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The subject of research is the innovative development of national economy. The aim of research is the identification of opportunities for phase innovative development of economic system of Ukraine under the complicated political and economic situation. The methods of research are: statistical, quantitative and qualitative comparisons, logic generalization. In the article the innovative state of the national economy is analyzed. This analysis shows the necessity of activation of innovative processes. These measures can be implemented in the case of using the saved in the state intellectual and innovative potential and the support from the state. In spite of the fact, that during last ten years there was the stable negative trend of it's decrease, the mentioned potential is sufficient for removing the state from the crisis. The research of examples of effective innovative policy, which was implemented by countries in an unfavorable political and economic situations, has led to the necessity to investigate the examples of Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong and South Korea. These are the small countries, which during just a few decades successfully transformed it's economy and at the end of XX century changed to economic leaders. The general economic development of these countries from the status of war and deep social and economic crisis to the period of stable economic development passed several stages. For the overcoming the crisis, Ukraine have to pass two stages of innovation development. The first stage consists of realization a number of measures as a part of the government's economic policy, the main ones are: attracting of equipment, technology and experience from abroad, support and development of the country's traditional industries. The second stage consists of government's measures focused on the support of innovative branches of national economy, creating innovative systems, which corresponds to the international standards. ; Предметом исследования является инновационное развитие национальной экономики. Целью исследования является определение возможностей поетапного развития экономической системы Украины в условиях усложненной политико-экономической ситуации. Методы исследования: статистический, количественного и качественного сравнений, логического обобщения. В статье проанализировано инновационное состояние национальной экономики. Анализ свидетельствует о необходимости активизации инновационных процессов, что может быть осуществелено при условии использования сохраненного интелектуального и инновационного потенциала и надлежащей помощи государства. Не смотря на то, что за последние десять лет происходило его существенное сокращение, сохраненный потенциал способен вывести страну из состояния кризиса. Исследование примеров эффективной инновационной политики, которые были применены в неблагоприятных экономических и политических ситуациях, привели к необходмости использования опыта Сингапура, Малайзии, Гонконга и Южной Кореи. Это небольшие страны, которым всего за несколько десятилетий удалось успешно трансформировать свою экономику и в конце ХХ столетия преобразоваться в экономических лидеров. Общее экономическое развитие этих стран из состояния войны и глубокого социально-экономического кризиса до периода стабильного экономического развития прошло несколько этапов. Для преодоления кризиса Украине необходимо пройти два этапа инновационного развития. Первый этап состоит в реализации ряда мероприятий в рамках государственной политики, главные из которых: привлечение иностранной техники, поддержка и развитие традиционных отраслей национальной экономики. Второй этап состоит в концентрации действий государства на инновационных отраслях национальной экономики, создании инновационной системы, отвечающей международным стандартам. ; Предметом дослідження є інноваційний розвиток національної економіки. Метою дослідження є визначення можливостей поетапного інноваційного розвитку економічної системи України в умовах ускладненої політико-економічної ситуації. Методи дослідження: статистичний, кількісного та якісного порівнянь, логічного узагальнення. У статті проаналізовано інноваційний стан національної економіки. Аналіз свідчить про необхідність активізації інноваційних процесів, що може бути здійснено за умови використання збереженого інтелектуального та інноваційного потенціалу та належної підтримки держави. Не дивлячись на те, що за останні десять років відбувалось значне його зменшення, збережений потенціал здатен вивести країну зі стану кризи. Дослідження прикладів ефективної інноваційної політики, які були застосовані в несприятливих економічних та політичних ситуаціях привели до необхідності використання досвіду Сінгапуру, Малайзії, Гонконгу та Південної Кореї. Це невеликі країни, яким всього за декілька десятиліть вдалося успішно трансформувати свою економіку та в кінці ХХ століття перетворитися в економічних лідерів. Загальний економічний розвиток цих країн зі стану війни та глибокої соціально-економічної кризи до періоду стабільного економічного розвитку пройшов декілька етапів. Для подолання кризи Україні необхідно пройти два етапи інноваційного розвитку. Перший етап полягає у реалізації низки заходів у рамках урядової політики, головними з яких є залучення техніки, технології та досвіду з-за кордону, підтримка та розвиток традиційних галузей національної економіки. Другий етап полягає у концентрації дій уряду на інноваційних галузях національної економіки, створенні інноваційної системи, що відповідає міжнародним стандартам.

