Suchergebnisse

The Zapatista National Liberation Army first came to prominence on 1 January 1994 when they attacked several cities in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas in protest against the NAFTA agreement. Though having been quickly defeated by the Mexican Army, the movement was able to reorganize and reinvent itself, moving from armed struggle to socio-cultural resistance, and embracing the new opportunities, provided by the development of communications, thus outlining the path that was to be taken by other movements. However, the activity and popularity of the movement declined significantly, presumably due to its inability to sustain the momentum in the long-run. The article is aimed at analyzing long-term challenges faced by the Zapatistas as a paradigmatic case for other movements seeking radical political change by non-military means. These include the ideological, organizational and communicative plains.First of all, the openness of the Zapatista worldviews has had a paradoxical effect. It proved to be highly useful in the short-term, when many groups and individuals were attracted by the Zapatistas' inclination to search for solutions rather than give final answers, by their pluralism and refutation of any hierarchy in power and knowledge. This, however, appeared as a self-defeating strategy when the Zapatistas had the possibility of constructing a nationwide reform movement and to propose a program for political change. This should be seen as a decisive moment, when the Zapatistas had to either betray their principle to 'lead by obeying' and to take initiative, or to risk losing the momentum, which was precisely what happened.The Zapatistas also failed to achieve substantive improvements in economic and social conditions of their communities. Although many Zapatista sympathisers were ready to accept hardship in the short run, later deep rifts and conflicts, especially over outside help, started to appear, with entire villages leaving the Zapatista front and siding with the government. The fact that the Zapatistas failed to create a viable practical alternative and to attract people even in their home region both diminished their credibility and led to an internal weakening of the movement.Finally, even though the Zapatistas were (and often still are) heralded for their innovative use of the Internet, this argument should also be reconsidered. While the movement has undoubtedly been successful in rallying support and spreading its message, the current situation appears to be less promising. Whereas the Zapatistas entered the Internet with no significant competition, the current surge and proliferation of information online as well as the loss of 'freshness' raises the costs of being heard significantly; furthermore, the bonds formed online tend to be fleeting and inconsistent, it appeared to be much more difficult to form stable supporters' networks. All this raises significant doubts over the Zapatistas' ability to remain effective in the long-term, something other radical movements should also take into account. ; Nors nuo pat 1994-ųjų zapatizmo judėjimui publikacijose tiek ispanų, tiek anglų kalba skirta daug dėmesio, reali raida parodė, kad daugeliu atvejų tyrinėtojų prognozės buvo pernelyg optimistinės. Nepaisant pradinio populiarumo bei inovatymumo, po 2006-ųjų pastebimas akivaizdus aktyvumo sumažėjimas ir paramos judėjimui nykimas, kartu – galimybės pasiekti realių pokyčių mažėjimas. Šiame straipsnyje norima, analizuojant zapatistų silpnėjimo priežastis, išsiaiškinti iššūkius, ilguoju laikotarpiu kylančius ne karinėmis priemonėmis radikalių politinių pokyčių siekiantiems judėjimams. Daugiausia dėmesio skiriama pasaulėžiūros nestruktūruotumui, negebėjimui pakankamai greitai sukurti "sėkmės istorijos" savo bendruomenėse bei virtualios komunikacijos ir mobilizacijos problemoms. Kadangi iki šiol Lietuvoje apie zapatizmą rašyta nedaug, kartu pateikiama būtiniausia informacija apie judėjimo veiklą ir kontekstą.

The article reviewes the basic stages of the common agricultural policy (CAP) in the EU during the period from 1957 to 2020. It shows that the key principles of the CAP are a common market; advantages of the EU products; financial solidarity. It proves that, along with significant advantages, at the beginning of the twentieth century CAP had serious flaws: food prices for European consumers were significantly higher than the average ones to finance CAP a significant portion of the EU budget was directed; unequal distribution of subsidies make revenue growth in most small farms impossible; the negativThe article reveals that the reforms «Agenda 2000» were developed taking into account of EU enlargement in order to implement the European model of agriculture, which provides some form of support in rural areas.The research demonstrates that the EU Common Agricultural Policy will have the main distinctive features by 2020: the transition from product support to direct support of agricultural producers; expansion of rural development, diversification of incomes in rural areas; the transition to the policy «horizontal modulation»; the allocation of targeted subsidies on the development of depressed areas; the transition to the policy «cross liability»; implementation of special measures targeting agroecological direction; environmentally reasonable afforestation and conservation of agricultural land. ; В статье рассмотрены основные этапы становления совместной сельскохозяйственной политики (ССП) в странах ЕС в период с 1957 г. и в перспективе до 2020 г. Показано, что ключевыми принципами ССП является общий рынок; преимущества продукции ЕС; финансовая солидарность. Доказано, что наряду с существенными преимуществами ССП на начало ХХ века имела существенные недостатки: цены на продукты для европейских потребителей были значительно выше среднемировых; на финансирование ССП направлялась значительная часть бюджета ЕС; неравномерное распределение дотаций делало невозможным рост доходов в большинстве небольших фермерских хозяйств; негативные последствия от внедрения интенсивных сельскохозяйственных технологий. Установлено, что реформы «Agenda 2000» были разработаны с учетом расширения ЕС с целью реализации европейской модели сельского хозяйства, которая предусматривала внедрение определенных форм поддержки сельской местности.Показано, что совместная аграрная политика ЕС до 2020 г. имеет основные отличительные характеристики: переход от поддержки производства отдельных видов продукции к прямой поддержке сельскохозяйственных товаропроизводителей; расширение программ поддержки сельского развития, диверсификации доходов в сельской местности; переход к политике «горизонтальной модуляции»; выделение целевых субсидий на развитие депрессивных зон; переход к политике «перекрестной ответственности»; внедрение целевой поддержки специальных мероприятий агроэкологического направления; экологически целесообразного залеснения и консервация сельскохозяйственных земель. ; У статті розглянуто основні етапи становлення спільної сільськогосподарської політики (ССП) в країнах ЄС в період з 1957 р. і в перспективі до 2020 р. Показано, що ключовими принципами ССП є спільний ринок; переваги продукції ЄС; фінансова солідарність. Доведено, що поряд з істотними перевагами ССП на початок ХХ століття мала суттєві недоліки: ціни на продукти для європейських споживачів були значно вищими від середньосвітових; на фінансування ССП спрямовувалася значна частина бюджету ЄС; нерівномірний розподіл дотацій унеможливлював зростання доходів у більшості невеликих фермерських господарств; негативні наслідки від впровадження інтенсивних сільськогосподарських технологій. Встановлено, що реформи «Agenda 2000» були розроблені з урахуванням розширення ЄС з метою реалізації європейської моделі сільського господарства, яка передбачала впровадження певних форм підтримки сільської місцевості.Показано, що спільна аграрна політика ЄС до 2020 р. має основні відмінні характеристики: перехід від підтримки виробництва окремих видів продукції до прямої підтримки сільськогосподарських товаровиробників; розширення програм підтримки сільського розвитку, диверсифікації доходів у сільській місцевості; перехід до політики «горизонтальної модуляції»; виділення цільових субсидій на розвиток депресивних зон; перехід до політики «перехресної відповідальності»; запровадження цільової підтримки спеціальних заходів агроекологічного спрямування; екологічно доцільного заліснення та консервація сільськогосподарських земель.

