settlers are faced with the critical decision of abandoning their homes and livelihoods, causing emotional distress. Secondly, after moving to the new settlement, settlers are often confronted with inadequate compensation for their loss of natural resources, social heritage and land, adding misery to their already distressed situation. Thirdly, resettling people into an area without any supportive resources, i.e. resources whose, purpose is to improve the lives of the settlers compared to their previous situation, fails to accomplish the very purpose of such resettlement. Research objectives and Questions This research utilizes Michael Cornea's analysis, the Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) Model (2000), which brings to the main objective of this research that is to examine the outcomes of involuntary resettlement of the indigenous people. This research compares the situation confronted by the settlers in Sg. Asap resettlement to that definition of "involuntary population resettlement" advanced by Michael Cernea (1998). In this definition, there are two sets of distinct but related processes: displacement of people and dismantling of their patterns of economic and social organization, and resettlement at a different location and reconstruction of their livelihood and social networks. Other than that, the objectives of this research are: to observe if involuntary resettlement planned for meeting the labor needs for the oil palm estates is a catalyst for socio-economic development for settlers. And for policy recommendations, the sub-objectives are: •To subsequently evaluate the problems of accessing resources. •To study to what extent the involuntary resettlement has affecting the social and power structures. •To show the level of changes in social and power structure influencing livelihood strategies. •To examine the most effective network that has provided the people a platform to generate their livelihood. This research details the process and impact of the forced and involuntary displacement faced by the settlers. Factors highlighted include the indigenous people's coping mechanism and strategy in dealing with various issues related to land rights and usage, disagreement and differences in the new social structure, competition over limited natural resources and changing power structure and relations. Issues such as the problems within the household because of the changing family structure and changing role of elderly, men and women in the domestic unit are also highlighted in this research. Most important, this research focuses not only at the displacement issue but also illustrates how settlers rebuild and restructure their life and livelihood. Therefore, based on important concepts, livelihood, coping strategies and power structure, research questions raised are: 1.How do settlers cope with the fact of being involuntarily resettled and what do they do to deal with unanticipated consequences of the social changes that occur? 2.How do settlers manage the new social structure, conflict over limited resources and changing power structures and relations within their own community? 3.Which strategies currently used by these settlers have the potential to build a sustainable livelihood in the new settlement? Theoretical background This research takes the approach of regarding resettlement first and foremost as a catalyst for social change. However, resettlement in the context of 'force' or 'involuntary,' certainly does not ensure positive changes. Dessalegn (1989) defined resettlement in a different context: land settlement, colonisation, or transmigration, all referring to the phenomenon of people distribution, either planned or 'spontaneous'. Accordingly, 'resettlement as in Ethiopia implies moving people or people moving to new locations; colonization as in Latin America implies opening up or reclaiming lands for utilization; and transmigration is favoured by those writing on the Indonesian experience and the word suggests cross-ocean or cross island relocation' (Dessalegn, 1989:668). Palmer refers to resettlement as 'a planned and controlled transfer of population from one area to another' (1979:149). Tadros (1979:122), in analyzing resettlement schemes in Egypt, applied the United Nations definition of human settlement as: 'development of viable communities on new or unused land through the introduction of people' and further defined resettlement in two models: spontaneous and paternalistic. The spontaneous model leaves full scope for individual initiatives, and no support is provided by national or international organisations. No attention is paid to the proper place and function of the settlement within the national context. In the paternalistic model, technical support such as education, tools, equipment and other assistance is provided to the settlers (Tadros, 1979:122). The above definitions can be used in a different fashion for this research, thus the term 'forced' or 'involuntary resettlement'. In reality, despite the good intentions for developing communities, resettlement can also 'under develop' communities in the sense that such communities face greater hardship compared to life before resettlement. To this extent, the working definition of 'resettlement' in this research is a poorly planned resettlement through a forced, involuntary relocation of communities onto unused land that is inadequate for communities to develop a productive and fully functional socio-economic system. This research has adapted the concepts proposed by Michael Cernea (1998), looking at involuntary resettlement in general. The concept of involuntary resettlement (in this research also termed as forced resettlement), which is the comprehensive concept most often used in the current social science literature, integrates 'displacement' and 'resettlement' into one single term, in which the emphasis on involuntariness directly connotes the forced displacement. The usual description of 'involuntary population resettlement' consists, as mentioned earlier, of two sets of distinct but related processes: displacement of people and the dismantling of their patterns of economic and social organization, and resettlement at a different location with reconstruction of their livelihood and social networks. Resettlement refers to the process of the physical relocation of those displaced, and to their socio-economic re-establishment as family/household micro-units and as larger communities. Displacement implies not only physical eviction from a dwelling, but also the expropriation of productive lands and other assets to make possible an alternative use of the space. This is not just an economic transaction or a simple substitution of property with monetary compensation. Involuntary displacement is a process of unravelling established human communities, existing patterns of social organization, production systems and networks of social services. Overall, forced displacement of communities causes an economic crisis for most or all of those affected, entails sudden social disarticulation, and sometimes triggers a political crisis as well (Cernea, 1998:2-3). This research investigates the implications of resettlement and the reconstruction of the livelihood of the affected settlers. Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction Model (IRR) provides important variables to explore these issues further. Several important variables in the IRR model are utilised to create an independent framework for this research, and is explained in the following section. As Cernea explained, the IRR is a model of impoverishment risks during displacement, and of counteractions to match the basic risks where the multifaceted process of impoverishment was deconstructed into its fundamental components. The components are: landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalisation, food insecurity, increased morbidity and mortality, loss of access to common property assets, and community disarticulation. This analytical deconstruction facilitates understanding of how these sub-processes interlink, influence, and amplify each other. Reconstruction, then, is the reversal of the impoverishment processes, and can be understood and accomplished along the same variables, considered in a holistic, integrated way (Cernea, 2000:5; 2003:40). IRR focuses on the social and economic contact of both segments of the process: the forced displacement and the re-establishment. The model captures processes that are simultaneous, but also reflects the movement in time from the destitution of displacement to recovery resettlement (Cernea, 2000:18). There are three fundamental concepts at the core of the model: risk, impoverishment and reconstruction. Each is further split into sets of specifying notions or components (as mentioned above) that reflect another dimension, or another variable of impoverishment or reconstruction (for example, landlessness, marginalisation, morbidity or social disarticulation). These variables are interlinked and influence each other; some play a primary role while others play a derivative role in either impoverishment or reconstruction (largely as a function of given circumstances). The conceptual framework captures the disparity between potential and actual risk. All forced displacements are prone to major socio-economic risks, but they are not fatally condemned to succumb to them. Cernea further explains that in this framework the concept of risk, as stated by Giddens (1990), is to indicate the possibility that a certain course of action will trigger future injurious effects – losses and destruction. Following Luhman (1993), the concept of risk is posited as a counter-concept to security: the higher the risk, the lower the security of displaced populations (Cernea, 2000:19). The model's dual emphasis – on risks to be prevented and on reconstruction strategies to be implemented – facilitates its operational use as a guide for action. Like other models, its components can be influenced and 'manipulated' through informed planning to diminish the impact of one or several components, as given conditions require or permit. That requires considering these variables as a system, in their mutual connections, and not as a set of separate elements. The model is also flexible as a conceptual template, allowing for the integration of other dimensions, when relevant, and for adapting to changing circumstances (Cernea, 2000:20). This model can be linked with other conceptual frameworks, to achieve complementary perspectives and additional knowledge (Cernea, 2000:21). There are four distinct, but interlinked, functions that the risks and reconstruction