Suchergebnisse

Kentler ilk ortaya çıktıklarından itibaren birçok sebeplerden dolayı büyük yıkımlara uğramış olup, yenilenme ya da dönüşüm sorunuyla karşı karşıya kalmışlardır. Kentsel alanların kalitesini yükseltmek, kentsel bağlantıları kurmak, kentlinin yaşam haklarına yönelik fırsatlar yaratmak, doğal kaynakları doğru kullanabilmek ve yönetmek, sürdürülebilir kararlar ile bu yapılandırmayı oluşturabilmek kentsel planlama yaklaşımlarıyla mümkün olmaktadır. Dünyada ve Türkiye'de farklı uygulama yöntemleri olan çeşitli kentsel dönüşüm modelleri uygulanmakta ve önerilmektedir. Kentsel dönüşüm modellerinde "yerinde ve katılımcı" planlama anlayışı, demokratik ve katılımcı bir toplumun gelişmesini, şeffaflığı, diyalogu, eşitliği sağlamada çok önemli bir etkendir. Katılımcılık anlayışı kentsel dönüşümlerin planlama ve uygulama aşamalarında oldukça ihmal edilmektedir. Kentsel dönüşüm uygulamalarının tek bir kişi, kurum ya da kuruluş eli ve anlayışıyla gerçekleşmesi, birçok sıkıntı oluşmasına da sebep olmaktadır. Planlama ve uygulama sürecine yerel halk, sivil toplum kuruluşları ve akademisyenler dâhil edilerek çok aktörlü bir katılım sağlanması gerekmektedir. Bugüne kadarki deneyimler, kentsel dönüşüm projelerine yerel halkın dahil edilmesinin, başarıya ulaşmada önemli adımlardan biri olduğunu göstermektedir. Kentsel dönüşüm, son on yılın ana konusu "katılım" ilkesi üzerinde yoğunlaşmıştır. Yerel koşulların projeyi biçimlendirmesi, yerel aktörlerin sürece katkı sağlayarak projeye yön vermesi gibi etmenler katılım ilkesini şekillendiren araçlardan bazılarıdır. Yerinde ve katılımcı bir dönüşüm için, projenin uygulanacağı alanda, yerel halka yönelik bir çalışma olması "yere bağlılık" ilkesi açısından önemli bir etkendir. Katılımcı bir kentsel dönüşüm projesi gerçekleştirilirken, kamu örgütleriyle ve yerel halkla bilgilendirici toplantılar, anketler ve referandumlar yapılması, geçici işbirlikleri oluşturulması, danışmanlık meclisleri kurulması "katılımcılık" ilkesinin ilk aşaması açısından gereklidir. Dünyada uygulanan kentsel dönüşüm projeleri çoğunlukla rant odaklıdır ve bu rantın çoğu zaman eski mülk sahiplerden ziyade yeni mülk sahipleri tarafından paylaşılması söz konusudur. Uygulanan projelerin yarattığı kent ve mülkiyet hakkı ihlalleri, kentsel doku kaybı, sürdürülebilirlik açısından yetersizlik gibi sorunlar "yerinde ve katılımcı dönüşüm" kavramının gündemdeki yerini ve önemini daha çok açığa çıkarmaktadır. Bu çalışma; İstanbul İli Kağıthane örneğinde "kentsel dönüşüm" kavramını katılımcılık açısından tartışmak, ülkemizde uygulanan kentsel dönüşüm projelerinin fiziksel mekanın yenilenmesinin yanında, sosyal ve yerel özellikleri açısından da ele alınması gerektiğine dikkat çekmek ve yerel halkın "yerinde katılım" ilkesiyle dönüşümün planlama ve uygulama aşamalarına dahil olmalarına vurgu yapmak, bunu mevcuttaki bir örnek üzerinden tartışmaya açmak amacını taşımaktadır. Bu kapsamda "ada bazlı kentsel dönüşüm modeli"nin, "yerinde ve katılımcı kentsel dönüşüm" ilkesine ne derece katkı sağladığı incelenmiştir. Ada bazlı kentsel dönüşüm konusunda ilk adımı atan Kağıthane İlçesi'nin yapmış olduğu "ada bazlı kentsel dönüşüm projeleri", alan çalışması ile araştırılmış ve bulgular yerinde katılımcı kentsel dönüşüm açısından ele alınmıştır. ; Ever since the cities appeared, due to several reasons faced with many destructions there fore many renewal or conversion problem occured. To improve the quality of urban areas, urban build links, create opportunities for the right to life of the citizen the right to use and manage natural resources , sustainable urban planning decisions and approaches to create this configuration is possible. Various urban transformation models are applied and recommended in Turkey and in the world. Understanding of " in location and participation" in Urban transformation is very important factor in achieving democratic, transparency, dialouge, equality and participatory society. But many times the concept of participation in the planning and implementation stages of urban transformation is quite neglected. To applicate Urban renewal by a single person, institution or organization leads to the formation of many problems. A multi-actor participation must be ensured by incorporating local people, civil society organizations and academics in planning and implementation process so for the experience, the inclusion of local people in urban renewal projects ise one of the important steps in achieving succes shows. Main topic of the last decade about urban transformation intensified in participation policy of local people. Local conditions, contribution of local actors are some of the shaping tools of Project process about the participation policy for an "in location and participation" policy a study about the local citizens is important for the loyalty of the local people when carrying out a participatory urban regeneration projects, public organizations and local public informational meetings, conducting surveys and referendums, the creation of task forces, advisery councils, the establishment of "participation" in terms of policy is required. Urban transformation projects applied in the world is mainly focused rent, and most of the time rent is being shared by the new owners rather than the former property owner. City and property rights violations, urban tissue loss interms of sustainability issues such as lack of "appopriate and participatory transformation" on the agenda and the importance of the concept reveals more because of implementation of the Project.