Российский механизм международной помощи пока нельзя считать полностью созданным, результатом чего является преимущественное использование каналов доставки помощи, принадлежащих и управляемых международными организациями, и слабость собственных каналов реализации программ помощи.Как следствие, при значительных расходах бюджета и частного сектора на цели содействия международному развитию в последнее десятилетие Россия пока не смогла получить соответствующих этим расходам выгод в виде позитивного развития взаимоотношений с некоторыми ближайшими соседями и соответствующего развития экономических отношений.Основным результатом двух утвержденных президентом Российской Федерации документов концептуального характера 2007 и 2014 гг. в сфере содействия международному развитию явилось понимание того, что эту область необходимо рассматривать в качестве одного из направлений внешнеполитической деятельности. Однако из-за отсутствия необходимого набора распорядительных решений Россия остается единственным государством среди крупных стран-доноров, у которого отсутствует специфический законодательный акт, регламентирующий основные понятия в сфере содействия международному развитию, цели и задачи, распределение полномочий государственных органов по регулированию, принятию и исполнению решений, функции национального оператора, принципы планирования расходов.Важнейшие из заявленных в концептуальных документах целей российского содействия международному развитию носят глобальный, альтруистичный и размытый характер и вряд ли могут быть достигнуты имеющимися в распоряжении ограниченными ресурсами. В силу значительной накопленной инерции проведения операций двустороннее сотрудничество России со странами получателями помощи осуществляется на основе решений, принимаемых по конкретным потребностям, а долгосрочное программно-целевое планирование не применяется.В статье рассмотрено создание национального механизма международной помощи на основе его важнейших элементов нормативной базы, терминологии, целеполагания, планирования, способов принятия решений, каналов доставки помощи, учета и оценки, а также информационного обеспечения. Показано, что формирование основных компонентов не завершено, несмотря на запущенный в середине 2000-х годов процесс создания национального механизма международной помощи в сочетании с инструментами«мягкой силы».На основании сравнительного анализа нормативных актов сформулированы предложения относительно создания недостающих элементов механизма оказания содействия международному развитию в интересах повышения его эффективности и результативности. ; The process of creating a Russian framework for assistance in international development remains incomplete. Consequently, Russia uses aid delivery channels that primarily belong to and are managed by international organizations, and its own channels for implementing aid programmes are weak. Despite significant government and private sector expenses to support international development objectives over the last decade, Russia has not yet achieved the level of benefits expected to correspond to these expenditures in the form of the positive development of relationships and economic relations with some neighbouring countries. The major result of two conceptual documents on international development assistance adopted by the Russian president in 2007 and 2014 has been an understanding that development assistance should be an element of foreign policy. The most important objectives articulated in the conceptual documents are of a global, altruistic or vague character and can hardly be achieved with limited resources. Because of the significant momentum created by ongoing operations, Russia's bilateral partnerships with aid recipients are based on ad hoc decisions without any long-term planning to achieve targets. This article analyses the Russian framework for international aid through an examination of its major elements — legislative base and terminology, goal setting, planning, methods of decision making, channels for aid delivery, accounting and evaluation, as well as informational support. The article finds that although the creation of this framework began in the mid 2000s using instruments of soft power, key components remain unformulated. Using a comparative analysis of legislative acts, the article suggests ways to create the missing elements to help increase the efficiency and effectiveness of Russia's international development aid.