model performs: A predictive (warning and planning) function A diagnostic (explanatory and assessment) function A problem-solution function, in guiding and measuring resettlers´ reestablishment A research function, in formulating hypotheses and conducting theory-led field investigations For this research, the function falls under the third function, the problem-resolution. As Cernea explained, the problem-resolution capacity results from the model's analytical incisiveness and its explicit action orientation. The IRR model is formulated with an awareness of the social actors in resettlement, their interaction, communication, and ability to contribute to resolution. The model becomes a compass for strategies to reconstruct settlers´ livelihoods (Cernea, 2000:22). The IRR model clearly points out the results of social change and social disorganisation caused by involuntary resettlement. For the purpose of analysis, the two major variables used for the framework are: loss of access to common property assets and; social and community disarticulation, give a crucial foundation to exhibit the implications of forced displacement. Both of the major variables have been linked to understand the problems that are occurring in the community and households (shown as dependent variables - the coping mechanisms, the way settlers manage risks and the type of resources that people engage to strategise their livelihood). Each component respectively points out the results of change caused by involuntary resettlement i.e. competition over forest resources, state land and living space, and; dismantling of traditional power structure, communal structure and family structure. Although the central theme of the theoretical framework is forced displacement, the framework is expanded to the investigation of coping mechanisms, power structure and relations, and the way settlers strategize their livelihood. The research framework has aimed clearly at the impact of involuntary resettlement which is concluded in this research as causing the changes and social disorganization in the social structure of the settlers. However, the framework also extends to another level for the investigation of the strategies of rebuilding and restructuring of settlers. Main research findings With regard to the perspective to develop the indigenous people through resettlement program, as shown in this research, there are more losses than gains being achieved especially on the settlers' side. What they have left behind (history, livelihood, rights and identity) at their natural environment cannot be retrieved, and uncompensated. And it is also a fact, as proven in this research that the uncompensated losses continue to be the sole grievances of settlers and the factor of causing continuous displacement amongst settlers. This research concludes that as much as the involuntary resettlement has brought many new challenges to the Kenyah-Badeng, many of these challenges are beyond their capability to manage. The underlying problem is settlers were not actively involved in designing their future in the new settlement from the very beginning the project was proposed. The settlers were receiving diminutive information about the resettlement program, and very limited public platform for them to participate or to voice out their concerns and suggestions before its implementation. The factor that causes their continuous displacement is the non-existence of natural resources and land (other than the three acres given to them as part of the compensation) for them to generate income (remember that most of them are farmers without any skill useful to work in non-agricultural activities). Their life in the former village was hard but they were free to explore as much resources as possible, and they owned their native land. In the resettlement, they are as much strangers to the place as to the way of life they are faced with at the new settlement. In other words, settlers simply do not know how to behave appropriately in radically changed social situations because they are not equipped with necessary living tools. The study of the displacement of the Kenyah-Badengs is concluded in three important aspects as follows: Power structure and relations - In power structure and relations, kinship has always been an important aspect that became the reference for any struggle over leadership issue. Kinship is viewed on a larger scale that includes not only blood relation, but also aspects such as others who came from the same root, indicating that kinship in that term was very much related to sharing of the same history of settlement, migration and culture. It has been proposed that kinship was one crucial aspect that binds this community together, but not likely to be true at the new settlement. The power structure in the Kenyah-Badeng community at the resettlement stand as a separate system, failed to bind the people together, no orders from the leader and not accepting orders by the people. However, they carry out the norm of being as peaceful community, as they have always been. Coping through family network – Because of the failure of power structure and relations, the Kenyah-Badeng become family/household oriented in their livelihood strategies. The family network proves to be the most important coping mechanism for such challenging social environment. The family network provides a platform for its members to generate income, employment, social and moral support, education, and security in general. Livelihood strategies – With the absence of promised resources, settlers are faced with many problems with regards to economic aspects at the new settlement. Their agriculture knowledge is insufficient to success them for employment in town. They mainly work on their allocated three acres of land with other problems tagged along as the lands are located at sloppy and slumps area, as well as faced with low grade soil. For their agriculture productions, they are faced with marketing problem because of the established sellers who refused to allow them to get into the network. This research also humbly suggesting an alternative for settlers to improve their livelihood based on the available resources at the resettlement with the assistance of the state government, at least to initiate strategies for marketing. Settlers need "retooling" in many aspects of agriculture knowledge as that is what they have known best to build their livelihood. Government agencies should assist in terms of skill training related to effective methods to produce quality agriculture productions on their three acres of land. Horticulture should be encouraged on their three acres plot and this method has been carried out by the settlers in their swidden agriculture (slash and burns) at their former village areas. At the new settlement, the prospect of horticulture on pesticide free and organic food can be very encouraging. Methods The information and data for this research were obtained through formal and informal interviews, household survey, household in-depth interviews, and secondary data from available sources in prints, documents and internet. Questions for the interviews were formulated first based only on the research questions. At the field site, questions were expanded and added after numerous trial interviews with key informants to improve the questions before the real interviews were conducted. There were 55 household surveys, and from this survey, 20 households were selected randomly for the household in-depth interviews. The head of households were both male and female. Outline of the thesis This research is organized in chapters as the following summary: Chapter 1 provides the background information of the research area i.e. descriptively introduces Belaga, the region where Bakun Hydroelectric Project (BHEP) was implemented, the implementation of BHEP and the reaction of the local inhabitants. The resettlement in Sg. Asap, and the composition of the settlers are also discussed in this chapter. Chapter 2 touches the historical perspective of the Kenyah-Badeng focuses on their livelihoods at Long Geng, their former village before they resettled at Sg. Asap. This chapter also includes a brief history of their migration and settlement to Long Geng, and also the political structure in Long Geng. Chapter 3 discusses the power structure and relations of the Kenyah-Badeng. This chapter draws on the first stage of displacement i.e. processes of losing common property and space with prominent issues such as compensation, land rights and the expected involvement of local leaders in the whole process of the resettlement as highlights of the discussion. Brief history of land legislation in Sarawak based on the interpretation of Native Customary Land and native's rights over ancestral land based on literature reviews is illustrated in this chapter. The purpose of this illustration is to understand the background and general problems of land identification within the Kenyah-Badeng community prior to payment of compensation. Chapter 4 focuses on the discussion of the coping mechanisms employed by the settlers in handling crucial issues pertaining to their livelihood at the resettlement. In fact, this chapter continues the discussion of the stages of displacement highlighting the other two stages by discussing in-depth the situation of "loss of access to common property and space" and "social and community disarticulation". The headings of objectives outlined by State Planning Unit, Sarawak in the development plan of the resettlement are utilized as the base to explain the cause of the displacement and to illustrate the reality at present life of the Kenyah-Badeng. Chapter 5 focuses on the livelihood strategy in which family network is important as the platform for pooling resources. Departing from forced displacement, this chapter illustrates the emergence of coping reaction amongst the settlers by analyzing the family network discovered within the households interviewed in this research. Chapter 6 highlights the changing livelihood of the settlers highlighting the significant of wage employment where remittance is crucial to support their family who are living at the resettlement. The current perspective of settlers towards education and their willingness to invest into their children's education is also discussed in this chapter. Chapter 7 summarizes the research findings and concludes the research.