The article analyses, in a comparative perspective, the phenomenon of the evolution of the protection of surviving spouse's inheritance rights in France and Lithuania, the two legal systems historically having some points of interaction. The protection of the surviving spouse is one of the major preoccupations of married couples of today, the couple occupying a central role within the contemporary family. Comparative analysis reveals certain points of convergence between these two legal systems inasmuch the surviving spouse is considered by both legislations as an heir ab intestat and whose protection over the years has been considerably strengthened. The surviving spouse is called to inherit alongside with the heirs of the first or second order and is entitled to the proportions in assets that have not ceased to increase. Lithuanian law seems to have been innovative at an earlier stage than French law, as it is only in the beginning of the 21st century that significant reforms were carried out in this area of law in France. Analysis has also revealed apparent differences in the scope of protection of the surviving spouse, both in regards to the protection provided by law (statutory protection), as well as protection organised by the will of the spouses (voluntary protection). In some respects the statutory protection is more extensive in France (for example, complementary statutory rights of the spouse in regards to the dwelling place or the quality of héritier réservataire) and the instruments of this protection seem to be more varied (for example, the possibility for the spouses to organise their matrimonial regime by inserting specific clauses into the nuptial contract, mechanisms outside the nuptial contracts, such as donations, wills or life insurance contracts). However, this protection might appear to be more extensive under Lithuanian law as far as the voluntary protection is concerned taking into account the introduction, by the new Lithuanian Civil Code of 2000, of the joint will of spouses under which the whole property of the deceased spouse shall be inherited by the surviving spouse (except the mandatory share of succession). The article raises some doubts as to the desirability or even feasibility of aligning the two models of protection given the fact that each of the two countries has its own history and traditions. Nevertheless, a proposition resurges from the analysis in regard to the possible improvement of the protection of the rights to the dwelling place of the surviving spouse under Lithuanian law. Some elements from the existing French model could be transposed given that the dwelling place is an essential family element providing some stability for the surviving spouse. ; Straipsnyje lyginamuoju aspektu analizuojama sutuoktinio paveldėjimo teisės raida Prancūzijoje ir Lietuvoje, dviejose šalyse, kurių teisinės sistemos, žvelgiant iš istorinės perspektyvos, yra turėję nemažai sąlyčio taškų. Pergyvenusio sutuoktinio teisių apsauga yra vienas iš svarbiausių šiuolaikinės šeimos ir paveldėjimo teisės klausimų. Lyginamoji analizė atskleidė tam tikrus dviejų teisinių sistemų panašumus šioje srityje. Tiek pagal Lietuvos, tiek pagal Prancūzijos teisę pergyvenęs sutuoktinis laikomas įpėdiniu ab intestat ir jo teisinė apsauga laikui bėgant yra vis labiau stiprinama. Pergyvenęs sutuoktinis paveldi su pirmos arba antros eilės įpėdiniais, o jam tenkančios paveldimo turto dalys, keičiantis teisiniam reglamentavimui, tampa vis didesnės. Lietuvos teisė anksčiau už Prancūzijos teisę yra pripažinusi sutuoktiniui gana plačios apimties paveldėjimo teises, kadangi esminės reformos šioje teisės srityje Prancūzijoje buvo įvykdytos tik XXI amžiaus pradžioje. Tyrimas atskleidė ir skirtumų sutuoktinio teisinės apsaugos srityje. Pergyvenusio sutuoktinio įstatyminė apsauga Prancūzijoje gali būti vertinama kaip platesnės apimties, turint omenyje papildomas teises, kurias įstatymas pripažįsta sutuoktiniui į gyvenamąją patalpą (pvz., teisė likti gyventi mirusio sutuoktinio būste vienerius metus po jo mirties ir pan.), taip pat jam pripažįstamas héritier réservataire statusas, o ir praktikoje naudojamos apsaugos priemonės yra įvairesnės, pavyzdžiui, sutuoktinių teisė vedybų sutartyje numatyti specialias santuokinio turto režimo sąlygas, taip pat dovanojimas, testamentai ar gyvybės draudimo mechanizmai. 520 |a Tačiau tam tikrais aspektais sutuoktinių valia nustatoma apsauga gali būti platesnės apimties pagal Lietuvos teisę, pavyzdžiui, turint omenyje 2000 m. priimto Lietuvos civilinio kodekso įvestą naujovę – bendrąjį sutuoktinių testamentą, pagal kurį po vieno sutuoktinio mirties visą mirusiojo turtą paveldi pergyvenęs sutuoktinis (išskyrus privalomąją palikimo dalį). Straipsnyje abejojama dėl galimybės ar būtinumo suvienodinti abu teisinės apsaugos modelius, kadangi kiekviena iš analizuotų valstybių turi savo istoriją ir tradicijas. Tačiau remiantis Prancūzijos teisės pavyzdžiu, formuluojamas pasiūlymas apsvarstyti galimybę Lietuvos teisėje praplėsti pergyvenusio sutuoktinio teisių apsaugą, suteikiant jam teisę laikinai naudotis gyvenamąja patalpa, kurioje sutuoktiniai gyveno iki vieno iš jų mirties.