晚清時局亟變,新事物、新思想不斷湧現,傳統文體為了回應時代變化,各自作出相應的調整,唯獨詞體仍然固守舊貌。朱祖謀素有詩名,四十歲後棄詩而專注填詞,稱其詩作「不足傳世」。詩詞的美感特質各異,這種刻意的「滯後」說明朱祖謀認為詞體更能切合末代士人與遺民的表達需要。朱氏於同儕中學詞最晚而造詣最深,國變後歷任詞社社長,其詞於當時極具典範意義。然而,清末民初的政治與文化急劇轉型,傳統文學不再位居主流,由封建王朝到現代國家的過渡亦為士人帶來各種思想上的衝擊,「士」已失去了其倫理與制度上的基礎,而朱祖謀則透過在不同情境下的政治、文學抉擇將「士」的內涵重新予以彰顯。 ; 本文將以詩詞之辨的角度來分析《彊村語業》中的藝術特色及其政治意涵。第三、四章討論清遺民所面臨的倫理困境與朱氏如何以詩詞回應近代世變。第五章處理朱氏擬仿金朝遺民元好問〈鷓鴣天〉宮詞八首的互文意義。鑑於純粹的文本細讀未必能夠完整地理解詞旨,第六章將以歷時角度討論庚子事變之際的四印齋詞聚與漚社詞聚中的「雅集」詞課,並將嘗試回置詞課的創作情境。本文最後指出朱氏以矢志填詞的初衷及其如何以詞體撫平歷史創傷。 ; The catastrophic changes of political situation in late Qing China had brought in myriad of ideological trends and accessories. As a stimulus, the traditional literary forms had themselves fine-tuned so as to react with the social and cultural forces while ci poetry retained its old style and seemingly exempted itself from literary reforms of all sorts. Zhu Zumou was a shi poet of repute of his time. At the age of 40, he abandoned shi and dedicated to ci writing. Meanwhile, Zhu had it asserted that his shi would be no worth of posthumous circulation. Given that ci differs from shi in their aesthetic sense, the strong-willed demarcation in artistic creation illustrated that ci fitted in with Zhu's pursuit in literary articulation as a Confucian in late Qing, and later as a Confucian loyalist after The 1911 Revolution. Zhu, among his associates, acquainted with ci the latest yet his expertise was of the highest attainments and had been reappointed the head of ci poetry society consecutively. His works was then revered as the paradigm in its field. However, in early Republican China, classical literature was not in the prestigious main stream. The sharp transformation from imperial dynasty to modern nation state had casted manifold cultural shocks upon the loyalists, thus causing the word Confucianistlost its ethical and institutional ground. In view of this, Zhu, with the circumstantial factors he engaged in, redefined the essence of Confucianist by the political and literary courses he proceeded on. ; Critical attention of this essay will ...

Статья посвящена интерпретации идеи «Центральной Европы» как культурогенного пространства славянских народов в Европе в эссеистике польского поэта, лауреата Нобелевской премии Ч. Милоша. Культурная идентификация славянских народов в центре Европы, оказавшихся в ХХ в. в сфере влияния тоталитарных политических и идеологических систем, остается актуальной в условиях глобализма современной цивилизации. Выявляется концепция европеизма культуры малых славянских народов (прежде всего польской культуры) на основе римской ветви христианства, в отличие от русской культуры, в которой выразились традиции гностицизма, обусловившего радикальное отношение к человеку и миру. Милош опровергает миф о России как варварской или азиатской стране, обнаруживая мировоззренческие основы российской цивилизации: универсализм, максимализм, упование на общечеловеческую истину и общее спасение, принятие жертвы во имя достижений абсолюта и пр. В статье обосновывается милошевская концепция Европы как свободного союза разных малых этносов с разными языками и традициями. Доказывается, что Милош опирается не на политическую идею «Срединной Европы» Ф. Номанна, а на концепцию «Европы отчизн» С. Винценца, союза «matych kraikow» - «малых родин». Милош отстаивает значение «малой родины» как влияние природной («теллурическое») многокультурной среды, дающее личностное укоренение в мировых культурах. Страны Центральной Европы, исторически оказавшиеся на пересечении культур и ставшие жертвами имперских амбиций разных государств в различные периоды истории Европы, продолжают сохранять традиции собственной культуры в поликультурной среде. Общие религиозные ценности и опыт совместного существования нейтрализуют националистические притязания. Милош видит миссию малых славянских стран в Центре Европы в соединении разных культурных традиций и в трансляции европейских традиций в большой мир. В посткоммунистической Европе славянские народы призваны стать хранителями традиций высокой культуры, защищающей от унификации и смешения культур. ; The article discusses the idea of "Central Europe" as a culture-generating space of Slavic peoples in Europe in the essays of the Polish poet, a Nobel Prize winner Czeslav Milosz. The cultural identification of the Slavs in the center of Europe, who found themselves in the sphere of influence coming from totalitarian political and ideological systems (German and Russian totalitarianism; fascist and communist ideologies) is still relevant within the context of the globalism of the modern civilization. The conception of Europeism of the culture of minor Slavic nations, Polish in particular, formed on the basis of the Roman branch of Christianity is contrasted with Russian culture following the traditions of Gnosticism that formed a radical attitude to man and the world. At the same time, Milosz debunks the myth about Russia as a barbarous and Asiatic culture while finding the ideological principles of Russian civilization: universalism, maximalism, hope for universal truth and salvation, accepting a sacrifice for the sake of the Absolute, and others. The article discusses the sources of Milosz''s conception of Europe as a free union of different minor ethnicities with different languages and traditions. Milosz''s idea is shown to go back not to the political idea of "Central Europe" (Friedrich Neumann''s "Mitteleuropa", 1915), but to the conception of Stanislav Vincenz''s "Europe of Homelands," i.e. the union of "malych kraikow"-"minor homelands". Milosz insists on the meaning of the "minor homeland" as a factor of natural and polycultural social milieu that provides a personal place in world cultures in the native cultural space. The right for the personal cultural identification is given by the states that are not based on the principle of monoculture (Vilnius and Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth are examples, according to Milosz). The countries of Central Europe located on the crossing of cultures and fallen to the imperial ambitions of different states during different periods of history, have been keeping the traditions of their own culture in a polycultural milieu. Milosz believed that the mission of minor Slavic states in the center of geographical Europe is to join different cultural traditions and translate European traditions to the global world. If during the period of communist dictatorship the countries that became a part of "Eastern Europe" were forced to be oppositional to Russian culture as that of empire and defend their right to develop their own national and European traditions, in post-communist Europe, the Slavs were to become the keepers of high culture traditions on guard against the unification and mingling of cultures coming with the civilization of multi-culturalism. One of the missions of Slavic peoples is to become a mediator between Western Europe and Russia that passes the experience of high Russian culture (first of all, Russian 19th-century literature) to the European tradition.