Рассматриваются дохристианские религии венгров эпохи обретения родины (Х в.). На основе анализа археологических, этнографических, лингвистических и письменных источников автор пришёл к выводу о существовании у древних венгров единой системы верований, соответствующей шаманизму с его тройственной вертикалью мироздания (верхний, средний, нижний миры) и многообразием духов в пантеонах каждого уровня. Особое почитание имел высший небесный пантеон, известный в науке как тенгризм. Сложившаяся у венгров религиозная система была аналогичной существовавшим в ранних государственных образованиях евразийских кочевников (тюрков, уйгуров, хазар, гуннов, авар). ; The question about what nature Hungarian religion had before Christianity has been interesting for Hungarian science since the 18th century. Shaman burials of the 10th century were excavated as well as many artifacts with symbols and attributes of the World Tree, the centerpiece of shamanistic universe. The relics of shamanism, close to one of Siberian peoples, stayed among Hungarians to the middle of the 20th century. There are very insufficient written Arabian sources of 9th and 10th centuries, reporting that «Hungarians are fire-worshipers» that simply means they were pagans. It was all about the religion of Hungarians. The new knowledge was found in the geographical works by al-Bakri (1068): «There is a nation that has no other deity except the sublime God. They believe in the Lord of Heaven as the Only and Almighty». The pagan religion of Hungarians of the 10th century before Christianity in no case was identical with the shamanism of Siberian peoples of the 19th century. Their religion was similar to one of Khazars (also semi-nomadic nationhood), and resembled one of Turkic. This religion is commonly called Tengrism. I. Dienes called it «pagan state religion» for Hungarians of the 10th century. It is indeed possible that Hungarian sacred prince was at the same time the «supreme shaman», who was surrounded by the similar «shaman aristocracy» as it is known in eastern countries. So far Hungarian rulers held both political and religion power. There also were many shamans who dealt with «ordinary people». After Christianization they remained, though secretively, but the top layer of «white shamans» was cut off. This «pagan state religion» as multicolored shamanism had a strongly syncretic character; from their neighborhood eastern areas Hungarians used ready-made foreign pieces of many religious communities, even of Byzantine Christianity. For example the archaeological plate of a belt bag from Tisabezded village with Hungarian, Iranian and Byzantine objects show it very well. However, even a highly developed variant of shamanism cannot perform the function of the state religion neither in nomadic nor in settled societies. For this purpose, only dogmatic religions can exist, especially world religions with the well-developed organization when Church can be the basis for the secular authorities. This is the reason why empires of the East adopt one of world religions as a state religion (even the typical nomadic state the Golden Horde embraced Islam). Semi-nomadic Hungarians very fast adopted Christianity, not long after they found their new Motherland in the Carpathian Basin. The «pagan state religion» (Tengrism) was a transition state between the former shamanism and state religion as well as the sacred Principality of semi-nomadic societies was between a tribal state and a real state. Both of them had the important function in Hungarian history. They considerably simplified the formation of the state of the European type and the adoption of Christianity, the both of which represent the guarantee of survival for the people came from Eastern.

INTRODUZIONE/RIASSUNTO Il dibattito e i tentativi di riforma del bicameralismo perfetto, ed in particolare del Senato, hanno caratterizzato la Repubblica italiana fin dalle sue origini; è stata sempre avvertita infatti, la sensazione che una revisione del sistema parlamentare avrebbe garantito un migliore funzionamento dello Stato, una risposta più adeguata alle aspettative dei cittadini, oltre a rappresentare un punto di partenza per una rinascita economica e sociale. Il presente lavoro si propone, prima di tutto, di realizzare uno studio sul tentativo di riforma del Senato e del bicameralismo paritario proposto dal Governo Renzi, al quale sarà interamente dedicato il IV Capitolo. Tuttavia, al fine di realizzare un'analisi più completa possibile, ho deciso di iniziare da molto più lontano, incentrando il I Capitolo sul modello di bicameralismo previsto dallo Statuto Albertino, per poi analizzare l'evoluzione da esso subita in Assemblea Costituente, verso la configurazione attuale. Il II Capitolo invece tratta dei principali orientamenti, spesso concretizzatisi in veri e propri tentativi di riforma, circa il superamento dell'assetto bicamerale perfetto "costruito" in Assemblea Costituente, partendo dalle prima Legislatura della Repubblica italiana fino ad arrivare ai tempi più recenti; su questa linea prosegue il III Capitolo, che tratta degli ultimi due tentativi di revisione costituzionale riguardanti il Senato ed il bicameralismo perfetto, cioè il Comitato dei Saggi istituito dal Presidente della Repubblica Giorgio Napolitano e la Commissione per le riforme costituzionali istituita dall'allora Presidente del Consiglio Enrico Letta. Il V Capitolo invece si propone di realizzare una comparazione tra gli attuali modelli di seconda Camera e di bicameralismo degli Stati Uniti e dei principali Stati europei caratterizzati da una forma di Stato federale o da un decentramento territoriale accentuato, rispetto ai quali, in seguito alla riforma del Titolo V della seconda parte della Costituzione, il nostro Paese ormai presenta diverse similitudini. ABSTRACT Debate and attempts to reform the perfect bicameralism, and particularly the Senate, have characterized the Italian Republic since its origins; was always perceived in fact, the feeling that a revision of the parliamentary system would ensure a better functioning of the State, a more appropriate response to citizens' expectations, as well as representing a starting point for an economic and social renaissance. The present work, it is proposed, first of all, to conduct a study on the attempt to reform the Senate and of the equal bicameralism put in place by the Government Renzi, which will be entirely dedicated Chapter IV. However, in order to achieve a more complete analysis possible, I decided to start from much further away, focusing on the I Chapter of bicameralism model provided by the Statute Albertino, and then analyze the evolution from it suffered in the Constituent Assembly, to the current configuration. The Chapter II instead is the major orientations, often been invoked in real attempts at reform, about overcoming of the bicameral perfect "built" in the Constituent Assembly, starting from the first legislature of the Italian Republic up to the more recent times; on this line continues the Chapter III, which deals with the last two attempts at constitutional amendment regarding the Senate and the perfect bicameralism, that the Committee of Wise Men set up by President Giorgio Napolitano and the Commission for constitutional reforms instituted by the then President of Enrico Letta. The Chapter V instead aims to create a comparison between the current models of the second Chamber of bicameralism and the United States and key European states characterized by a form of federal state or a territorial decentralization accentuated, with respect to which, following the reform Title V of the second part of the Constitution, our country now has several similarities.