El proceso de i) adecuación de la legislación a los mandatos de la Constitución, y de ii) aplicación directa de los principios constitucionales a las relaciones jurídicas de las personas en diferentes ámbitos (civil, de familia, laboral, penal, procesal, etc.), se le llama constitucionalización del ordenamiento jurídico. Con respecto a la constitucionalización del derecho de infancia y adolescencia, debemos señalar que la primera condición de la constitucionalización, esto es, la adecuación de la legislación interna a los postulados constitucionales ocurre a partir de la expedición de la Constitución Política de 1991, porque: a) Allí se incorporan los derechos de los niños en el texto constitucional (artículos 42 inciso 6º, 44, 45, 53, 67 y 68); y b) Como consecuencia de la inclusión de la Convención Internacional sobre los Derechos del Niño a la Constitución a través del bloque de constitucionalidad, se constituye este Tratado en parámetro constitucional para verificar si las actuaciones del legislador, de las entidades públicas y de los particulares se adecúan a los mandatos constitucionales. La segunda condición que permite afirmar la constitucionalización del derecho de infancia y adolescencia en Colombia es la aplicación directa de los principios constitucionales a las relaciones jurídicas de las persona. En este punto la jurisdicción constitucional, en cabeza de la Corte Constitucional, aplicando los principios de i) no discriminación; ii) vida, supervivencia y desarrollo; iii) interés superior del niño; y iv) participación infantil; estructurantes de la Convención Internacional sobre los Derechos del Niño: a) Desarrolla desde 1992 líneas jurisprudenciales sobre asuntos como: i) la educación de los niños sin consideración a factores como la edad o la discapacidad; ii) el suministro de medicamentos, tratamientos o aparatos médicos; y la realización de procedimientos quirúrgicos a niños, para que desde los puntos de vista psíquico, emocional y social, estos desarrollen plenamente su personalidad; iii) la imposición de deberes de actuación a las autoridades públicas, los particulares y los padres; y iv) la manifestación del consentimiento de los niños cuando ellos deban someterse a intervenciones quirúrgicas. b) Interpreta y modifica normas legales anteriores a la Constitución Política de 1991, para que puedan aplicarse a las relaciones jurídicas de las personas conforme a los principios constitucionales. ; The process of i) adequacy of the legislation to the mandates of the Constitution, and of ii) direct application of the constitutional beginning to the juridical relations of the persons in different areas (civilian, of family, labor, penal, procedural, etc), calls him constitucionalización of the juridical classification. With regard to the constitucionalización of the right of infancy and adolescence, we must indicate that the first condition of the constitucionalización, this is, the adequacy of the internal legislation to the constitutional postulates happens from the expedition of the Political Constitution of 1991, because: a) There the rights of the children join in the constitutional text (articles 42 clause 6 º, 44, 45, 53, 67 and 68); and b) As consequence of the incorporation of the International Convention on the Laws of the Child to the Constitution across the block of constitutionality, this Agreement is constituted in constitutional parameter to check if the actions of the legislator, of the public entities and of the individuals adecuan to the constitutional mandates. The second condition that allows to affirm the constitucionalización of the right of infancy and adolescence in Colombia is the direct application of the constitutional beginning to the juridical relations of the persona. In this point the constitutional jurisdiction, at the top of the Constitutional Court, applying the beginning of i) not discrimination; ii) life, survival and development; iii) top interest of the child; and iv) infantile participation; structuring of the International Convention on the Laws of the Child: a) Develops from 1992 jurisprudential lines on matters as: i) the education of the children without consideration to factors like the age or the disability; ii) the supply of medicines, treatments or medical devices; and the accomplishment of surgical procedures to children, in order that from the points of view psychic, emotional and social, these develop fully his personality; iii) the imposition of duties of action to the public authorities, the individuals and the parents; and iv) the manifestation of the assent of the children when they should surrender to surgical interventions. b) Interprets and modifies legal procedure previous to the Political Constitution of 1991, in order that they could be applied to the juridical relations of the persons in conformity with the constitutional beginning. ; Maestría