National interests, traditionally expressed in terms of net balances, dominated the negotiations on the financial framework of the European Union for 2007–2013 and were crucial in determining only incremental reforms of the EU budget. Although the strategy based on maximising EU financial support enables Lithuania to receive significant financial allocations from the EU budget in 2007–2013, its size is expected to decrease during the period of next financial framework. In addition, the EU budget programmes unfit to the Lithuanian contexts might have negative repercussions to the economy of the country. These problems determine the necessity to discuss a different strategy for the EU budget review in 2008–2009 and the negotiations on next financial framework.In this article we raise a hypothesis that a more beneficial strategy for Lithuania would be to support EU policies and programmes which would bring the added value to the whole EU while also stressing the specific Lithuanian interests related to these policies and programmes. The conceptual framework used to check the hypothesis consists of two stages. First, the objectives of the EU budget and major tools to implement them were indicated drawing from provisions of the EU Treaties (in line with the changes introduced by the Lisbon Reform Treaty), preferences of EU citizens, the fiscal federalism theory and evaluations of EU policies and programmes. Second, the economic, social and political impact of the EU budget (reformed in the way described in the first stage of the analysis) on Lithuania was analysed.The findings of the article provide indefinite but clear support to the hypothesis. According to the political and economic criteria indicated above, the Common Agricultural Policy should seek to implement two goals, namely, increasing competitiveness of the EU agricultural sector and providing public goods (environment, landscape, animal welfare etc.). Such a reform would be more beneficial to Lithuania in comparison to the current policy, however, a specific interest of Lithuania is to assure that it is accompanied by strong rural development policy, which would assure financial support to rural areas during the period of re-structuring of the agricultural sector.The Cohesion policy should also be radically reformed by concentrating financial support only to the least developed regions and countries of the EU and making its connection to the objectives of the Lisbon Strategy looser. Again, such a reform would be beneficial to Lithuania, because it would allow putting the cohesion support more in line with national investment needs and priorities and enable developing national planning capacities.Finally, the funds saved as a consequence of the reforms of the CAP and Cohesion Policy should be allocated to four groups of priorities, namely, Lisbon Strategy goals, energy, climate change and environment, justice, liberty and security and external relations. Such re-allocation would serve Lithuanian interests well, provided that its specific interests – adequate funding to trans-European transport and energy infrastructure, external border protection and European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument as well as research and development programmes (including temporary preferential treatment of less developed Member States) – would be taken into consideration.In addition to the major objective of the article, the positions of other Member States as regards EU budget expenses and the impact of the own resources system on Lithuania were also examined in the article.The analysis of other Member States' positions on the EU budget resulted in rather mixed prospects for the reform described above. On the one hand, virtually all Member States support more funding for new priorities falling in the four categories indicated in this article. On the other hand, only a handful Member States endorse a necessary step into this direction – the reduction in the funding levels of the CAP and Cohesion policy. In the context of very unlikely increase in the total EU budget expenditure due to net payers' resistance, it is still to be seen whether the remaining Member States will decide to support the EU budget which promotes the objectives beneficial to the whole EU or they will remain strongly bound to their national interests on this issue.As concerns the impact of the own resources system on Lithuania, it is concluded that the introduction of the EU tax would not benefit Lithuania and the EU, because financial contributions from the Member States would vary a lot. However, the VAT resources and all corrections and rebates should be abolished.

The food security issue is becoming more and more centre-stage in the political and social debate. Especially after the world food crisis of 2007-2008 and the consequent price spikes, it reached the top of the international agenda. The problems of accessibility, disposability and utilization of food, both in developing and poor countries, now draws the attention of policymakers and researchers. Of course, this dynamic and complex problem is influenced and determined by many 'macro' factors, analyzed with a case-study econometric approach. The focus of this thesis is to test whether trade liberalization could have a role on the increasing, or decreasing, of the under five mortality rate (WDI, World Bank), used as a proxy for food security. The statistical sample considered is composed of 80 developing countries, 39 of which have experienced an episode of trade liberalization, between 1960 and 2010. The 41 residuals countries are included as a counterfactual in the econometric approach: the Synthetic Control Method (SCM). What was particularly challenging at the beginning of this investigation concerned the isolation of the effect of commercial liberalization on child mortality, and, as a consequence, on the level of food security in each country. As for the methodological approach, what was defined firstly were the covariates: the variables implemented for the synthetic control. They were chosen as a function of their influence on the outcome variable. Above all, we included the level of development and economic growth, the presence of wars or conflicts, the population growth, the percentage of rural population and food supply (measured as the amount of kilo calories available per capita). As already mentioned above with reference to the statistical and the econometric approach, it was developed by Abadie and Garzeabal (2003; 2010), and called SCM. The underlying hypothesis is that it is possible to construct a weighted combination of potential control countries – the synthetic control – that approximate the most relevant characteristics of the country affected by the intervention. In our study, the 'treated' country is the one which experienced a trade reform – 'treatment'. The situation which happened after the treatment (economic openness) can be estimated by the SCM. The SCM is able to calculate a counterfactual circumstance of the 'treated' country, in the absence of trade liberalization. The consequential result of the 'treatment' can be verified by looking at the outcome trend of the synthetic control. More precisely, the synthetic control algorithm estimates the missing counterfactual as a weighted average of the outcomes of potential controls. The weights are chosen so that the pretreatment outcome and the covariates of the synthetic control are, on average, very similar to those of the 'treated' country. Although this methodology is more flexible and transparent than others, there is a limitation regarding the inferential techniques. This is mainly due to the fact that the number of observations in the control pool and the number of periods covered by the sample are usually quite small in comparative case studies, like this. This is why, following the suggestions of the inventors, we implemented the placebo tests, based on permutation techniques. This means that the synthetic algorithm was sequentially applied to every country in the pool of potential controls and then used to compare the placebo with the baseline results. To sum up, we evaluated the dynamic of the under five mortality rate in a 'treated' country (which experienced an episode of trade liberalization in the decades considered), with the situation in a sample of control (the synthetic control), composed by a group of very similar countries to the one 'treated', but in which there was not any trade reform. It is important to notice that the synthetic control is chosen taking into account the covariates mentioned above; besides, the weight of each country of the synthetic control is selected in order to minimize the difference with the 'treated' country, in the pre-treatment period. With respect to the results, we decided to select a pre-treatment period of twenty years, and a post-treatment period of ten years. This is mainly because after a decade from the openness to trade, the effect of this phenomenon of child mortality tend to be very difficult to isolate and identify. The preliminary results obtained, show that the impacts of trade liberalization on under five mortality rate is, on average, positive. Moreover, in a few developing countries political and economic reforms happened simultaneously; so that, this overlapping may not permit the correct identification of the real effect of commercial openness on the outcome variable.