First, we focus on the relation between the phenomena of curriculum theory and didaktik, which in some way recalls the origins of our field, a recollection of the rela- tionship between curriculum and didaktik, or as further on and synonymously, called Didaktik, as interrelated research interests. Both betray the complexity of the phenomenon on which they focus, that is, public educa- tion. In recent years, there have been several endeavours which have attempted to contribute to the understanding of the political factors which influence public education. We have witnessed the ongoing observation of transna- tional spaces and fields, the expression of a convergence, a reassembling of the world, built on the foundations of transnational policy, and indeed scientific networks (Nordin & Sundberg, 2014). However, a complementary focus on Didaktik also reminds us that while policy might change, the practice often remains static, and vice versa (Anderson-Levitt, 2007). The Didaktik versus Curriculum Network was established over 20 years ago by Stefan Hopmann, Ian Westbury, Bjo ̈rg Gundem and colleagues to improve understanding and to develop analytical instruments concerning the relation between the organisa- tion of schooling in its nation-specific context. Their ideas and their subsequent development were a primary focus of the conference. Education takes place through curriculum enacted in specific classrooms in specific schools and universities, in specific neighbourhoods in specific municipalities. We must therefore conceptualise curriculum in relation to the different sites where it takes place. Here, we can also return to a historical recollection of the Nordic field, in particular, of curriculum theory, which draws significantly on the work of Basil Bernstein. His thoughts on how instruction is controlled by pace, sequence and selection (Bernstein, 1971) relate to the idea of didactical planning (Klafki, 2000). Moreover, the reasoning of Bernstein (1971) on code and message systems, that is, pedagogy, curriculum and evaluation can contribute to a further understanding of how different sites, from a national and transnational perspective, are interrelated. The ideas of Bernstein (1971) about framing and classifying finally lead us to the second theme of this special issue: the matter of spacing and scaling. In times where, through globalisation, the space of schooling is apparently being stretched and extended, our theorising needs to demonstrate a deep awareness of the concepts and devices which we apply when we consider this issue, in particular, the spatial aspects of the term 'transnational'. Stated differently, we need strong analytical devices to theorise where public education takes place, where it is governed from, or where it takes its inspiration from. However, we must also consider how spaces are con- structed beyond a transnational policy sphere (cf. Nordin & Sundberg, 2014), which also points to the relational aspect of 'transnational', who decides in favour of whom, about what and why? One final aspect of this issue should also be mentioned here. We are not concerned with the question of whether certain modes of coping with transnational curriculum issues are more or less sophisticated. We theorise rather how something takes form: which problems are identified, which solutions are preferred in which contexts and why? The use of the term context here covers all the levels, spaces, fields and spheres of public education: transna- tional, national, municipal, school or university level. The issue is divided into three sections: First we present the keynotes of the conference (Section 1), followed by Section 2, which concerns the revitalisation of the curricu- lum/didaktik relations. Section 3, Space reconsidered: Reframing curriculum theory, is the final part of this issue. For the sake of clarification, the terms Didaktik and didactics are used synonymously in the articles of this issue.

In most wealthy democracies as represented by long-term OECD-members, healthcare systems have been established which guarantee access to a broad package of health services. However, healthcare financing involves varying distributive effects and builds on different concepts of solidarity. Healthcare researchers have examined these equity issues in healthcare financing measuring the progressivity of healthcare financing using micro-level data. Most notably, the ECuity-project published progressivity indices in some European countries and the US for the late 1980s and early 1990s. Not least due to the rather complex procedure involved with the evaluation of income and expenditure surveys, such indices have been rarely calculated since. From these studies on redistributive effects, we know that the main modes of financing quite consistently correspond to different levels of progressivity. Moreover, financing modes reflect different concepts of solidarity. Therefore, we suggest an alternative indicator to explore equity issues in healthcare financing using aggregate spending and revenue data. The Index of Risk and Income Solidarity (IRIS) is based on the respective share of distinct modes of financing. We distinguish modes of financing which involve ex-ante redistribution of health risks from those which entail only ex-post redistribution or none at all. Further, we differentiate financing modes which are related to personal or household income from those which involve no income redistribution. We assume an increase of risk solidarity as well as a decline of income solidarity in the OECD-world. First of all, new and costly medical technologies drive the demand for ex-ante redistribution of health risks. At the same time, hopes to increase efficiency of healthcare provision through forms of co-payments have been disappointed. The decline of income solidarity is expected as a result of global competition. In order to reduce labour costs, OECD countries substitute social security contributions by flat-rate premiums or general taxes. In the light of global competition, governments also tend to strengthen indirect taxes since it is far more difficult to shift consumption abroad. Finally, we assume that it is easier to legitimize rising tobacco or alcohol taxes if they are ear-marked for healthcare financing. We examine these assumptions presenting time series of risk and income solidarity based on OECD health data, OECD revenue statistics and national aggregate data on healthcare financing. We cover eleven OECD countries: Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Japan, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the UK and the US. These countries reflect a broad spectrum of healthcare system types in the OECD-world. The observation period starts at the eve of the first oil crisis in the 1970s and ends at the onset of the Great Recession in 2009. ; In den meisten OECD-Ländern haben sich Gesundheitssysteme etabliert, die den allgemeinen Zugang zu umfassender medizinischer Versorgung sicherstellen. Die Finanzierung dieser Gesundheitssysteme hat unterschiedliche distributive Effekte zur Folge. Damit verbundene Gerechtigkeitsfragen wurden über die Messung des Progressivitätsgrades der Finanzierungs-instrumente erforscht. Insbesondere das ECuity-Project hat Progressivitätsindizes von einigen europäischen Staaten und den USA für die späten 1980er und die frühen 1990er Jahre veröffentlicht. Aufgrund der aufwändigen Berechnungsweise mit verschiedenen Individualdatensätzen wurden solche Indizes seither selten veröffentlicht. Auf Grundlage dieser Studien ist dokumentiert, dass die Finanzierungsquellen der Gesundheitssysteme mit unterschiedlichen redistributiven Effekten verbunden sind. Wir nutzen diese Informationen, um aus Aggregatdaten einen Indikator zu bilden, der Umverteilungswirkungen in der Finanzierungsdimension des Gesundheitssystems abbildet. Dabei unterscheiden wir auf der einen Seite Finanzierungsformen, die eine Umverteilung des Krankheitsrisikos bedeuten und auf der anderen Seite Finanzierungsformen, die eine Einkommensumverteilung einschließen, indem sie höhere Einkommen zumindest proportional stärker belasten. Aus dem Anteil der so charakterisierten Finanzierungsformen entwickeln wir einen Index der Risiko- und Einkommenssolidarität (IRIS). Ausgehend von einer starken Nachfrage nach Risikoumverteilung, um den Zugang zum Gesundheitssystem bei steigenden Kosten und Bedarfen zu gewährleisten, vermuten wir einen langfristigen Anstieg der Risikosolidarität. Dahingegen könnte die Einkommenssolidarität aufgrund von internationalem Wettbewerb um Investitionskapital schwächer werden. Diese Annahmen werden für 11 OECD-Länder (Australien, Belgien, Dänemark, Deutschland, Frankreich, Japan, die Niederlande, Kanada, die Schweiz, das UK und die USA) und einen Beobachtungszeitraum von 1970 bis 2009 untersucht.