Migrations from Yugoslavia to Germany have a long tradition. There have been various economic and social causes, and in some periods even political ones for that phenomenon. Taking into consideration the historical aspect and also the contemporary migration flows, the dynamics of migrations of the Yugoslav population to Germany has the following stages in its development. The first stage had begun in late XIX century and ended with the World War I. Although the overseas migration flows prevailed, yet the German agriculture and its mine industry attracted a part of the Yugoslav population. Between the two world wars mostly "Westfahl Slovenes" and Croats and Serbs from Bosnia-Herzegovina got "temporary employed" in the Rhine-Westfahl industrial area, along with several thousand Serb-Croat-Slovene agricultural seasonal workers per year. The second stage began immediately after the Second World War when most of about 200,000 citizens from the former Yugoslavia, being mostly refugees, moved from the West European to overseas countries, but some of them stayed in Germany. Involuntary migrants and refugees, however, returned in great number from Germany to Yugoslavia. At that stage non-extradition of war criminals on the part of the West occupying powers on German territory, then disregard of West German Governments of the anti-Yugoslav activities of the part of extreme Yugoslav emigration, and different interpretation of the bilateral agreement on extradition, became the essential problem in relations between SFR Yugoslavia and FR Germany. The third stage in development of migrations commenced in early 1960s. At that time, Germany and other Western countries became prominently immigrational, while since mid-1960s till 1973 economic emigrants from Yugoslavia became more and more important in the German economic space. From 1954 to 1967 migration of Yugoslav citizens had not yet been intensive and their intention was mostly to work abroad. Illegal employment was, however, prominent at that time. Due to the normalisation of political relations, re-establishment of diplomatic relations and conclusion of bilateral agreements that legally defined employment of foreign workers, since 1968 till 1973 a great number of Yugoslavs got employed in FR Germany. The contemporary migrations from FR Yugoslavia to Germany resulted from the economic and political crisis in the former SFRY as well as from the civil wars that were waged in the Yugoslav territory. FR Germany became the most important destination country of Yugoslav migrants - workers, refugees, false asylum-seekers and political emigrants. Different categories of migrants from Yugoslavia to Germany enjoy the treatment that is in accordance with the immigration policies of the German governments as well as with the degree of development of the German-Yugoslav political and economic relations, and the degree of the established co-operation in the field of legal assistance and social welfare. Migrant workers, who have legally regulated their employment and residence status, could in the future expect to gain assistance from their mother country in getting efficient protection of their rights and interests in all stages of the migration process. Numerous migrants asylum-seekers, in spite of the proclaimed international protection, share, however, the fate resulting from the politically motivated measures and actions taken by the German authorities within the arbitrary decision-making of the right and/or abuse of the right to asylum. This is the reason why as early as in late 1994 the Government of FRG announced that it would expel foreigners from the country. The remaining refugees, or actually the so-called false asylum-seekers in FR Germany, share the fate of forced repatriation. Within this category special emphasis should be placed on the attitude of the German government to the Albanians and Roma from Kosovo. At first, the Germans treated the Albanians from Kosovo as politically persecuted persons, offering them refuge. Then they declared them (and Roma also) to be false asylum-seekers and insisted on readmission - their gradual repatriation to Kosovo. Considering both positive and negative implications of the migration process, the key issue for the citizens from Serbia and Montenegro who live in Germany remains the following: maintenance of their national identity, cherishing of their mother tongue and culture, keeping up relations with their mother country, social gathering - in various associations, clubs and organisations, education in their mother tongue, what particularly includes comprehensive additional teaching for children in Serbian, as well as better information dissemination.