The article presents complex, systematic study of the political aspects of human trafficking. Today human trafficking gained the grand scale of its spreading and it has affected almost all European countries and their neighboring regions. Nowadays there are a lot of kinds and forms of human exploitation. Although slavery was abolished in 1957, today human exploitation is still widespread both in traditional form and in more modern ones. So «trading in personality» is the feature of the economy of the late XX century.The expediency of analysis of the negative impacts of globalization and illegal immigration in the context of the problem is identified. Globalization has engrossed almost all spheres of human life nowadays and has affected not only economic, political and social processes but also those ones which are connected with activity of criminal groups giving them transboundary nature.Very often human trafficking is confused with illegal migration since both phenomena are connected with shadow economy and they constantly fuel corruption, money laundering, hindering economic and democratic development of society. Human traffickers use illegal migration and people smuggling for providing more profits because they don't need to spend significant money on documents production, legalization, insurance and other items required by law.The negative international results of human trafficking are researched by the author. Namely, problems of governance organization that are created by powerful criminal groups of human traffickers and smugglers, mass stay of a significant number of non­citizens in the country; formation of the negative international image of the origin, destination or transit country as the state which is unable to counter effectively illegal migration and human trafficking. ; У статті здійснено комплексне дослідження політичних аспектів торгівлі людьми. Торгівля людьми сьогодні досягла грандіозних масштабів свого поширення і торкнулась майже всіх європейських країн та суміжних з ними регіонів. Сьогодні існує багато видів та форм експлуатації людей. І хоча рабство було скасоване ще в 1957 році, сьогодні все ще широко поширена експлуатація людей, як у традиційних формах, так і в більш сучасних. Таким чином, особливістю економіки кінця XX століття є «товаризація особистості».Визначено доцільність аналізу негативних наслідків глобалізації та нелегальної міграції в контексті досліджуваної проблеми. Адже глобалізація, яка сьогодні поглинула практично всі сфери життєдіяльності людства, зачепила не лише економічні, політичні та соціальні процеси, але й процеси пов'язані з діяльністю злочинних угруповань, наділивши їх транскордонним характером.У процесі торгівлі людьми значною є роль нелегальної міграції, яка стала надзвичайним феноменом періоду глобалізації і пов'язана з активізацією діяльності транснаціональних організованих злочинних угруповань, які забезпечують існування потужних мереж нелегальної міграції, контрабанди та трафікінгу людей.Торгівлю людьми досить часто плутають з незаконною міграцією. Оскільки обидва явища пов'язані з тіньовою економікою та постійно підживлюють корупцію, відмивання грошей, гальмують економічний і демократичний розвиток суспільства. Торговці людьми використовують нелегальну міграцію та контрабанду людей, забезпечуючи цим собі більші прибутки.Автором проаналізовано міжнародно­політичні наслідки торгівлі людьми. А саме: проблеми для організації державного управління, які створюються впливовими злочинними групами торгівців людьми та контрабандистів, масовим перебуванням в країні значної кількості негромадян країни; формування негативного міжнародного іміджу країни походження, призначення чи транзиту, як держави, нездатної ефективно протидіяти нелегальній міграції та торгівлі людьми. ; У статті здійснено комплексне дослідження політичних аспектів торгівлі людьми. Торгівля людьми сьогодні досягла грандіозних масштабів свого поширення і торкнулась майже всіх європейських країн та суміжних з ними регіонів. Сьогодні існує багато видів та форм експлуатації людей. І хоча рабство було скасоване ще в 1957 році, сьогодні все ще широко поширена експлуатація людей, як у традиційних формах, так і в більш сучасних. Таким чином, особливістю економіки кінця XX століття є «товаризація особистості».Визначено доцільність аналізу негативних наслідків глобалізації та нелегальної міграції в контексті досліджуваної проблеми. Адже глобалізація, яка сьогодні поглинула практично всі сфери життєдіяльності людства, зачепила не лише економічні, політичні та соціальні процеси, але й процеси пов'язані з діяльністю злочинних угруповань, наділивши їх транскордонним характером.У процесі торгівлі людьми значною є роль нелегальної міграції, яка стала надзвичайним феноменом періоду глобалізації і пов'язана з активізацією діяльності транснаціональних організованих злочинних угруповань, які забезпечують існування потужних мереж нелегальної міграції, контрабанди та трафікінгу людей.Торгівлю людьми досить часто плутають з незаконною міграцією. Оскільки обидва явища пов'язані з тіньовою економікою та постійно підживлюють корупцію, відмивання грошей, гальмують економічний і демократичний розвиток суспільства. Торговці людьми використовують нелегальну міграцію та контрабанду людей, забезпечуючи цим собі більші прибутки.Автором проаналізовано міжнародно­політичні наслідки торгівлі людьми. А саме: проблеми для організації державного управління, які створюються впливовими злочинними групами торгівців людьми та контрабандистів, масовим перебуванням в країні значної кількості негромадян країни; формування негативного міжнародного іміджу країни походження, призначення чи транзиту, як держави, нездатної ефективно протидіяти нелегальній міграції та торгівлі людьми.