This thesis examines the potential contribution of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) to the achievement of a positive peace in societies where violence has penetrated the social structure. The objective of the research is to explore how CSR can be designed to enable companies embracing a peace-oriented approach in conducting their businesses. CSR, in fact, is a well-established business practice, which is evolving along with the growing public demand for ethical, sustainable and responsible business performances. The research investigates how CSR can be functional to a shift from a business paradigm traditionally focused on profit maximization, to a peace business paradigm that considers social needs, equity and respect for the environment, values to be integrated at the core of business strategies and operations. CSR potential contribution to positive peace is investigated using structuration theory as a framework. Such perspective sets the premises for creating a model according to which companies are agents embedded in a social structure and able to interact with it through their CSR initiatives. The concept of positive peace has been chosen as the lens from where to look at the highlighted process ongoing in countries affected by structural violence. To meet the objective, the study relies on a case emerged from the context of Belize: the Belize Natural Energy Ltd.'s CSR profile and initiatives. Data come from 23 contributions in the form of semi-structured interviews and open conversations, providing insights into the Belizean culture of violence, the social role played in the country by the private sector, and in particular into the company's CSR strategies and initiatives. Data collected from the local informants denote that Belize is a country at peace in a very narrow sense, the country social structure is facilitating violence, and to foster peace a transformative approach is necessary. Moreover, they indicate that BNE Ltd.'s CSR is sound and consistent with the company mission, vision and values, and that its initiatives are able to positively influence society. The study findings suggest that if BNE Ltd. would invest its resources in integrating CSR into the core of all its operations and in monitoring the initiatives' impact on society recursively, the company could be a welcomed agent of change in Belize. The study findings ultimately indicate that CSR, in order to enable a significant structural change, need to be effective and profitable. In terms of effectiveness, CSR has to target social needs and structural issues specific of a local context via initiatives aimed at substantively impacting society, so as to reinforce the positive structures and transform instead the detrimental ones, thus preventing them from reproducing themselves. In terms of profitability, CSR has to be collectively endorsed and sustainable in time; in other words, consistent with company's values, embedded in the company culture, and ideally integrated in the company business operations. The study contributes in bringing evidence on the current debate on the redefinition of business value, as a shared value. In this context, companies need to find their modalities and incentives to shift from a profit-oriented mandate to a social one, from a traditional business paradigm to a peace business one, knowing that companies embracing such shift can actively contribute in transforming social structures promoting a positive peace Key words: Corporate Social Responsibility, positive peace, peace business, structural violence, Structuration Theory, structure, agent, Creating Shared Value, Belize, Belize Natural Energy Ltd.

International audience ; Introduction. Les politiques de durabilité qui ont réussi à infléchir les trajectoires urbaines ont été le fruit d'histoires et de coalitions d'acteurs singulières, fondées sur des prises de risque, des engagements dans la durée, des endurances, loin des chemins routiniers des politiques sectorielles. A l'opposé de la durabilité mainstream, certaines équipes municipales ont affronté les sentiers de dépendance, les obstacles et intérêts institués pour faire advenir avec plus ou moins de succès des approches transversales, comme le montre l'analyse des jeux d'acteurs dans une vingtaine de villes européennes (Emelianoff, Stégassy, 2010). Nous en donnerons ici trois exemples, à trois échelles : une petite commune périurbaine du bassin minier en France, une ville moyenne suédoise et une métropole italienne. Ces trois types de trajectoires ouvrent aujourd'hui encore des horizons d'action, pour ces villes et pour d'autres collectivités. Au-delà des contradictions inhérentes à une période de changement, de puissantes inerties et formes d'instrumentalisation limitent la portée des évolutions en cours dans le domaine du développement urbain durable. La plus paradoxale est celle de la croissance verte, qui ne parvient pas à découpler à un niveau global la production de richesses, de gaz à effet de serre, et la consommation de ressources naturelles, tout en laissant inchangés de nombreux environnements et populations en détresse, au nord comme au sud. Un autre paradoxe est le regain d'autorité ou de centralisme que peut susciter dans certains contextes les projets de développement urbain durable, alors que seule une appropriation des enjeux au niveau le plus fin peut infléchir les modes d'urbanité. Les croisements entre questions écologiques et sociales restent particulièrement difficiles, que ce soit à l'échelle locale ou planétaire. Pourtant, la restauration écologique a un fort potentiel de requalification des lieux. Elle joue à la fois sur un registre sensible et esthétique (qualité du cadre de vie, bien-être), un registre politique et social (vivre ensemble sur terre, capacitation) et un registre symbolique, mettant en jeu un rapport au monde, un espoir de réconciliation avec un monde dont les régulations écologiques et sociales sont gravement perturbées. Comprise en ce sens, l'action écologique est un levier inexploité de transformation politique et sociale. Une autre question clé est de parvenir à mettre en mouvement une ville bien au-delà des cadres techniques et professionnels qui la gèrent. Quid des synergies indispensables pour obtenir des effets de levier et de seuil ? Rendre à l'habitant la possibilité d'être un acteur conscient de son mode de vie et de son environnement, proche et lointain, c'est non seulement élargir son pouvoir d'action sur le monde, mais retrouver les voies d'une ambition politique forte en matière de développement durable ou de transition socio-écologique. D'autant que les modes de vie et de consommation ont un impact environnemental beaucoup plus déterminant que les économies autorisées par les performances environnementales du bâti ou des transports. Il est donc nécessaire de prendre du recul par rapport aux entrées plus classiques privilégiées par les villes en recherche de durabilité. Les inhibitions politiques, les pressions que les cadres et filières économiques infligent aux élus, ou encore la dualisation écologique à l'oeuvre à de multiples échelles, les îlots à haute qualité de vie alternant avec les territoires à basse qualité environnementale, mènent à des impasses qui appellent une démocratie d'une autre nature. Ces éléments de cadrage peuvent aider à apprécier les politiques présentées ci-dessous.