The fiscal theory of the price level says that the price level can be made determinate if the government uses fiscal policies such that government liabilities explode unless the price in the first period is at the "right" level. The policy implications are disturbing, as they call for rather adventurous fiscal policies. We show that these disturbing policy implications are specific to the "Ricardian" models that have been used to develop the theory. By moving to "non Ricardian" models we see that price determinacy is consistent with reasonable fiscal policies. ; La "théorie fiscale des prix" nous dit que, dans les cas où la politique monétaire conduit à une indétermination des prix, cette indétermination pourra être levée si le gouvernement met en oeuvre des politiques fiscales telles que les dettes gouvernementales "explosent", sauf si les prix sont au "bon" niveau en première période. Les implications de cette théorie pour la politique économique sont évidemment très risquées. On montre dans cet article que ces prescriptions inquiétantes sont spécifiques au cadre "Ricardien" dans lequel ces théories ont été développées. Si on passe à un cadre "non Ricardien", la détermination des prix est compatible avec des politiques fiscales tout à fait raisonnables.

All political philosophy is presented as a reflection on the right order. It is crossed by relations between violence and politics. What does the policy of violence tell us? To what views do these reports refer to human humanity and the basis of sociality? Two figures help to understand the question: the refoulement of violence as the foundation of the authority; recognition of violence as a basis for interaction. On the basis of these two figures, it is possible to understand what the relationship between assomption or denial of violence, on the one hand, and the definition of policy, on the other, means today. ; Toute la philosophie politique se présente comme une réflexion sur l'ordre juste. Elle est traversée par les rapports qui s'instituent et se déploient entre violence et politique. Que nous dit le politique de la violence ? À quelles conceptions de l'humanité de l'homme et du socle de la socialité ces rapports renvoient-ils ? Deux figures permettent de comprendre la question : le refoulement de la violence comme fondation de l'autorité ; la reconnaissance de la violence comme fondation de l'interaction. À partir de ces deux figures, on peut comprendre ce que signifient, aujourd'hui, les rapports entre l'assomption ou le refus de la violence, d'une part, la définition du politique, d'autre part.

The purpose of this issues note is to review the experience in and outside the World Bank of using different diagnostic tools in fragile state situations. It will identify trends in the use of such tools, lessons learnt, and arrive at suggestions for the future. Because governance has continued to be a major concern in the international community, over the years this has led to a growing diversity in the application of the concept. With this diversification the types of assessment in use have also increased, a process that reflects two things. First, each agency tends to design an assessment to meet its own program needs. Second, diagnostic tools have often fallen short of expectations leading agencies to develop new ones, including more recently political economy studies that go beyond what was at least until recently mainstream types of assessing governance. Accepting the diversity of definitions and assessments, this note does not intend to review the whole field. A diagnostic tool here refers to the approach and methodology used in assessing governance. Choice of tool has a direct bearing on how an activity is designed and carried out. Making the right choice, therefore, is important. A tool may become 'main stream' and the original rationale for its use disappears. It is applied because everyone else is using it or there is pressure to use the same tool as others. A shift to other tools, however, may become necessary because existing tools do not deliver. Such a shift is occurring in the governance field where a focus on institutions is being increasingly complemented, if not replaced, by a studies of underlying political economy factors. This Note tries to trace this process by highlighting both specific and more general experiences with tools used to assess governance. Fragile states or situations are not typical but they give rise to governance challenges that more than other contexts test the limits of particular tools. This becomes an especially important issue given that what works in countries that are not fragile seems to fall short of the same achievement in fragile situations.