Статья посвящена анализу форм взаимодействия шариата с действующим законодательством, его совместимости с современным российским правом в целом. Автор анализирует несколько причин возрастающего интереса к роли шариата в правовом развитии России. Среди них — продолжающийся процесс возрождения ислама, социально-политическая активность мусульманских общин за пределами регионов традиционного распространения ислама, сохраняющаяся угроза исламского экстремизма, усиление роли шариата в правовом и политическом развитии мусульманского мира, а также связанные с мусульманскими меньшинствами конфликты в странах Запада. Различаются несколько вариантов обращения к шариату в сопоставлении с законодательством. Один из них представлен действиями мусульманских сепаратистов и экстремистов, которые противопоставляют шариат российскому праву. Другой предполагает включение норм шариата в законодательство. Еще один вариант связан с обращением к шариату в качестве альтернативного регулятора без его противопоставления официальному праву. Обоснование реализации предписаний шариата не отличается единством. Мусульманские радикалы ссылаются лишь на религиозные аргументы в целях замены законодательства шариатом. Некоторые ученые призывают легализовать нормы шариата, но не подкрепляют свои предложения правовыми аргументами. Юристы придерживаются различных взглядов по этому вопросу. Некоторые авторы предлагают концепции законодательного признания местных традиций, включая нормы шариата. Как правило, они касаются регионов Северного Кавказа. Автор выделяет несколько форм возможного взаимодействия шариата и законодательства. Первая представлена прямым включением норм шариата в законодательство. Российское право такую возможность допускает при определенных условиях. Главное из них — выбор среди норм шариата таких предписаний, которые отвечают критериям права и являются исламским правом в точном смысле. Другая форма сводится к включению в законодательство ссылки на исторические или местные традиции, что дает возможность применять отдельные нормы шариата. Кроме того, шариатские предписания могут действовать по вопросам, урегулированным в законодательстве диспозитивными правилами. В целом на поставленный в названии статьи вопрос автор дает положительный ответ. ; The article is devoted to analysis of the forms of interaction between Shariat and legislation in action as well as compatibility of Shariat with contemporary Russian law in general. The author touches several reasons of increasing interest to the role which Shariat plays in legal development of Russia. Among these reasons he pays attention to the up-going process of renaissance of Islam, social and political activity of Muslim communities outside the regions where Islam is traditionally spread, the existing threat of Islamic extremism, increasing influence of Shariat upon political and legal development of the Muslim world. Also there are numerous conflicts linked with Muslim minorities in the West which contribute a lot to the interest paid to Shariat. Several modes of referring to Shariat can be differentiated as far as its correlations with positive legislation are concerned. One of them manifests itself in the actions of Muslim separatists and extremists who directly oppose Shariat to the Russian law. Another mode provides for including of Shariat norms in the official legislation. There is one more form of the above mentioned correlation which is related with the action of Shariat as alternative regulator without opposing it to the official state law. There is no one definite justification for the realization of Shariat provisions. For instance Muslim radicals refer only to religious arguments to fulfil their plans aiming at replacing official legislation by Shariat. Some Rissian scientists call for legalizing of Shariat norms but they do not put down any legal grounds or justification for their proposals. Russian jurists have different approaches to this issue. Some authors elaborate general conceptions which key point is legal recognition of local traditions and customs including Shariat norms. As a rule these theories concern Russian regions of Northern Caucasus. The author examines several patterns of possible correlation between Shariat and state legislation. The first one is represented by the direct inclusion of Shariat norms into the legislation. The Russian law provides for such implementation under some conditions. The leading one is choosing among Shariat provisions those which meet criteria of legal norm and can be considered as Islamic law in proper sense. The other form of the correlation mentioned above manifests itself in legal acts which refer to the historical and local traditions. It means in indirect form the possibility of implementation of some Shariat norms. Besides that Shariat provisions can be used for solving issues which are provided for by dispositive norms of state legislation. Generally the author gives positive answer to the question put in the title of the article.