The College Metcuty. VOL. IV. GETTYSBURG, PA., JULY, 1896. No. 5. THE COLLEGE MEfiCUftr, Published each month during the college year by the Students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. STAFF. Editor: ROB3IN B. WOLF, '97. Associate Editors : LEWIS C. MANGES, '97. ED. W. MEISENHELDER, '98. SAMUEL J. MILLER '97. CHARLES T. JOHN W. OTT, '97. CHARLES H. E. L. KOLLER, '98. LARK TILP, Alumni Association Editor: REV. D. FRANK GARLAND, A. M., Baltimore, Md. Business Manager: HARRY R, SMITH, '97. Assistant Business Manager: JOHN E. MEISENHELDER, '97. -n.-.iru ("One volume (ten months). U'UMS-\Slngle copies Finable is advance. $1,110 .15 AH Students are requested to hand us matter tor publication. The Alumni and ex-members or the College will favor us by sending information concerning their whereabouts or any items they may think would be interesting for publication. All subscriptions and business matters should be addressed to the business manager. , Matter intended for publication should be addressed to the Editor Address, THE COLLEGE MEKCUHY, Gettysburg, Pa! CONTENTS. ABSTRACT or BACCALAUREATE SERMON, - 66 THE PLACE or THE Y. M. C. A. IN THE \ ,R SOCIOLOGY OF THE COLLEGE, | CLASS-DAY EXERCISES, . - --- 71 CLASS-DAY POEM, - 71 JUNIOR ORATORICAL CONTEST, - 71 HOME, SWEET HOME. - 71 ROLL OF HONOR, - - -.- - - - - - -74 COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT PROGRAM. --- 74 DEGREES. -74 SPECIAL ANNOUNCEMENT, - - 75 ALUMNI NOTES, 75 SrF.ciAL ANNOUNCEMENT, - - - 77 COLLEGE LOCALS, -' --- . 77 ATHLETICS, 79 HOTEL LOOKOUT, --81 ABSTRACT OF BACCALAUREATE SERMON. BY II. W. MCKNIGHT, D D., IX. D. li'h- 8: 5. "See, saith He, that thou make all things according to the pattern showed to thee in the Mount." These words relate to the building of the tabernacle in the wilderness. It was to sub-serve such great purposes in the camp of the chosen people that God himself had revealed the pattern of it to Moses on Mount Sinai, in-dicating and fixing both its general plan and its minutest details, and saying to him : "See that thou make all things according- to the pattern showed to thee.'' Moses was, first, to grasp clearly the plan, the ideal. He was to go to his work, not aimlessly, but knowing what he was to do and how he was to do it. Definiteness of plan, distinctness of ideal, and fidelity to it were to him the esseutialconditions of success. The lessons thus taught are easily discerned. They are applicable now and here. You, my young friends, are about to go down from a veritable mount of privilege and preparatory training to engagements and a mission that have been fixed for you in the divine plan. Your intended work is to be constructive. You are to be builders in a very high and real sense—builders of character, organizers and constructors of a lifework as solemn in its im-port as destiny and as enduring as the endless cycles of eternity. Nor are you left to guess what you are to do and how you are to do it. God, who has built the universe and formed its myriad and minutest parts together in a comprehensive and harmonious plan, whose purpose shines in every star, blooms in every flower, is enfolded in every seed and finds ex-pression in every voice of nature, has his plan, also, for your life and work. He has embod-ied it for your guidance in the precepts and principles of His word. He has revealed it 67 THE COLLEGE MERCURY. most clearly and impressively in the spotless example of His Son. He has brought you up to that other mount of latest and sweetest reve-lation, the mount of the cross, that you might with open-face behold and with grateful hearts love the heavenly pattern of living and work-ing. Fidelity to this divine ideal is central and all inclusive in your preparation for life. To ignore it is the madness of turning from light to darkness. To practically neglect it will be to repeat the fatal mistake of the foolish builder who "built his house upon the sand," and whose plans and efforts and hopes came to naught in the ruin wrought by the tempest's and torrent's fury. Speaking to you, therefore, in the name of your instructors and delivering to you the final and affectionate charge of the institution, whose training you have received, permit me to set before you the pattern of a true life, to urge you to embody it in the ideal, and plans you form for your work, and to re-peat to you the solemn injunction : "See that you make all things according to it.'' He then presented and discussed the ideal of a true life as ist. The subordination of the material to the spiritual. 2nd. The embodiment of beneficence. 3rd. Having as its radiant centre—its Holy of Holies, God, his will, grace and glory. After discussing these points he addressed the class as follows : "My young friends of the class of'96: In sending you forth now, the Institution is concerned, not only for what you will do, but also for the spirit in which you will do it. It would have you adopt as the stand-ard by which you will measure your achieve-ments a high and worthy ideal and aim. What you will do, the spheres you will fill, will be determined largely by your endowments and opportunities, by circumstances not always within your control. You may not be per-mitted to choose what you will do, but you can determine the spirit in which you will do it. This, more than anything else, will settle the question of your worthiness and real suc-cess. Ideals and aims, whether right or wrong, true or false, lofty or low, though but neutral facts, mere abstractions, become a vitalized force to those who make them their own—a power to be measured only by the comprehen-siveness and reach of the principles involved. Whether in the form of proverbs, mottoes or doctrine, they have masterful force. Men bow before them as the ripened corn before the au-tumn winds. How the recent re-statement of the Monroe doctrine, our nation's ideal for this continent, and its interposition against the ag-gression of England roused the people with readiness to subordinate to it all other interests and to defend it at any cost : "Freedom for the American slave," too, was once only an abstraction, and those who cherished it were decried as wild enthusiasts, but it asserted its sway and, through the proclamation of Presi-dent Lincoln and the victories of the Union arms, became a sublime reality in the disen-thrallment of swarthy millions. Of the Puri-tans, whose unswerving devotion to truth and the principles of liberty once made them seem so visionary, whose name has become familiar as any household word in the homes of free-dom, and whose imperishable memorial is the civil and religious liberty of England and America. Macaulay, tracing the power that swayed them to its source, has well said: "They derived their character from the daily contemplation of superior beings and eternal interests." All history attests the fact that all men who have done the best and largest work first wrought out in thought the pattern of their work. They anticipated the end from the beginning and set their aims toward it as the pilot holds the prow of his ship towards the harbor beyond the sea. Greatness and steadiness of aim impelled Paul and Luther to heroic deeds and made them a world-wide force. The loftiness of their ideals drew them up with increasing strength into spheres of sub-limest achievement. Nor can you come into excellence of char-acter and work in any other way. "Purpose," it has been wisely said, "is what gives life a meaning." It rouses and directs the energies, THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 68 and prevents drifting. Bind your life to that which is great and good, and greatness and goodness will be your enduring portion. A worthy ideal will give its ennobling impress to vour character and work, in any sphere, even as the beauty of the blossom is determined by the colors laid at the root of the tree. In the very sense of incompleteness, of "having not yet attained" which it begets and perpetuates vou will find a prime condition of progress, and an urgency to such sustained effort as in-sures increasing effectiveness and power. "Mrs. Sarah Larman Smith," it is said, "learned to talk of Christ to the Arab women in a few months, and Schwartz to the Hindoos in three weeks." Why? A great purpose— to preach the gospel to the benighted and per-ishing, quickened their faculties and enabled them to do in a few weeks or months what to minds, lacking such inspiration, would have been the work of years. So let it be with you. While you dwell among things which seem temporal and have to do with them, look above and beyond them at the things which are un-seen and eternal. Let your ideal of living and working be a pattern showed to you in the Mount of God, a celestial power and iuspira: tion in the doing of earthly things. Grasp its full significance "in the perfect man" in whom the ideal became the real, and pattern was changed with person. Let His love constrain you ; His arms control you ; His example in-spire and mould you ; let it be Christ for you to live, and the end will be, must be, eternal gain. "See that you make all things accord-ing to the pattern showed to you in the Mount.'' THE PLACE OF THE Y. M. C. A. IN THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE COLLEGE. BY DR. ENOCH PERRINE. A change international in extent has revo-lutionized the college world. Barriers between the different classes and between professors and students have been broken down. An-tagonism between different professors and bit-ter contention between colleges has largely disappeared. Colleges are bound even in an international fellowship. All departments contribute to this movement, the Y. M. C. A. most of all, suggesting a sociology of the col-lege. The young man coming to college thinks first of his social status, the attitude of other students, and whether he shall make war or peace. Formerly he had to conquer a place and having established his reputation as a dangerous man, he visited the newer comer with the same horrors to which he had been subjected. Now the Y. M. C. A. meets him at the beginning and does numberless acts of kindness, exhibiting the characteristics of Christ, "the first true gentleman that ever breathed." It thus binds the college world fast by social ties. This must be done in the college before we can expect, it to obtain out-side, since in the college are peculiar incen-tives for the work. The young man next adjusts himself to his intellectual environment. He begins to be shut in by the material success about him and may be tempted to leave behind his "trailing clouds of glory." Then the Y. M. C. A. can direct aright his thought, insisting that God ought to be traced everywhere, thus binding all his intellectual efforts around the cross of Christ, "by whom all things consist." The importance and office of the intellect in the pursuit of truth will be plain to him. Darwin suffered an atrophy ou his poetic