Жилищное законодательство рассматривается в статье как совокупность или система общеобязательных правовых актов, посредством которых устанавливаются, изменяются или отменяются жилищно-правовые нормы. Изучается состав жилищного законодательства, в который входят федеральные жилищные законы и иные принятые в соответствии с ними правовые акты, а также законы и иные правовые акты субъектов Российской Федерации. Сопоставляются понятия «жилищное право» и «жилищное законодательство». Делается вывод о том, что жилищное право, которое включает нормы жилищного законодательства и других актов, содержащих жилищные нормы, по составу правовых норм объемнее, чем жилищное законодательство. Полученный вывод позволяет сформулировать рекомендацию относительно корректировки действующих положений Жилищного кодекса РФ. Обосновано, что действие жилищного законодательства распространяется на разнородные общественные отношения, к которым применяются различные методы правового регулирования, хотя указанные отношения и подпадают под собирательное понятие «жилищные отношения». В качестве основополагающей тенденции отмечается устойчивая интенсификация работы по формированию регионального жилищного законодательства большинства субъектов РФ и органов местного самоуправления в области жилищных отношений. Поднимается проблема отмены принятых субфедеральных актов в связи с нарушением органами государственной власти и местного самоуправления пределов своих полномочий и принятием актов по вопросам, которые не относятся к их компетенции. На примере конкретных положений действующего жилищного права изучено соотношение ГК РФ и ЖК РФ. Выделяются основные направления и меры по совершенствованию жилищного права, требующие скорейшей реализации на законодательном уровне в свете заявленной темы. ; Housing legislation is considered in the article as totality or system of mandatory regulations, which establish, modify or cancel housing law. We study the structure of the housing legislation, which includes federal housing laws and other laws adopted in accordance with their legal acts, as well as laws and other legal acts of the Russian Federation. The authors compare the concepts of "housing law" and "housing legislation". The conclusion is that the housing law, which includes the norms of the housing legislation and other acts containing housing norms in is more substantial in content. This conclusion allows us to formulate a recommendation on the adjustment of the existing provisions of the Housing Code of the Russian Federation. It is proved that the effect of the housing legislation is applicable to diverse social relations, which are subject to a variety of methods of legal regulation, although these relationships are subject to a collective notion of "housing relations". The authors reveal the underlying trend of a steady intensification of work on the formation of the regional housing legislation in the majority of subjects of the Russian Federation and local self-government bodies in the field of housing relations. It raises issues of cancellation received sub-federal acts in connection with the violation of state authorities and local self-limits of its powers and the adoption of acts on issues that are not relevant to their competence. For example, the specific provisions of the current housing law studied the relation of the Civil Code and Housing Code. The article singles out the main directions and measures to improve housing rights, requiring speedy implementation at the legislative level.