В статье на основе анализа крестьянских писем, опубликованных в периодических изданиях Куйбышевской и Ульяновской областей в 1946 году, предпринята попытка выявить наиболее острые социальные проблемы послевоенного сельского общества Среднего Поволжья. Автор полагает, что советская периодическая печать действовала в рамках определенной политической конъюнктуры и заранее заданных идеологических клише, но, несмотря на это, на ее страницах публиковались письма, содержащие критику сложившейся практики колхозного руководства, торговли и культурного обслуживания населения. В своих письмах в советские периодические издания (областные и районные газеты) крестьяне сообщали о злоупотреблениях должностных лиц, их пьянстве и разгульной жизни. Автор отмечает, что основной закон сельской жизни Устав сельскохозяйственной артели нарушался не только должностными лицами, но и рядовыми колхозниками. В частности, это выражалось в хищении социалистической собственности. Анализ крестьянской корреспонденции позволяет сделать вывод о том, что не только вопросы колхозного строительства волновали крестьян, но и проблемы функционирования культурных и досуговых учреждений. Чаще всего, обращаясь в периодические издания, сельские жители просили посодействовать в открытии клуба или обращали внимание общества и власти на недобросовестное исполнение своих должностных обязанностей работниками культпросвета. По мнению автора статьи, наиболее остро в послевоенном сельском социуме стояли вопросы соблюдения закона должностными лицами колхозной и сельской администрации, торгово-бытового обслуживания и культурного строительства. На основе проведенного анализа крестьянских писем автор приходит к выводу колхозники, остро чувствуя веяния времени, через печатный орган пытались получить различные дивиденды: сместить неугодного председателя колхоза, получить определенную материальную выгоду и удовлетворение от торжества закона. На наш взгляд, обращаясь в газеты и сообщая о фактах нарушения основ колхозного строя высшими должностными лицами артели, колхозники стремились побудить политическое руководство к реформированию колхозной сферы, давали понять, что существующее положение на селе не отвечает требованиям большинства населения. А, обращая внимание общества на сложившуюся практику неудовлетворительного исполнения должностных обязанностей работниками торговли и культурных учреждений, сельские жители подчеркивали свое законное право на получение достойных услуг, гарантированных гражданам СССР. ; In the article, on the basis of analysis of peasants letters published in the periodicals of Kuibyshev and Ulyanovsk regions in 1946, the author made an attempt to determine the most pressing social problems of the post-war rural society of Middle Volga. The author supposes that the Soviet periodicals acted within certain political conditions and predetermined ideological cliches, but, in spite of this, they published letters criticizing the accepted practices of the collective farm management, trade, and cultural public services. In their letters to the Soviet periodicals (regional and local newspapers) the peasants reported on the corrupt practice of public officials, their drunkenness and pimple coverer. The author notes that the basic law of rural life the Charter of the Agricultural Artel was violated not only by officials but also by ordinary farmers. In particular, it was expressed by stealing of socialist ownership. The analysis of peasants' correspondence allows to make a conclusion that the farmers worried about not only the issues of collective farm development, but also about the questions of cultural and leisure facilities. More frequently, when writing to periodicals, the villagers asked to assist in opening of a club or called attention of the society and the authorities to the improper performance of duties by cultural and educational workers. In the author's opinion, the most acute problems in the postwar rural society were the problems of law observance by collective farm officers and the village administration, trade and consumer services, and cultural development. Based on the analysis of peasant letters, the author comes to the conclusion that the farmers, having quick senses of mood of the times, tried to get different dividends through the press organ: to demote undesirable chairman of a collective farm, to get some material benefit and satisfaction in the result of the rule of law. In our opinion, writing letters to the newspapers and reporting violations of the fundamental principles of collective farm by the officials of the farm, the farmers wanted to encourage political leaders to reform the collective farm sphere, to make it clear that the current situation in rural areas do not meet the requirements of the majority of population. Drawing public attention to the accepted practice of the improper performance of position obligations by the commercial workers and workers of cultural institutions, the villagers emphasized their legal right to get services guaranteed to the citizens of the USSR.

Mit Hilfe welcher Frames kommunizieren deutsche und italienische Abgeordnete die Europäische Union? Inwiefern unterscheiden sich die nationalen Vorstellungen und wie verändern sich diese im Zeitverlauf? Dies sind die zentralen Fragen der vorliegenden Arbeit. Sie betrachtet damit die Kommunikation politischer Eliten vor dem Hintergrund der Identitätssuche der EU. Anhand einer Frameanalyse wurden jeweils 20 parlamentarische Debatten aus dem Deutschen Bundestag und der italienischen Camera dei Deputati analysiert. Der Untersuchungszeitraum umfasst die Jahre 2000 bis 2007 und damit die Jahre der Ausarbeitung der Charta der Grundrechte der Europäischen Union bis zur Ratifizierung des Vertrages von Lissabon in beiden Ländern. Die Operationalisierung des Textmaterials erfolgte über ein zwei-stufiges Kategoriensystem, dessen erste Ebene der Codierung sich auf den Redebeitrag eines Abgeordneten, die zweite auf eine einzelne Aussage innerhalb einer Rede bezieht. Die inhaltliche Kategorisierung der Aussagen ist drei-stufig und in Frames, Unterframes und Idee-Elemente unterteilt. Der Schwerpunkt der Analyse ist qualitativ. Die induktive Erhebung ließ die Entwicklung und Veränderung von Kategorien absichtlich zu, um keine Informationen zu verlieren. Es wurden zehn Frames identifiziert: Die EU als Friedensmacht, Kulturelle Wurzeln, die Wertegemeinschaft, das soziale Europa, Demokratie, Kompetenzen und Interessen, Integration und Identität, die Herausforderungen der Globalisierung und Erweiterung, Europamodelle und die Grenzen der EU. Die Ergebnisse werden zunächst für jeden Frame einzeln sehr detailliert dargestellt, danach erfolgt ein Überblick zu den Frames und ihrer Gewichtung in beiden Ländern. Veränderungen und Entwicklungen des Diskurses werden dargestellt, Deutungshoheiten und Parteipositionen verglichen. Des Weiteren wird auf die Bedeutung nationaler Hintergründe eingegangen und die Art und Weise parlamentarischer Kommunikation bewertet. Es zeigt sich, dass die Europäische Union in beiden Ländern mit Hilfe derselben Frames kommuniziert wird, diese aber unterschiedlich stark ausgeprägt sind. Der jeweilige nationale Hintergrund beeinflusst die Darstellung der Argumente. Die aktuellen Probleme, der die EU gegenüber steht, werden in beiden Ländern am häufigsten diskutiert. So stehen die Fragen zur Erweiterung und zur Globalisierung an oberster Stelle. Als bedeutendste Entwicklung des Diskurses ist die Abwendung von der historischen Begründung der Union hin zur Deutung als starke Einheit in Zeiten der Globalisierung zu nennen. In Fragen der politischen Reform und der Identitätssuche dauert die Suche nach Antworten an. Die Parteien beanspruchen die Deutungshoheit für die Inhalte, die sie auch auf nationaler Ebene vertreten. Starke Kritik an der EU wird nur von Parteien des linken oder rechten Randes des Parteienspektrums geäußert. Die Analyse zeigte auf, dass die Vorstellungen von der EU, die Ziele und Erwartungen national unterschiedlich sind und eine Antwort, wie die Vielfalt der Union