and spiritual side and the Y. M. C. A. may prevent such a fate from overtaking their fellows, thus pre-venting the head from freezing the heart and working a great benefit in the Intellectual life of the college. As he proceeds in the acquisition of knowl-edge, the young student will begin to think that in ideas alone there is a defense against moral degredation and a nepenthe for all dis-appointments. Culture will keep corruption from his hands—will be a shelter in the time of storm. Orators and poets shall be his all in all. Then the Y. M. C. A. may give him 69 THK COLLEGE MERCURY. right conceptions as to the Moral life, assert-ing that it is pitiful when the soul mounts higher but comes not closer to God and prov-ing that he only is truly moral who bases his life upon God. All parts of the social life are to be harmonized under one supreme principle. This is to be found at the foot of the cross and any other proposal is but a scheme of decep-tion leaving the mighty turmoil to seethe and boil underneath in undiminished horror. As the Y. M. C. A. insists upon this no man of culture will wail with Mathew Arnold that "most men die unfreed, having seen nothing, still unblest." But all these results may be successfully ac-complished and yet the student may miss the crowning glory. He may play the gentleman in the highest outward sense, may go willingly to the point where his logical faculties assure him that'there is a God, may develop his aesthetic sense so that the moral thing shall seem to be a beautiful thing, and yet blending by all this glory he may not know that he is really in Chimerian darkness. Then the Y. M. C. A. can declare that only he truly loves who loves a personality, that no one ever got beyond a cold respect for an abstraction, though that abstraction be a s.ream of tend-ency that makes for righteousness, and that one must see the king in his beauty before he will get that larger outlook without which life is flat, stale and unprofitable. The Y. M. C. A. can bring about this very desirable change of view better than any other agency about the college since the ordinary student out of Christ, now that he is no longer in the acad-emy, will resent the efforts of his professors to a greater degree than he will those of his fel-lows. Hence in the Social, Intellectual, Moral and Spiritual life of the college, the Y. M. C. A. can make its influence felt at every point, con-tributing that great and final binding force which will make the students in colleges in all lauds a more nearly compact body, and hence furnishing the material for an enduring sociol-ogy inside the college that shall spread out-ward in power and bring the world into a fed-erated parliament that-shall be the longest known to history'. FINE ART'S LIFE. BY L. P. EISENHART. Delightfully care-free seems the Fine Art's career to most of us. Light-hearted and blith-some, it is like the Arcadian life of poetic lore. But beneath its ruddy surface are the marks of many a suffering, the traces of many a heartache. The working of these hidden cares gives to genius its wonted lustre. Sons of art whatever be its realm are all of one brotherhood. The story of the one is the re-told tale of the other. The history of Italy is one great romance. It is the story of sailors, painters and poets. But its fulcrum chapter is the tale of that life-tossed son of Florence. Dante. Born into the throes of civil war, banished from office, de-serted by his friends, he was turned out of his beloved Florence, a heart-broken exile. Sor-row- stricken, death-doomed, he became a wan-derer with no home on earth. An American poet told his life-story in the epithet "world-worn." But his thoughts kept tending toward the eternal world. There his tender pitying soul found a calm repose. This hidden pain of a wrecked and thwarted usefulness showed itself seared and smarting in the Divine Comedy. Had he been spared these suffer-ings, the world would have lost its greatest epic, "the voice often silent centuries" would have been unheard. Insanity made an exile of another Italian bard. Vexed in spirit and failing in body, it was during the same moments of his prison lite that he poured forth his sweetest strains. In another clime those ballads which inspired a nation's people with the love of country are the life thoughts of a poverty-cursed poet. England's master poet in the trouble time of life wrote his best tragedies. A German poet touched the key-note of Fine Art's life when he said of a fellow-craftsman, "The Muse of THE COEEEGE MERCURY. 70 Comedy kissed him on the lips, but the Muse of Tragedy on the heart." Many a versed line lightly passed by has in it the throb and heart-break of tragic every day. The picture of Scott's departure from life-bought Abbottsford is painted in cold, gray colors. We who read his tales of Scotland life scarce realize the pathos and romance of their writer's ill-fated career. Of it his own words were: "But death would have them from me, if misfortunes had spared them." Pride-stricken, broken in body and crushed in spirit he toiled until his fingers could no longer grasp that noted pen. Scott, the minstrel of Highlandlays, the story-teller of border life appeared in the tragic fifth act of his life as Scott the great-hearted man. The life of Robert Louis Stevenson was one long struggle for health. It was this that led him into the pleasant scenes of Scotland, brought him to America, and finally carried him to the island of Samoa. Yet in these blighted years came his creative mood, came too his working day. *'I count life just a stuff To try the soul's strength on, educe the man." Delightful Jean Paul Richter gave this word-ing to our theme—thought. "Fate does with poets, as'we-do with birds—it darkens the warbler's cage until he has caught the oft-played air that he is to sing." Workers at canvas and easel have painted with real meaning in dark, sombre hues. Michel Angelo working for years on those Florentine frescoes, a victim of civil strife and hated by his fellow-painters is a picture not to be forgotten. Many a time did faithless patrons and flights for liberty stay his brush. The sweet-faced Madonnas of an earlier art age are their master's souls in color. Had they life, theirs would be a touching tale of dingy garrets, sleepless nights, days of untold hunger. Pressing poverty and a father's violence made intense the storm and stress period of Beethoven's life. Few were the moments not embittered by trouble at home, ingratitude of friends and the sting of unjust criticism. But life itself seemed lost when the dearest of all senses to him was gradually passing away. His own sonatas could no longer make sound-harmony. It was at this time that he poured forth his great symphonies, those tales of human woe. That was poetic music, the music of the soul. Not one of Schubert's greater operas was placed upon the stage ; nor was he ever to hear his own symphonies ; to him starvation was an uncanny darkness, ever near by. The Fine Art's life of our master musicians is a song in minors. The saddening notes of their soul-touching sonatas are the echoes of many sufferings. Behind the richly-colored scenes of the glit-tering theatre have been acted life's sternest realities. Queens of the stage and kings among actors have not only acted tragedies but have also lived them. While yet a mere boy, Edwin Booth, snow-bound amid the' wastes of Nevada, heard the news of his father's death, the loss of his only hope. The woman of his first love, the companion in his art, died in his absence. Then came the rash act of a lunatic brother, which cast a shadow over the whole world and for a moment his reputation and honored name seemed lost. But a nation's sympathy and the sense of duty to his great art called him back from his gloomy retire-ment. Returning, "he saw his fortune of more than a million dollars, together with the toil of some of the best years of his life frittered away." "A crowning hurt was the gradual passing away of his style of dramatic art. Booth was a dreamer, made sublime by suffer-ing. It was his cares and sorrows that made him dreamy and mysterious in Hamlet, tender and majestic in Richelieu, frenzied and at the same time affectionate in King Eear. May we not say, then, that often has it been the storm and stress of things that has cried to the Fine Art's soul, "Awake !" The Kalendar is the name of an interesting exchange that comes to our table from the Woman's College, of Baltimore. 71 THE COLLEGE MERCURY. CLASS-DAY EXERCISES. TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1896. Master of Ceremonies, - - - - L. P. EISENHART. Music—Orchestra. CLASS EXERCISES. Class Roll, ARTHUR C. CARTY. Class History, IRA O. MOSER. Class Poem, EDNA M. LOOMIS. Music—Orchestra. Presentation Oration, - - WILLIAM R. REITZEL. Class Prophecy, FRED. J. BAUM. Peace Cup Oration, WILLIAMG. BRUBAKER. Mantle Presentation, - - - - WILLIAM MENGES. Junior Response, HENRY W. BIKI.E. Final Parade around the buildings, headed by the Band. CLASS-DAY POEM. From our Freshman year to Senior, College life meant toil and pain ; Now, lessons all are learned, and never Need we con them o'er again. Oh, the joy this thought brings with it; Joy wo feel but cannot speak. No more trials with mathematics, Logic, chemistry, or Greek. Yet, amid these thoughts of pleasure, I am in a dreadful fix; For the class must have a poem, And what will rhyme with '96? All the words by Webster given, All of those in Worcester found, One by one I've looked them over, But they give no classic sound. Days and nights I've toiled in anguish, 'Till my brain is in a mix; But not a word of sound poetic, Will make a rhyme with '96. All the class has done and conquered, All its record pnre and bright, Merit words of beauty, surely, Yet with prosy pen I write. I would say, the class are noble, Yet I only call them "bricks;" It is slang, I know, but truly, Noble will not rhyme with six. When I say of this or that one, He does well, he never sticks, Do not criticise my language, It's all the fault of '96. I would say they all are students, Aud I say, "They burn their wicks ;" Midnight oil would sound much better, But that won't rhyme with '96. Sometimes, classes passed thro' college, Trusting in a horse that kicks; Some have wasted time, but never, Was this done by '96. Some, the Faculty have worried, With their wild and foolish tricks. Neither this, nor any such thing, Has been done by '96. Thus, our record's full of honor; Not a conscience here that pricks! Every heart is brave and loyal, In the class of'96. But our college days are over, And we turn in sadness round; Noting now, with tender memories, Each familiar sight and sound. Hall, and "dorm" and "lab" and chapel, And the solemn clock that ticks, Mid our jokes and smiles the warrant For the death of'96. Now, the time has come for parting; Hall and Campus, loved of yore, Loved forever, we must leave you, We may dwell with you no more. Gettysburg, our Alma Mater, Mournful is the latch that clicks, As we pass beyond thy portal, A long farewell to '96. JUNIOR ORATORICAL CONTEST. WEDNESDAY, The Magnetism of Mystery, Our Debt to our Forefathers, National Character, - The Model American, - Home, Sweet Home, r International Arbitration, The Mission of the Jew, - Shoals of Success. - fPhrenakosmian. ♦Philomathsan. JUNE 17, 1896. GEORGE W. ENGLAR:* P. T. E- STOCKSLAGER.f - HORACE E- CLUTE.