¿Cuál es la incidencia del genéro en la escritura? Si la pregunta les disgusta a muchos autores, lectores y críticos, para quienes la escritura debe considerarse en sí misma, constituye el meollo de la obra de la española Isabel Franc, desde su primera novela, Entre todas las mujeres, 1992, hasta la última, Elogio del happy end, 2013. Para ella, las formas y los contenidos del texto han de ser, transcribir y mostrar la feminidad en una postura totalmente identitaria y radicalmente militante, en este caso el lesbianismo, con distintas versiones experimentales en el despliegue de nuevos dispositivos narrativos y discursivos (principalmente mediante una práctica muy particular de los juegos intertextuales). El objetivo es desestabilizar las habituales coordenadas del punto de observación/y de enunciación para poner la realidad al revés, completamente feminizada (incluso en el uso generalizado del femenino genérico) y, más precisamente aún, lesbianizada, e imponer así otras miradas sobre el orden establecido. Tras haber establecido las bases ideológicas y «teóricas» en las que se asienta Franc y los contornos de su proyecto literario, este artículo se interesa por las diferentes fases de su recorrido, sigue todo un proceso de deconstrucciones y construcciones en la recuperación y reapropriación de modelos intelectuales, espirituales y culturales, entre muchos otros, de la España de la segunda mitad del siglo XX… El resultado de este estudio sistemático de la obra novelesca completa de la autora permite medir su verdadero alcance transgresivo, y también sus límites –su dimensión revolucionaria es, al fin y al cabo, y a pesar de todo, bastante reducida en la medida en que más allá de la «estricta» temática lésbica no abarca ni cuestiona los demás parametros de la formación/sedimentación identitaria ; con, sobre todo, una esquematización que no sabe ir mucho más allá del clásico sistema de dominaciones. Summary Does gender affects writing ? Asking this irritates many authors, readers and critics : they are convinced that writing has nothing to do with sex and gender. Still, this question inhabits the core of Isabel Franc (aka Lola Van Guardia)'s work, since her first novel, Entre todas las mujeres (1992), to her last one, Elogio del happy end (2012). To Franc, the text, its forms and contents must be, transcribe and brandish femininity in a statement of radical identity and political activism —that is lesbianism, as it happens, in many sorts of more or less experimental versions according to the use of narrative and discursive plans (above all, by using a very special kind of intertextuality). It aims to change the point of view and put reality upside down by making both characters and grammar feminine, and even lesbian, to force new ways of looking at established order. First, this paper defines the theoretical and ideological basis Franc erects her work on, then the outlines of her work (where she builds her authorself). It studies the different phases of this process, following its constructing and deconstructing by picking up and taking back intellectual, spiritual and cultural ideals of Spain in the second part of the twentieth century. A systematic analysis of Franc's novels allows to fully understand their transgressive impact as well as their limits: their revolutionary extent is ultimately rather small, because past the "sole" lesbian thematic, they don't cover nor question other factors of the creation/sedimentation of one's identity and simplify things so much that they can't be fully free of the classic system of domination.

Australian families are changing and parenthood is increasingly being seen as an individual choice. One important arena for exercising such choice is adoption, which can take place across national borders in the form of intercountry adoption. The report conducts research on country of origins as well as different voices of stakeholders in the intercountry adoption discourse. This ensures the complex and controversial nature of intercountry adoption is carefully understood. This also prevents a singular perspective on this phenomenon by intercountry adoption lobbyists and to make sure complex voices of adoptive parents, adoptees, first families as well as adoption professionals, and academics in Australia are equally heard. The key principle emphasised throughout the report, is that Intercountry Adoption is not a service for prospective adoptive parents and the best interests of the child needs to be protected. Research is conducted through case studies on countries of origins, examination of parliamentary documents, literature review on books, journals and newspaper articles, study of documentaries as well as semi-structured informal face-to-face interviews with adoptees, adoptive parents, adoption service providers and policy advisers. Results of findings shows that the declining Intercountry adoption rates in Australia is due to greater domestic regulation or ceasing of illegal and unethical practice in some countries of origins. To ensure best interests of the child are protected, there is also greater compliance with the minimum standards of The Hague Convention and the Subsidiarity Principle, which the author stresses as first priority, rejecting poverty as a legitimate reason for Intercountry Adoption on its own. Also, children's genuine adoptability needs to be assessed closely to ensure 'paper orphans' are not created. The next finding of the report is that the Abbott Government's introduction of a 'one shop stop' will not make a significant reduction on 'waiting time' as expanding time period for adoption processes is largely a result of processes in countries of origins. Australia's stringent eligibility and suitability assessment on prospective adoptive parents can be smoothened, but will not be reduced to ensure children are matched with the most suitable families. It is also important that prospective adoptive families are provided with domestic and overseas support beyond post adoption monitoring and they understand the full range of issues relevant to different stages of the child's life to provide the best outcome for the child. Another finding is that adoptees' best interest needs to be understood beyond adoption adjustment at a childhood level, especially with changing characteristics of adoptable children. The author discovers that post-adoption services for adoptees are deficient in Australia due to lack of funding and resources as well as not attaching sufficient importance to it. Lastly, to ensure each stakeholder has an equal say, contesting voices of first families are examined in the report to produce a fuller understanding of Intercountry Adoption and to ensure that singular perspective of adoption lobbyists, mainly prospective adoptive parents does not dominate the discourse. In conclusion, the author suggests that Australia's current ICA processes be delivered through a mixed model including accredited bodies, especially with considerable dissatisfactions with the current model. The author acknowledges that the analysis is incomplete due to the fact that extensive investigations of all stakeholders are limited due to temporal and fiscal restraints. The balanced collection of viewpoints provided is also hindered by the outspokenness of particular stakeholders. Lastly, stakeholder experiences mentioned are not experienced by all and only highlight common challenges.