zu einen sein wird noch aussteht. ; Which frames do German and Italian members of Parliament use to discuss the matter of the European Union? How do national ideas about the EU differ? How did these ideas change between 2000 and 2007? This study examines the communication of political elites against the background of the European Union's search for a common identity. Using frame-analysis the author has examined 20 parliamentary debates of the German Bundestag and 20 of the Italian Camera dei Deputati. Those have been singled out of the debates on European issues hold during the years 2000 to 2007. This period covers the time from the elaboration of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union to the ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon in both countries. The category system employed to operationalize the text corpus consists of two levels: Level 1 codes the speech of the Member of Parliament as a whole. Level 2 refers to the single statement within the MP's speech that was entered in the code book. Statements are categorized into frames, sub-frames and idea-elements. The method focuses on a qualitative analysis. To reduce information loss, an inductive approach was used, which allowed to develop and modify the categories. The study identifies ten frames: 1) The EU as a power advocating peace, 2) cultural roots, 3) community of values, 4) social Europe, 5) democracy, 6) competences and interests, 7) integration and identity, 8) the challenges of globalization and enlargement, 9) models of the European Union and 10) its borders. In a first step the findings are presented in detail, in the second step an overview is given and the weighting of the single frames in both countries is shown. Shifts and developments of the discourse will be illustrated; prerogatives of interpretation and the positions of the different parties are compared. Furthermore the impact of the national background can be shown and the parliamentary way of communication evaluated. It can be illustrated that both the Italian and the German parliament use the same frames to communicate the European Union in both countries. However, the frames´ significance is varies depending on national backgrounds and how they influence arguments. The current problems that the EU faces are the most frequently discussed in both countries. Enlargement and globalization assume highest priority. The most significant development in the discourse is a shift from the union's historical justification of its interpretation as a strong entity in times of globalization. There is still a lack of answers concerning political reforms and identity construction. The parties claim the prerogatives of interpreting contents that they also cover in their national discourse. Only the extreme left and right-wing parties direct severe critique towards the EU. The analysis shows that the ideas about the EU, goals and expectations vary in Germany and Italy. A solution to the problem of unifying diversity in the union is still missing.

English: The political participation of foreigners is a central aspect of inclusion policies in the state and is acquiring an increasingly important in the debate on immigration. Over the past few days we have seen a succession of proposals on the recognition to foreigners the right to vote, bringing to the attention of public opinion the issue of political rights of foreigners. In Europe the situation is quite diverse. In the field there are no specific Community regulatory provisions but only a large number of documents are not legally binding, as politically significant, in favor of an extension of suffrage to foreigners long-residents. The process of European integration and the related processing of European citizenship could have favored the gradual affirmation of citizenship cd of residence. Instead, European citizenship, in an attempt to draw a demos transnazionale1, then substantially stiffened the gap between citizens and non-EU. The exercise of electoral rights within the EU, in fact, is connected to the possession of European citizenship, being dual, it requires a national of a Member State and residence in one of the States. For some time, however, in several European countries immigrants can participate in local elections; among them: after only six months of residence in Ireland (1963); after three years in Sweden (since 1975 and also for the referendum). They have gradually conformed to this case in Denmark in 1981, the Netherlands in 1983, Norway in 1993, Finland in 1995 and Luxembourg in 2003. In 2004, Belgium passed a regulation that provides for the recognition of the right to vote in local elections to foreigners after five years of residence, and subject to a declaration of commitment to the principles of democracy. In Italy, in the absence of a state law, they have proliferated different local experiences, with the consequence of a very diverse practice and the uncertain legal boundaries. Right in our country the question of voting rights at the local foreigners binds to two aspects: on the one hand the increasing importance of integration policies in the management of migration flows more and more structured and consistent, and the other, the increasing role more relevant local government in taking on the delivery of basic social services, in particular following the reform of Title V of the Constitution by the Constitutional Law n. 3/2001. Italian:La partecipazione politica degli stranieri rappresenta un aspetto centrale delle politiche di inclusione nello Stato e va acquisendo un peso sempre maggiore nel dibattito in materia di immigrazione. Nel corso degli ultimi tempi si sono susseguite diverse proposte circa il riconoscimento agli stranieri del diritto di voto, riportando all'attenzione della pubblica opinione il tema dei diritti politici degli stranieri. A livello europeo la situazione appare piuttosto diversificata. In materia non esistono specifici dispositivi normativi comunitari ma solo una nutrita serie di atti non giuridicamente vincolanti, per quanto politicamente rilevanti, in favore di un'estensione del suffragio agli stranieri lungo-residenti. Il processo di integrazione comunitaria e la connessa elaborazione della cittadinanza europea avrebbe potuto favorire la graduale affermazione di una cittadinanza c.d. di residenza. Invece, la cittadinanza europea, nel tentativo di disegnare un demos transnazionale1, ha poi nella sostanza irrigidito le distanze tra cittadini comunitari ed extracomunitari. L'esercizio dei diritti elettorali all'interno del territorio dell'UE, infatti, è connesso al possesso della cittadinanza europea che, essendo duale, presuppone la cittadinanza di uno Stato membro e alla residenza in uno degli Stati. Da tempo, peraltro, in diversi Paesi europei gli immigrati possono partecipare alle elezioni locali; tra questi: dopo solo 6 mesi di residenza in Irlanda (dal 1963); dopo tre anni in Svezia (dal 1975 e anche per i referendum). Si sono via via uniformati a tale esempio la Danimarca nel 1981, l'Olanda nel 1983, la Norvegia nel 1993, la Finlandia nel 1995 e il Lussemburgo nel 2003. Nel 2004 il Belgio ha approvato una disciplina che prevede il riconoscimento del diritto di voto amministrativo agli stranieri dopo cinque anni di residenza e subordinatamente a una dichiarazione di adesione ai principi della democrazia. In Italia, in assenza di una legge dello Stato, sono proliferate differenti esperienze locali, con la conseguenza di una prassi molto variegata e dagli incerti contorni giuridici. Proprio nel nostro Paese la questione del diritto di voto a livello locale degli stranieri si lega a due aspetti: da un lato l'importanza crescente delle politiche di integrazione nella gestione di flussi migratori sempre più strutturati e consistenti, e dall'altro il ruolo sempre più rilevante delle amministrazioni locali nel farsi carico dell'erogazione di servizi sociali fondamentali, in particolare a seguito della riforma del Titolo V della Costituzione ad opera della Legge costituzionale n. 3/2001.