* ROBBIN B. WOLF.t - A. GERTRUDE SIEBER.* JOHN \V. OTT.f - GEORGE F. ABEL.* HENRY W. BIKLE.I HOME, SWEET HOME. BY ANNA G. SIEBER-The home is a divine institution, founded when God created our first parents in his own image and placed them in that home of prim-eval innocence to form the nucleus of the race. Even since the fallj which "brought death into the world and all our woe," the home bears the marks of divine fingers. Here love's first and finest feelings find expression and the wholesome restraints of government begin their peaceful sway. The Father of us all set the solitary in families and bound them together with ties of mutual sympathy, mutual depend-ence and mutual helpfulness. From the begin- THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 72 ning its divine sanction as well as its divine wisdom was recognized. Among the chosen people it developed into the patriarchal gov-ernment ; among the Greeks and Romans, in their highest civilization, the home was a sacred spot and the family the cradle of social and political power and the school of patriotism and religion. With the neglect of the home and a disregard for the family, came the decay of morals, the loss of power and the fall of the empire. The home must ever be the founda-tion of government, and if the foundations be destroyed, how can the individual, social and political building stand ? If the home be pro-tected and the graces of virtue, education, in-dustry and religion be carefully fostered and cultivated, the nation must live and fulfil her high destiny. The coming campaign will doubtless again fill the air with eloquent argu-ment in protection of the national sheep and the American hen and skillfully fail to mention the imperiled boy in the citadel of the Ameri-can home. Whether our great leaders recog-nize the home in their ambition for position or not, the fact remains the same, that here lies the secret of national power or weakness. There are several insidious tendencies which threaten the national life by destroying the home. There is the mad rush to the large cities early in life to secure financial advant-age. Leaving the pure mountain air, the ten-der ministries of home and nature, the asso-ciations of religion in the country or village church, the simple demands of society, the modern young man is tossed like a toy upon the jostling mass of humanity to "break every tender tie" of home, to live in the city board-ing house or hotel and to measure his untried strength with the powers of the world, the flesh and the devil. His future success in building character that will ornament society, strengthen the church, and protect the nation from potitical peril will depend largely upon the principles brought from the obscure home among the hills and valleys of his youth. The permanence of his financial and social standing must depend finally, not so much upon the tricks of trade, nor the chance of fortune, but upon the fidelity to truth, the per-sistent industry and the self-sacrificing econ-omy, laid stone upon stone, in the tedious for-mation of character about the humble home of childhood. Even wealth or position without these would be a calamity. The mountain stream, bursting from the rock, leaping with youthful glee over many a sunlit cascade, goes hurrying to the broad plain below, to turn the weels of industry, to quench the thirst ol a multitude, to join hands with kindred streams and bear upon her jew-eled decked bosom the commerce of a world. But there are a few simple laws laid down by Mother Nature, from which she must never depart. vSo, from the home must go the forces that will drive the machinery of a nation, strike hands with their kindred beyond the seas, and lift an exiled world back to God. Our success will depend upon a few simple laws which God and our Christian mothers will teach us. One of these principles is that gold must not become the individual's nor the nation's god. There are things finer than gold, more pre-cious than much fine gold. Those invisible hands that bind the gold-thirsty young man to his mother, those imperishable chords that in-crease their tension with distant separation and will not relax through the pleadings of time. Those divine threads that are woven into the web of our lives, in such a variety of color, through so many years of tender ministries, which neither the sunshine nor the rain will cause to fade. That mysterious attraction that tears the busy merchant from his surroundings to hasten to the old home, to feast the eyes upon scenes that will not perish, to quicken the affections that cannot die, to grasp the parental hand that warms with age, and to look upon the face of the only one whose feat-ures beautify with years. What strange calculations are these ! By some irresistible logic, as he stands by the grave of the departed mother, he reasons thus: 73 THE COU-EGE MERCURY. Take these stocks and bonds, these railroad and real estate interests, seize these large man-ufacturing and commercial. enterprises, take this palace of marble and bury them all, rather than let the cruel clay hide from me the treas-ured influence that crowned that life, finer than gold. Wealth must not become our ideal nor our idol. Only as it builds more homes and builds them more beautiful, adorns them with culture and religion, sweetens them as fountains of purity for the healing of the nation, strength-ens them as fortresses for her protection, will it bless our civilization. Another tendency that threatens the home is the social condition which seeks to separate the family. There is a kind of centrifugal force which tends to scatter the members of the household and destroy that bond which should bind them together with a kind of social grav-itation, which afterwards becomes the power of the community and of the state. There is danger of the boys and girls being thrown from the home nest before the fledgelings can use their wings or have wisdom to select their food. There are many temptations to lure them from the tender influences and sympa-thies of those who reared them. Even the recognized helps may prove hindrances ;. the schools that place these young lives in the hands of strangers over half their time from six years of age, the social, innocent pleasures that rob the parents of over half the remainder of their heaven-given opportunities, to say nothing of those attractions which cause many to spend the remainder of their time not spent in eating and sleeping outside of the home. How narrow the margin becomes for the home to do its work. To pi ess the plastic ma-terial into shape, to lay the artful chisel to the stone and hew with loving stroke the perfect form. How jealous the parent should be of these first and best opportunities! How guarded the sensitive plate of the mind and heart, that the first light to shine upon its deli-cate surface should reflect a perfect image ! Is the father anxious to spend the leisure hours in the home rather than in the lodge or club house, or is he too busy with his profes-sion, too closely confined to his business to im-press true character upon his own boy, who shall succeed him in business and become heir of his hard-earned estate ? Has the wife and mother been more anxious to keep flies out of the house than to keep her boy in ; has she be-stowed more thought upon velvet or brussels than upon the delicately woven character of an immortal ; has she studied to make an impres-sion upon fashionable society rather than to impress a future citizen of the State ? The law of nature will not be reversed to make amends for parental indifference or careless-ness. The colors we mix will appear on the canvas, the materials we use in the mortar will show themselves in the building. Is the home the centre of attraction and interest? Then it has its rightful place and becomes the sun of the system around which all things re-volve, from which they get their light and heat and are held in their proper orbits. De-stroy this relation, and confusion and anarchy follow. The home is a miniature government, in which the parents rule. Here begins re-spect for authority and obedience to law, the two great essentials in the security of the State; and if not learned here, may be learned too late to avert crime. Here are developed those finer affections toward brothers and sisters which, when en-larged, produce true patriotism and make "the whole world kin." Here under the form of possessions acquired and protected, the true right of ownership becomes early established, that true love of country may become the en-larged law of self-protection ; thus combining the law of chivalry to defend the innocent and the heroism of the soldier to protect the nation. The social and national life are found in min-iature in the empire of the home which, when properly controlled, becomes the ideal of the national government. The King rules his subjects with a father's tenderness. The sub-jects obey the laws, prompted by filial grati-tude for the general good. An injustice against THE COLLEGE MERCURY. 