Australia and China share a strong and rapidly growing trade and economic relationship. They share strong trade complementarities and have a well established trade framework. Expanding and building upon this relationship ensures long-term economic sustainability and regional security and is a priority of both nations. China is one of the world's largest and fastest growing economies providing unprecedented commercial opportunities for Australian organisations. A preferential trading agreement in the form of FT A with China, gives Australia the chance to secure a competitive edge over the rest of the world via increased access to the massive potential of the growing Chinese economy. Deeper integration of both economies resulting in the export of more sophisticated technologies is however, not without its associated risks. Companies that invest in China run the risk of exposing their valuable I P assets to unauthorised use and duplication via piracy and counterfeiting. This has serious implications for the viability of Australian businesses investing in China and impacts upon the long-term sustainability of the Chinese economy. Improving the protection afforded to IPR has been one of the main challenges faced by the Chinese government. Ascension to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) in 2001 and consequently the agreement on Trade-related aspects of intellectual property (TRIPS) has resulted in the formation of a world-class legal framework. China has a multifaceted approach to enforcement of IPR utilising the overlapping and complementary methods of the courts, customs officials, and administrative authorities who each have the power to invoke varying levels of administrative, judicial penalties for IPR violations. Despite this counterfeiting and piracy remain very real problems. The examples of patent of copyright law demonstrate several overlapping issues affect the practical application of IPR enforcement in China. Relatively low penalties for IP violations, the inconsistent award of damages, unauthorised duplication, local protectionism and corruption , high thresholds for criminal prosecution and lack of training and coordination continue to affect the operation of China's IPR system influencing Australian businesses to approach China with caution . Increasing the effectiveness of the operation of the Chinese IPR enforcement framework is achievable and should be a priority of both Australia and China in FTA negotiations. Australia, with its long history of IP protection and enforcement, is well positioned to assist China in developing appropriate responses to the problem of effective IPR enforcement. China should be encouraged to make the administrative and judicial authorities more effective. Simple measures such as publishing judicial reasons and clarifying legal thresholds in addition to increasing penalties for IPR infringement and delegating all responsibility for the management of IPR and supervision of local and provincial bodies to the State authorities will assist in combating local protectionism and further deter counterfeiters resulting in more effective IPR enforcement Additionally Australia and China should jointly encourage increased collaboration between business, industry and Government to ensure that appropriate resources and funding are allocated to enforcing IPR and education programs and awareness campaigns are pursed . Working together to voluntarily exchange information and provide additional training on enforcement issues will enable both nations to better understand the unique problems that confront I PR enforcement in China and enable them develop appropriate responses that are more likely to provide long-term satisfaction. The combination of Australia's comprehensive IP law and associated experience makes it a suitable choice to assist China in further improving the development, administration and enforcement of IPR creating a win-win situation for the future long term economic growth of both Australia and China.

Advancing Australia's interests in an ever-changing global market necessitates competitive, innovative action and acknowledgement that new markets cannot be governed geographically Seeking markets in which we have competitive and comparative advantages, and offering value with well tailored products will be a central theme. Given our public stance on competitive production in the private sector; opportunities exist for public sector assistance, which could take the form of policy change; greater analysis of available data; further raising domestic and international awareness of opportunities and requirements; and product range, respectively. Despite technological improvements in communication and transport, these are still perceived as one of the largest obstacles to trade . This perception and any reality it may present for trade in goods, highlights the ne ed for better marketing and increased awareness with those we plan to trade with; a change of focus from an export of goods to an increased export content of services, our fastest growing sector will change transport constraints. Our success in non-traditional regional market s in Asia involved greater cultural awareness and policy changes; showing that policy change is valuable as it has the potential to help trade, enabled broader understanding of cultural sensitivities and can help overcome ideological and other barriers to trade. Expanding trading partners enables greater producer security and helps ensure product competitiveness. To this end Australia is investigating trade and investment opportunities in North Africa; Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia. Historically their trade was linked to colonial and cultural ties , namely Europe and the Middle East. Entry into these emergent markets necessitates sophisticated, predictive techniques and a proactive approach that factors in cultural and political factors and the use of products which are tailored to needs yet competitive in price and quality. Weakening traditional trading partners; large labour forces ; rich resource bases and growing economies are increasingly providing trade opportunities in North Africa; yet Australia' s trade figures with the North Africa region have changed little in the past decade. How can we narrow the gaps that are preventing our successful trade? Other nonregional , non-traditional trading countries dominate the market. The US for example has to overcome considerable distance issues in transport and ideology. Price and the availability of well priced food needs (using subsidised agricultural products) would seem to play a part in their trade. What prevents our products being successful? We do not have such capacity to use price as a lever , nor subsidised food products; so product tailoring, and understanding needs and barriers will be vital to our successful trade. Understanding North Africa requires further investigation. The regions combined increasing economies and population makes it a sizeable market Australia can't afford to ignore. North African countries seek to diversify their markets, protect emerging industries and reduce their vulnerabilities. Combining technical assistance that delivers information, and increasing skills; there i s a win-win opportunity available for these countries and Australia, as we are well placed to deliver services as trade for their goods. Trade with Australia may also be perceived as reducing political vulnerabilities as we are perceived as somewhat isolated and independent. Relatedly, there may be flow-on effects for global security by working peacefully towards development of better governance and reducing terrorism incorporated in the delivery of services. Our well-developed democracy and service sector offer a competitive advantage which can improve relationships and enhance trade in our more traditional agricultural products for which export share is declining in percentage if not dollar terms. Importantly then, there can be short and long-term benefits.