Effective judicial protection and due process of law are fundamental rights which are collected by the State Political Constitution. This means, that any person has the right to have justice done when it goes to court through a process, where we provide a set of rights and guarantees in its development, and that the decision is effective. Within the content of due process has the plurality of instances, which is accessed through the impugned resources that afforded us by the procedural system.The parties may request, or the court of its own motion may clarify the obscure concepts or correct material errors, numerical and spelling mistakes that may exist in the decisions they make. Similarly, the parties may ask the judge to complete (integrated) resolution in respect of controversial issues unresolved in the judgment.Our Civil Procedure Code regulates the issue of clarification, through two specific items: 406 and 407. The first regulates the clarification itself, and the second, the correction of judicial decisions. The clarification contains only one supposed, and is related to the presence of some obscure or dubious concept. While correcting of judicial decision includes: materials, numerical, spelling and also the possibility of complete resolution with a controversial issue unresolved errors in judgment.The deadlines for clarification and correction of judicial decisions are the same to file impugned resources. As such, it may not restrict the fundamental right of the defendant to use another instance to review the judicial decision, whether clarification or correction thereof is pending. The reasonable and sensible, to assert the right to file impugned resources is made within the framework of freedom, security and full knowledge of the judgment to be questioned, is that first the clarification and correction are resolved. In that sense, the deadline for filing the appeal should run from the date of notification of the decision or denies access and correction requested clarification.The arguments used to justify a decision regarding the deadline for filing the appeal in court seat, are perfectly valid to justify the same solution in the case of administrative decisions and arbitral awards. Accompanied by our Arbitration Law, Legislative Decree No. 1071, Article 58, that expressly regulates the issue of clarification and correction of arbitral award, establishing time limits applicable to answer them and to the arbitral tribunal to resolve them. And in Article 64, when it refers to the annulment process, says that the action for annulment brought before the competent Superior Court within twenty (20) days following the notification of the award days. When is sought rectification, interpretation, integration or exclusion of the award had been made or initiated by the arbitral tribunal, the appeal must be filed within twenty (20) days of notification of the final decision on these issues, or the expiration of the term to solve without the arbitral tribunal has ruled. ; La tutela jurisdiccional efectiva y el debido proceso, son derechos fundamentales que están recogidos por la Constitución Política del Estado. Significa ello, que todo justiciable tiene el derecho a que se le haga justicia, cuando acude al órgano jurisdiccional, a través de un proceso, donde se le brinden un conjunto de derechos y garantías en su desarrollo y que lo resuelto sea efectivo.Dentro del contenido del debido proceso tenemos la pluralidad de instancias, que se accede a través de los recursos impugnatorios que nos brinda el sistema procesal.Las partes pueden solicitar, o de oficio el juez puede aclarar los conceptos oscuros o corregir los errores materiales, numéricos y ortográficos que pudieran existir en las resoluciones que emiten. Igualmente, las partes pueden solicitar al Juez que complete (integre) la resolución respecto de puntos controvertidos no resueltos en la sentencia.Nuestro Código Procesal regula el tema de la aclaración, a través de dos artículos específicos, 406 y 407, regulando en el primero, la aclaración propiamente dicha y en el segundo, la corrección de la resolución. La aclaración, contiene un único supuesto y es el relativo a la presencia de algún concepto oscuro o dudoso; mientras que en la corrección existen los supuestos de corrección de errores materiales, numéricos, ortográficos y, además, la posibilidad de completar la resolución con algún punto controvertido no resuelto en la sentencia.Los plazos para la aclaración y corrección de resoluciones, son los mismos que rigen para los recursos de impugnación. Siendo así, no se podría limitar el derecho fundamental que tiene el justiciable para recurrir a otra instancia a que se revise la decisión, si es que está pendiente la aclaración o corrección de la misma. Lo razonable y sensato, para que el derecho a impugnar lo haga valer en el marco de libertad, garantía y de conocimiento cabal de la resolución que se va a cuestionar, es que primero se resuelva la aclaración y corrección. En ese sentido, el plazo para interponer el recurso de impugnación debe correr a partir de la fecha de notificación de la resolución que accede o deniega la aclaración y corrección solicitadas. Los argumentos esgrimidos para justificar una decisión respecto del plazo para interponer el recurso de impugnación en sede jurisdiccional, son perfectamente válidos para justificar la misma solución tratándose de resoluciones administrativas y de laudos arbitrales. Con la atingencia que nuestra la Ley de Arbitraje, Decreto Legislativo Nº 1071, en el artículo 58 regula expresamente el tema de la aclaración y corrección de los laudos, estableciendo plazos para interponerlos, para contestarlos y para que el tribunal arbitral los resuelva; y, en el artículo 64, cuando se refiere al trámite del recurso de anulación, señala que el recurso de anulación se interpone ante la Corte Superior competente dentro de los veinte (20) días siguientes a la notificación del laudo. Cuando se hubiere solicitado la rectificación, interpretación, integración o exclusión del laudo o se hubiese efectuado por iniciativa del tribunal arbitral, el recurso de apelación deberá interponerse dentro de los veinte (20) días de notificada la última decisión sobre estas cuestiones o de transcurrido el plazo para resolverlos, sin que el tribunal arbitral se haya pronunciado.

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