74 one member is an offense against the whole body politic. Suffering in part enlists the sympathy of the whole. A cry of distress startles the nation and all the nerves of sensa-tion carry the news and the alarm brings re-pair and relief trains over every highway of approach. The homes of the nation must ever be the fountains for the public school, the supply for the church, the protection of our liberties against internal and external foes. These must be the watch towers, and the sons and daughters the real standing army to protect our civil and religious liberties. The thousands of men who live on wheels, without a sure place to set their feet, must have a starting-point and a returning point for their souls, a tension to hold them in place more binding than the rules of the business firm, a restraint to stay their feet on the verge of temptation mightier than law, an unseen angel to stand between them and sin, to guard them from its blighting touch This starting-point is the Christian home, this tension, the mystic chord that binds them to the altar, this angel, the messenger that sits in the temple of the memory and holds the wife, the mother, the innocent children before the soul. The home is a type of Heaven, the perfec-tion of future blessedness. God, the Father of us all, Christ, the Brother of us all, we, the children. From the imperfect to the perfect, from the trial to the triumph. We are but children away from home. Earth is but the play-ground. We stretch onr tiny hands toward the stars glimmering in the dark-ness that surrounds us. We tire of these earthly toys. We cry, in our distress, to grasp the eternal. The father hears his lost childrens' piteous wail and calls us home ; sweet, sweet, home. ROLL OF HONOR. FIRST HONOR. LUTHER P. EISENHART, York. D. EDGAR RICE, Chainbersburg. GRAYSON Z. STOP, Frederick, Md. EDNA M LOOMIS, Troy. GRIFF PRIZE, FOR BEST ESSAY ON HOLMES AS THE POET OF COLLEGIANS." LUTHER P. EISENHAET, York. HASSLER GOLD MEDAL, JUNIOR LATIN PRIZE. ELKANAH M. DUCK, Spring Mills. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF GEORGE F. ABEL, Philadelphia. BAUM SOPHOMORE MATHEMATICAL PRIZE. JAMES A. MCALLISTER, Gettysburg EFPIE ELIZABETH HESS, - - - - Taneytown, Md! WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF EDMUND W. MEISENHELDER, York. EDMUND L. ROLLER, Hanover. CHARLES T. LARK, - - - - - - Millersburg. WILLIAM H. SPRENKLE, - - - Jack's Mountain. ALBERTUS G. FUSS, . Williamsport, Md. MUHLENBERG FRESHMAN PRIZE. FOR BEST GENERAL SCHOLARSHIP. HENRY ALBERS, JR., Jersey City, N. J. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF ARTHUR STC. BRUMBAUGH, - - - Roaring Spring. STEWARD W. HERMAN, - . York. PAUL H. BIKLE, Gettysburg. REDDIG PRIZE IN ORATORV. ANNA GERTRUDE SIEBER, . Gettysburg. WITH HONORABLE MENTION OF HENRY WOLF BIKLE, Gettysburg. GEORGE F. ABEL, Philadelphia. *—♦—» COLLEGE COMMENCEMENT PROGRAM. THURSDAY, JUNE 18, 1896. Latin Salutatory, GRAYSON Z. STUP. Christianity and the Working Class, - WEBSTER C. SPAYDE. Municipal Reform, . FREDERICK J. BAUM. Cecil Rhodes, -. MERCHANT TAILOR flje tat Work at uje) NEXT DOOF* TO 5 Suits from $12,00 to $40.00. Lowest iPrkss, \ P^^f' J Paots from $00 to $121, ^Centre Square.^ COLLEGE OF PHVSICIANS S SURGEONS, The (College of Physicians and Surgeons of Balti-more, Maryland, i.s a well-equipped school. Four ses-sions arc required for graduation. For full informa-tion send for the animal catalogue, or write to THOMAS OPIE, M. D., Dean, Cor. Calvert and Saratoga Sts. c_£p»Established 1876.-5-5 *PBN110SB SfYBRSJfc WATCHMAKER AND JEWELER, Gettfsborg Souvenir Spoons, College Souvenir Spoons, No. 10 Baltimore Street, GETTYSBURG, PENN'A. J. A TAWNEV Is ready to furnish clubs and boarding houses BREAD, ROLLS, &0., at short notice and reasonable rates. Cor.Washington and Middle Sts., Gettysburg. WiiWlsiHoSwiit DEALERS IN Fresh Beef, Veal, Lamb, Pork, Pudding, Sausage, HAMS, LARD, &c-., GETTYSBURG, IMIM'A. JOHN L. SHERDS. NEW CIGAR STORE Next door io W. M.
From nuclear weapons to terrorism, the United States and Iran clash on nearly even front. Yet, it has not always been this way. As recently as 1979, Norwich University, the oldest Senior Military College in the United States, played host to nearly eighty Iranian Midshipmen. Although Norwich's Iranian program was short-lived, it was one of the most successful cultural exchanges in the university's history. In the face of tremendous adversity, Norwich overcame all obstacles and successfully academically, militarily, and socially integrated the Iranian Midshipmen into the Corps of Cadets and the greater Norwich community. ; Winner of the 2022 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the University Archives category, honorable mention. ; Tribulation, Triumph, and Tragedy: Norwich University's Iranian Program (1976-1979) Joseph C. Chatterton History 249- Historical Methods Dr. Bennett 3, December 2021 Word Count: 3159 1 January 29, 2002, just five months after the most devastating terrorist attacks in American history, in his first State of the Union since the beginning of War on Terror President George W. Bush branded Iran as a member of the so-called Axis of Evil along with the likes of North Korea and Saddam Hussian's Iraq. In one line in particular, President Bush decried the Islamic Republic and made it clear that in his role as Commander and Chief, he regarded Iran as one of America's greatest geopolitical foes stating, "Iran aggressively pursues these weapons and exports terror, while an unelected few repress the Iranian people's hope for freedom."1 President Bush's remarks are unsurprising. After all, as recently as May of 2018, prominent Iranian politicians congregated in the hallowed halls of their Parliament to burn American flags and chant "Death to America."2 From nuclear weapons to terrorism, the United States and Iran clash on nearly even front. Yet, it has not always been this way. As recently as 1979, Norwich University, the oldest Senior Military College in the United States, played host to nearly eighty Iranian Midshipmen. Although Norwich's Iranian program was short-lived, it was one of the most successful cultural exchanges in the university's history. In the face of tremendous adversity, Norwich overcame all obstacles and successfully academically, militarily, and socially integrated the Iranian Midshipmen into the Corps of Cadets and the greater Norwich community. In the fifty years since the birth of Iran's Islamic Republic, scholars, historians, and government officials have devoted the vast majority of their analysis on the dramatic collapse of the Shah's regime, the ensuing hostage crisis, and the profound implications it had on American foreign policy. While the significance of this is undeniable, far less research has been done into 1 George W Bush, "2002 State of the Union ," National Archives and Records Administration (National Archives and Records Administration, January 29, 2002), https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/stateoftheunion/2002/. 2 "Iranian Politicians Set Fire to US Flag in Parliament," BBC News (BBC), accessed November 4, 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-middle-east-44055625. 2 academic links which bound the two nations, and the effects that the regime's collapse had on the vast number of Iranian students studying in the United States. Norwich's Iranian program was not the first of its kind, however it was the most successful. Similar programs were attempted at other military academies such as at The Virginia Military Institute (VMI) and the Citadel. However, both of these programs were plagued by difficulties. In 1976 Lieutenant Colonel Paul LaFond, the Deputy Commandant of Norwich's Corps of Cadets, visited VMI to observe VMI's Iranian program so that Norwich might draw lessons for the establishment of its own program. Following the trip Colonel LaFond compiled a detailed report. In the report, it becomes quickly evident that the VMI program consistently struggled to successfully integrate the Iranian students. Major flash point included the serving of Pork products during chow time and their "more relaxed idea of the honor code,"3 LaFond ends this memorandum with a section dedicated "Staff, Faculty and Cadre reaction to the Iranian Program." In this section it becomes evident that many prominent leaders of VMI had less than positive things to say about the program. One Cadet advisor remarked, "The Iranians have put a great strain on our system. The school has been weakened." he continued on dramatically stating, "If we had large numbers for very long it could destroy our system."4 Probably the gravest signal that VMI's Iran program was less than successful are the somber closing remarks of the schools highest ranking officials, the Commandant of Cadets: " You will have a severe problem. Are you ready to cope and is it worth it? There will be many problems with your own cadets."5 The first half of this quote is simple enough to analyze. Of course, there will be many general challenges with introducing a large contingent of foreign midshipmen into a military environment such as 3 Paul LaFond. Memorandum to Loring Hart, 7 May 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 4 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 5 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 3 VMI, yet it is the second part of this quote that really requires some unpacking. What exactly was the Commandant's intent when he stated, "There will be many problems with your own cadets."6 As mentioned previously VMI's Iranian program was notorious for its struggles to integrate the Iranian Midshipmen into their Corps of Cadets, one aspect of this often overlooked is the initial hostility between American Cadets and the Iranian Midshipmen. Earlier in the memorandum VMI's Commandant is quoted to have stated in subsection 5, Discipline and Control, "At first, the 'Old Cadets' harassed the Iranians, and were hard on them. A period of turbulence resulted," he goes on to articulate his point stating that he "cautions, to watch our martinets that they don't cause trouble and states that this type of cadet is particularly frustrated when working with Iranians."7 Although the wording in certain sections of this memorandum can be somewhat confusing for a twenty-first century perspective to comprehend, the general theme is clear, VMI's Iranian program was plagued with trials and tribulations, many of which remained unresolved at the time of its publication. In spite of this evident adversity, Norwich remained resolved to push forward and succeed where VMI failed. With this in mind one must question why Senior Military Colleges such as Norwich placed such an emphasis on creating relations with Iran? For thousands of years Iran has been a strategic regional power. Throughout antiquity the Persian Empire was one of the world's premier powers, and this prominence continued into the Middle Ages. In the 7th century CE, the nation played a vital role in helping to facilitate the spread of Islam from the Arabian peninsula to Central Asia.8 As time progressed the nation's strategic value only grew. During the age of European Imperialism, Iran held a vital role as a 6 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 7 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 8 Kathryn Babayan, "The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi'ism." Iranian Studies 27, no. 1/4 (1994): 135–61. 