The Commonwealth Green Paper is the first attempt at a government paper for the tourism industry. The ideas contained in it will go on to form the government white paper, which will then effect government policy and perhaps become an important part of the next election platform. The development of a plan for tourism has become important in the wake of a series of disruptions to the industry, such as the terrorist attacks of September llth the Bali bombings, Ansett's collapse and the SARS outbreak. The $32 Billion tourism industry experienced a 21% slump in international arrivals for May this year as compared with the previous year and has called on the government for help. A reform of the tourism industry is important to the Gilmore electorate as tourism accounts for a significant portion of both employment and incoming revenue. For example, the Wingecarribee Shire, better known as the Southern Highlands, is the tourism centre of the capital country region, and attracts 862 visitors daily. In the Shoalhaven the gross worth of the industry for 1997 was $384 million. The main strategic aims of the paper that have been attracting attention are the: * Restructure of the industry *Undertaking of marketing initiatives *Stabilising the industry through accreditation, diversification and investment in infrastructure The restructure of the tourism industry framework, the first undertaken in 40 years, is about achieving better coordination between local, state and commonwealth governments and the tourism industry. The changes include merging the Australian Tourism Commission, the main international marketing body, and See Australia, the domestic marketer. Establishing a dedicated events group ' Australian Tourism Events ' Merging the Bureau of Tourism Research and the Australian Forecasting Council into Australian Tourism Research to provide better research and information services to tourism operators for better decision making. And the streamlining of regional tourism by consolidating the 500 regional tourism offices into 30 for better management less duplication and maximisation of marketing budgets. The effect the restructure may have on Gilmore is difficult to determine. The restructure depends heavily on the cooperation of the states, who at this point, are not overly supportive of the plans. Marketing initiatives have been set forth, in an effort to boost the industry. The initiatives include niche marketing and there-branding of Australia. ' Brand Australia' will promote Australia as an experience rather than just a destination. The brand Australia initiative looks to improve Australia's reputation overseas and attract more international visitors. More visitors to Australia to some degree will mean more visitors to the region, which can only be beneficial. Niche marketing is a strategy that is already being haphazardly applied throughout the region. Greater knowledge of marketing principles and improved access to meaningful data will assist in further implementing and perfecting of this concept. For the Australian tourism industry to maintain growth, it needs to; have consistently high standards, be diverse and have suitable well maintained infrastructure. This can be obtained through education, regulation and accreditation programs, coupled with investment. Tourism accreditation programs raise the standard of Australia's tourism product, build consumer confidence and would empower the operators of Gilmore to make better business decisions. Investment in infrastructure for the Gilmore electorate would greatly reduce the barriers to growth that exist in Gilmore such as the limitations of transport infrastructure. While investment in tourism businesses would allow Gilmore to diversify. Strategies for implementing the Green Paper are thin on the ground and thus the transition period may be unsettling. However the paper contains many good ideas from which the Gilmore electorate stands to benefit in the long term.

The value and impact of quality teachers is immeasurable; they are the beating heart of the education system, and the school and student's most valuable resource. Australia currently enjoys a strong and internationally competitive education system, but continued improvement is essential, particularly in relation to teacher quality. The Government's National Partnership for Quality Teaching affirms this fact. When dealing with the issue of teacher quality, several key areas of consideration arise. These are explored throughout the report, and general principles and/or specific solutions are suggested in response to the challenges present in each area. First, the nature of quality teaching must be established. The definition of best- practice in teaching forms the basis of subsequent training, evaluation and reward, and also shapes the pedagogy by which teachers and the wider populace understand the profession. Quality teaching is both good (in that the methods and content are appropriate) and successful (in that student learning occurs). There has been a strong push in recent years to construct professional standards by which this quality can be assessed. Whilst the process of standard development and implementation is complex and involved, an exploration of the relevant literature reveals a list of general principles. Good standards will, for example, be teacher-driven, clearly articulated and research-based. In the face of a growing teacher shortage the need for quality entrants is pertinent. Internationally, various strategies have been employed in an attempt to attract high quality applicants to teacher education courses. Any policy movement in this area must consider the following four strategies: enhancing the status of the teaching profession, making teacher salaries more competitive (in comparison to other sectors), increasing the selectivity of training and induction procedures, and offering alternate pathways into teaching. These long-term strategies receive both theoretical and empirical support; they have bee n widely discussed, and their implementation in various school systems around the world indicates their potential to b e effective in raising the appeal of the profession so as to encourage quality graduates to consider teaching as a future career. Having defined the nature of quality teaching, and implemented strategies to attract quality entrants, it is vital that the profession develop a system by which expertise in the classroom can be appropriately recognised. The National Board for Professional Teaching Standards (NBPTS) in the USA is an excellent model. The NBPTS is an independent body offering advanced certification to teachers on a voluntary basis. It has been rigorously examined, and has been found to be a valid and defensible system for identifying and acknowledging teacher quality. It is suggested that Australia consider implementing a similar scheme, and the process by which this should occur is briefly outlined. There are many ways in which quality teaching can be rewarded. Performance-based schemes (which evaluate performance and offer rewards accordingly) receive equally strong criticism and defence in the literature. A modified knowledge and skill-based system, in which certification is the basis for reward, would provide an opportunity for quality teaching to be appropriately rewarded. It is suggested that this system be non-prescriptive, focusing instead on recognition, and granting autonomy to school systems and leaders in the process of discernment by which rewards are allocated. All four of these elements are deeply interwoven and there fore difficult to deal with in isolation. Defining teacher quality is essential for any recognition or reward. Attracting quality entrants is inextricably linked to the status of the profession, which in tum both shapes and is shaped by the public understanding of teacher quality. Teachers have a profound influence on all levels of society and quality practice within the classroom must be harnessed and acknowledged. The issues raised in this report are of great importance to any who share this goal.