4 buffer between the British lion and the Russian bear.9 By 1879, Iran was a colony within the British Empire in all but name. The Iranian government was forced to grant monopolies on everything from "the construction of railways, canals and irrigation system,"10 to control of the nation's banking system.11 Yet the nation's greatest strategic value laid below its surface. In 1908, as oil was beginning to gradually replace coal as the key to industrialization, foreign interest in the country skyrocketed with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company discovery of black gold beneath the waters of the Persian Gulf.12 Iran entered the Cold War in a very interesting position. Many of its institutions, and much wealth continued to be controlled by foreigners in London and by this point Washington. Understandably this angered many Iranians and many turned to socialist politicians like Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nassar, and in Iran's case Mohammad Mosaddegh. In the general election of 1951 Mosaddegh campaigned on the simple message that Iran must free itself from the British imperial yoke. He would win the Prime Ministership in a landslide, and upon assuming the highest office in the nation he set out to make good on his campaign promise. Symbolically on May Day in 1951, Mosaddegh announced the nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. In October of that year he doubled down, expelling all British subjects from the nation. Yet the Western powers did not take kindly to being forcefully evicted from Iran, especially taking into consideration the ongoing Cold War, the nation's strategic geography, and its valuable resources. Thus, the British Intelligence service (MI6) in conjunction with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), began planning for regime change. In August of 1953 Operation Ajax (alternatively known as Operation Boot) successfully ousted the democratically 9 Chris Paine and Erica Schoenberger, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers: 1872-1954." MERIP Reports, no. 37 (1975): 3–28. 10 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 11 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 12 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 5 elected Mosaddegh, and bestowed the on nation's monarch or Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi near absolute power.13 The Shah's Iran played a vital role in the United States' middle eastern policy. As described in his journal article, American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era, Dr. Mathew K. Shannon "The Shah's Iran provided to successive American administrations, with a toe hold in the Persian Gulf region … a bulwark against Soviet expansion… and guaranteed the westward flow of Iranian oil."14 With this in context it is understandable that the United States wished to do everything within its power to strengthen its strategic relationship with Iran. While on one hand this means providing Iran with military funds and equipment, it also means flexing the United States' soft power. The Oxford dictionary defines "soft power" as, "a way of dealing with other countries that involves using economic and cultural influence to persuade them to do things, rather than military power."15 In the 1970s the United States had many of the top universities in the world, as well as one of the most robust and modern educational systems. Thus, it seems only logical that the US utilizes its education system, as a bastion of strength. Dr. Joseph Nye, a well-established political scientist and the former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs is quoted for stating, "The ideas and values that America exports in the minds of more than half a million foreign students who study every year in American universities and return to their home countries, tend to reach elites in power."16 Throughout the Cold War the United States would 13 Moyara de Moraes Ruehsen. "Operation 'Ajax' Revisited: Iran, 1953." Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 3 (1993): 467–86. 14 Matthew K. Shannon, "American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era" Diplomatic History 39, no. 4, (2015) 661. 15 "Soft Power,"Definition, pictures, pronunciation and usage notes, Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. 16 Carol Atkinson, "Does Soft Power Matter? A Comparative Analysis of Student Exchange Programs 1980–2006" Foreign Policy Analysis 6 no. 1, (310) 2. 6 faithfully follow Dr. Nye's advice to further develop its relationship with the Shah's Iran. The previously mentioned Dr. Mathew Shannon notes the rapid and substantial growth of Iranian students in the United States stating, "The population grew from a mere five hundred in 1950, to upwards of fifty thousand in the late 1970, making them the largest national group of students in the United States."17 The significance of this cannot be understated. Upon graduating from American Universities these students returned to their homeland and played an active role in building the new modern Iran. It was on their shoulders that the "bulwark against Soviet expansion rested." It was the alumni of American universities that ran Iran's state oil company and made the plans for modernizing Iranian industry and infrastructure. These alumni would hold high positions in the nation's civil service, would serve as elected members of Iran's Majlis (Parliament), and crucial to Norwich as officers in the Iranian Military. While Iran benefited from this influx of a highly educated, professional class, the United States was able to stock the Iranian government with those sympathetic to the West. Norwich University first began accepting Iranian Midshipmen in the fall of 1976. President Loring Hart and his administration put a great deal of emphasis on naturalizing the Iranian Midshipmen to the University from the onset. Captain M. Ali Foroughizadeh an Iranian Imperial Navy officer stationed in Arlington, Virginia, would serve as the main point of contact between the University and the Iranian government, for much of the program's existence. The correspondences between Captain Foroughizadeh and President Hart provide unique insight into its early development. The process of integrating Iranian students into the Corps of Cadets and the greater University community did not begin in August with the traditional start of the school year, but rather in June of 1976. As detailed by William F. Beatty, the Executive Assistant to the 17 Shannon, American-Iranian Alliances, 662. 7 President, "Currently fifty-two Iranian midshipmen are undergoing an intensive English, Mathematics and Physical education study program at Norwich in preparation for their enrollment next September as members of the class of 1980."18 Clearly even from the onset of its program Norwich was taking the proactive? steps to fully integrate the Midshipmen firmly into the Corps. Although at times it can become easy to forget, at the end of day Norwich is not merely a remote outpost of the US military but is a university with a long and storied tradition of academic excellence. As such, the importance of academic integration for the Universities Iran students cannot be understated. One of the key takeaways from VMI's tumultuous Iranian program was that failure to integrate the Iranian students in the classroom could have disastrous consequences. Thus, Norwich's faculty and administration made every effort to thoroughly integrate the Iranian students academically into the University. Associate professor Dr. Hollis D. McBride of the Engineering Department described the climate in the classroom stating "Conflicts between Irani and Americans in class have been few." Dr. Hollis does briefly pause his praise to note that the Iranian students seemed more inclined to help each other than their fellow American students, and does advise that having fewer Iranians per class would "reduce their dependence on each other."19 Yet in spite of these challenges Dr. McBride makes it abundantly clear he believes that the presence of the Iranian midshipmen had a profound and positive impact on the education of all students of all nationalities. McBride's praise for the program goes as far as to state, "Never have I seen a class of students work as hard as both Irani and Americans." He goes on to state "I am convinced that the example of the Irani working 18 William F Beatty, Letter to CDR Abghari, 4 November 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 19 Hollis D McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier, 15 July 1977. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 8 overcomes the more usual image of upperclassmen playing to encourage this premier academic effort I have witnessed in my ten years at Norwich."20 Great strides were also taken to properly integrate the Iranian midshipmen socially into the Norwich community. In one of his first memorandums regarding the arrival of Midshipmen, he encourages members of the staff to "host one or two Iranian students for an evening meal to socialize."21 The University also made a significant effort to integrate Iranian and American students within the barracks. The previously mentioned engineering professor, Dr. McBride makes a strong case for integration stating, "An American roommate is a plus, but even more important is an American roommate of the same major."22 The logic behind this is self-evident. Forcing American and Iranian students to live together in close quarters means they are far more likely to develop close cross-cultural bonds, which in turn are "beneficial to both the American and the Iranian."23 Having an American roommate also forced the Iranian Midshipmen to use English on a daily basis and forces them to not to rely solely on their fellow Iranians. Sports and extracurricular activities also played a role in assimilating the midshipmen into the campus community. Many of the Iranian midshipmen played soccer both competitively and recreationally for the school. President Hart remarks upon the Midshipmen in a memorandum he sent to Iranian Admiral Farzaneh regarding the filming of a promotional video stating, "we might arrange a game for the Iranian Cadets on the soccer team." 24 While it is easy to overlook such trivial events as American and Iranian athletes competing together, surely the connections and 20 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 21 Loring E Hart , Memorandum to Distribution Lists I and II, 15 June 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 22 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 23 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 24 Hart, Loring E, Memorandum to Vadm D. Farzaneh, 11 December 1978. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 9 comradery built on the playing field can overcome linguistic and cultural differences and help the Iranian students merge into the student body. Despite these successes, a shadow lurked over the entirety of the program. One with a limited knowledge of world history, might wonder why the program was so short lived if it was clearly so successful The simple answer: revolution. Despite the guise of modernization beneath Iran's surface, discontent was brewing against the Shah and his authoritarian regime. Chief among the dissenters' grievances were not only the brutal human rights violations committed by the secret police (SAVAK), but the perception of American imperialism, and backlash for the increasingly secular nature of Iranian society. By 1978, demonstrations against the Imperial government occurred across all the nation's major cities with riots targeting symbols of the West such as banks, cinemas, and restaurants.25 The nation's Shiite clergy also played a major role in the overthrow of the Imperial regime. With his health failing and the regime crumbling, the Shah and his family were forced to flee in exile in Egypt. Simultaneously the Ayatollah Khomeini, a leader of the Shiite clergy, and an outspoken critic of the government returned from exile just in time for revolutionary forces to capture Tehran.26 Meanwhile back in Northfield, President Hart's administration was doing everything within its power to look after the best interests of the Iranian Midshipmen. Initially it appeared that the situation was under control. As late as November 9th, 1979, the Institute of International Education wrote "Foreign students who are in this country to pursue an and who are lawfully engaged in that pursuit, properly enjoy the protection of the laws which allow them to enter the 25 Said Amir Arjomand, "The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." State, Culture, and Society 1, no. 3 (1985): 41–66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20006816. 26 Said Amir, Arjomand,"The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." 10 country and permit them to remain."27 Five days later University Vice President James Galloway echoed similar sentiments, writing that the state department had advised him that "State and Defense were discussing Iranian students, but were oriented towards those Iranians holding student visas, not members of an organized program. Current guidance was the status quo, and to maintain a low profile."28 Unfortunately this good news would be short lived. November 4, 1979 saw the storming of the American embassy in Tehran and the capture of 52 American hostages, President Carter issued an executive order calling for all the review of all educational visas for Iranian students in the United States.29 The optimism that the program could survive evaporated Almost overnight. Less than a month later Vice President James Galloway was forced to send out a new memo with a far different tone. While the November addition spoke of maintaining the status quo, the updated version stated, "On the basis of official order from the Iranian government or the U.S government, the Norwich Naval Contingent is directed to terminate their school and depart or prepare to depart."30 Throughout the winter of 1980 the campus held its breath bracing for the inevitable. On April 7, this finally occurred when "The State Department severed diplomatic relations with Iran and ordered the deportation of "employees" and "officials of Iran by Friday April 11 at midnight."31 The next day on April 8, a glimmer of false hope set in, with 27 Hughes Jenkins, "Educational Exchange Agencies Urge Care in Coping with Iranian Students in U.S, 9 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 28 James V Galloway, Memorandum For Record, 14 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 29 Will Tiague, Hostages of the Crisis: Iranian Students in Arkansas, 1979-1981. The Arkansas Quarterly 77, no. 2 (2018): 113-130. 30 Harry A Buckley, Contingency Plan for the Iranian Crisis, 4 December 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 31 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events, 7-14 April 1980. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 11 the general feeling being that "the Iranian Cadets would be classified as students rather than as officials or employees, and would therefore be permitted to finish the semester."32 However, the next day such hopes would be shattered when the State department reversed its decision and labeled the Midshipmen as Officials of Iran. Two days later on April 10, President Hart briefed the Corps on the unfolding situation. In a testament to the successes of the program when Iranian Midshipmen " c/CPT Kazem Yahyapour bid farewell to the American students on behalf of the Iranians students, he received a standing ovation from the Corps. Faculty, and staff."33 On April 12, 1980 the Iranian program would officially die with the departure of 80 Iranian students and officials. The last communication upon touchdown in Tehran was simple and sober, "We received and are warm and ok."34 The Iranian program was over. Since that infamous date in 1980 the relation between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran have only grown worse. Today it would be unimaginable for Midshipmen from Iran to study at an American military college such as Norwich University. Yet only fifty years ago between 1976 and 1979 over 80 Iranian students were fully integrated, academically, socially, and militarily into the Norwich community. Although the program ended in tragedy, in a world where military cooperation continues to grow increasingly important, the story of success remains relevant and worth remembering. 32 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 33Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 34 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 12 Bibliography Primary Sources Beatty, William F. Letter to CDR Abghari, 4 November 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Galloway, James V. Memorandum For Record, 14 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Hart, Loring E. Memorandum to Distribution Lists I and II, 15 June 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Hart, Loring E. Memorandum to Vadm D. Farzaneh, 11 December 1978. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. LaFond, Paul. Memorandum to Loring Hart, 7 May 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Marsilius, Philip R, Sequence of Events, 7-14 April 1980. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. McBride, Hollis D. Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier, 15 July 1977. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Jenkins, Hughes. "Educational Exchange Agencies Urge Care in Coping with Iranian Students in U.S, 9 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Secondary Sources Arjomand, Said Amir. "The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." State, Culture, and Society 1, no. 3 (1985): 41–66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20006816. This article provided valuable information about the events of Iran's Islamic Revolution. It discusses the initial protests and the peoples major grievances against the secret police, the west, and the increasing secular nature of society. Babayan, Kathryn. "The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi'ism." Iranian Studies 27, no. 1/4 (1994): 135–61. 13 This article provides information on the history of Islam in Iran. Initially it was used to help inllistrate how historically Iran has been very stratiegic, but it also serves to introduce Islam, which would prove to be a very important factor in the 1979 Revolution. Carol Atkinson, "Does Soft Power Matter? A Comparative Analysis of Student Exchange Programs 1980–2006" Foreign Policy Analysis 6 no. 1, (310) 2. This article helps to illustrate the significance of soft power, particularly the use of student exchange programs to project American power across the globe. Clearly this is very relevant to Norwich's Iranian exchange program, and helps to explain its significance and one of its purposes. Bush, George W. "2002 State of the Union ," National Archives and Records Administration (National Archives and Records Administration, January 29, 2002), https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/stateoftheunion/2002/. Used in the introduction to help establish the very hostile relationship that that United States currently has with the Islam Republic of Iran. "Iranian Politicians Set Fire to US Flag in Parliament," BBC News (BBC), accessed November 4, 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-middle-east-44055625 Used in the introduction to help establish the very hostile relationship that that United States currently has with the Islam Republic of Iran. Shannon, Matthew K. "American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era" Diplomatic History 39, no. 4, (2015) 661. Provides valuable background information into the nature of the Iranian state, and the Iranian education system during the Shah's reign. Key to Norwich, this article mentions exchange programs particularly those with the United States. Moyara de Moraes, Ruehsen. "Operation 'Ajax' Revisited: Iran, 1953." Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 3 (1993): 467–86. Discussed the Anglo-American coup which overthrew Iran's democratically elected government, and handed the Shah absolute power. Played a vital role in creating the Iranian government which Norwich cooperated with, it is also key to understand the underlying factors behind the 1979 Revolution. Paine, Chris, and Erica Schoenberger. "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers: 1872-1954." MERIP Reports, no. 37 (1975): 3–28. Helps to establish the early history of Iran, and its history of Anglo-American domination. 14 "Soft Power,"Definition, pictures, pronunciation and usage notes, Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. Provides a definition for soft power, to help illustrate its significance to the United States particularly in a strategic ally such as the Shah's Iran. Tiague, Will. Hostages of the Crisis: Iranian Students in Arkansas, 1979-1981. The Arkansas Quarterly 77, no. 2 (2018): 113-130. Provides context for the Iranian hostage crisis, President Carter's reaction, and the effects that it had on the vast number of Iranian students studying in the United States. Yarbrough, Tinsley E. Federal Alienage Doctrine and the Iranian Student Litigation. Human Rights Quarterly 4, no. 2 (1982): 243–60. Discusses the legal issues facing Iranian students facing deportation in the United States following the Islamic Revolution.