Latvijai, iestājoties Eiropas Savienībā, ir pieejams dažādu attīstības projektu īstenošanai vērtīgs līdzfinansējums no Eiropas Savienības struktūrfondiem un četrām darbības programmām, tostarp LEADER lauku teritoriju attīstībai. LEADER atbalsta saņēmēji ir vietējās rīcības grupas, kas darbojas noteiktā lauku teritorijā ar iedzīvotāju skaitu robežās no 10 līdz 65 tūkstoši, pārstāv šīs teritorijas iedzīvotāju intereses un rūpējas par lauku attīstības jautājumiem vietējā līmenī. Vietējās rīcības grupas sastāv no pašvaldību pārstāvjiem, vietējiem uzņēmējiem un interešu grupām, un kuras Latvijā pēc juridiskā statusa ir biedrības vai nodibinājumi. Latvijā pagaidām formāli ir izveidojušās 28 biedrības, kuras ir izstrādājušas vietējās attīstības stratēģijas. Darbā uz trīs biedrību – "Saldus rajona attīstības biedrība", "Daugavpils rajona partnerība", "Jelgavas Lauku partnerība "Lielupe"" piemēra ir veikta analīze par to ieguldījumu teritorijas attīstības veicināšanā, to darbības dažādiem aspektiem, darbojoties atbilstoši LEADER raksturojošiem instrumentiem. Biedrību darbības analīze balstās uz veiktajām intervijām ar biedrībām un to pašvaldībām. Interviju jautājumi tika tematiski sagrupēti, noskaidrojot biedrību veidošanās procesa īpatnības, to patreizējām aktivitātēm, par sadarbību starp biedrībām ar to teritorijā esošajām pašvaldībām, par biedrību dalību politikas plānošanas aktivitātēs un darbības mērogu, kā arī ar biedrību darbību saistīto problemātiku. Biedrības ir īstenojušas kopumā 21 projektu saistībā ar sociālo jomu, nodarbinātību, izglītību un kultūras saglabāšanu. Katrai biedrībai ir bijušas atšķirīgas prioritārās jomas, kuras vietējās attīstības stratēģijās novērtētas kā viskritiskākās. Papildus tam biedrības ir sniegušas konsultācijas, atbalstījušas un organizējušas apmācības, it īpaši vietējo iedzīvotāju kapacitātes celšanu kvalitatīvu projektu izstrādē un ieviešanā, kas ir nozīmīgs nosacījums Eiropas Savienības finansiālo līdzekļu apguvē. Iniciatīvu un savu dalību biedrības ir apliecinājušas ne tikai savas teritorijas politikas plānošanas aktivitātēs, bet arī iesaistoties plašākā darbības mērogā, kā Latvijas plānošanas reģioni. Savstarpējā sadarbība starp biedrībām un to vietējām pašvaldībām ir pastāvīga, tādā veidā sekmējot saikni starp vietējiem iedzīvotājiem un vietējo pārvaldi. Starp galvenajām problēmām biedrību darbībā minamas pastāvīga finansējuma trūkums administratīvajām izmaksām, arī cilvēku resursu nepietiekamība. ; The LEADER Programme for development of the rural areas is one of the operational programme that is financed by the European Union Structural funds and four operational programmes that are available since Latvia is European Union Member State. The LEADER Programme shall be implemented by the local action groups that are acting in compact territory by population from 10 to 65 thousand and they are representing population interests and they are tending about the local rural development subjects in local territory. The local action groups consist of the representatives of the local self-government, of the local employers and the groups of interests that are established as an association from the point of view of the jurisdiction of the Republic of Latvia. There are 28 formal associations and they are elaborating the local development strategies. In the research are analysed the example of three associations – "Saldus rajona attīstības biedrība", "Daugavpils rajona partnerība", "Jelgavas Lauku partnerība "Lielupe"" and their investment in the development of those territories, their different activities in those territories, accordingly features of LEADER. The analysis of activities of the associations is based on interviews with the associations and their local self-government. The questions of interviews are grouped by themes that are clarifying the individuality and the particularity of the process of the establishment of the associations, their actual activities and their cooperation with the local self-government, their participation in the planning of the political activities and their action scale, as well as the problematic issues raised by activities of the associations. The associations are implementing overall 21 project in the social area, in the employment, in the education and the cultural heritage preservation. Each association has different priorities and areas of activities that are estimated critical by their local development strategies. The associations are provided consultations, they are sustained and they are organized training, particularly for raising the local population capacity in the elaboration and implementing of qualitative projects that is important provision in adopting of the finances provided by European Union funds. The initiatives of the associations are certified by their participation in the planning of the political activities of their territory and also for the participating in the action scale of Latvia planning regions. The mutual cooperation is settled between the associations and their local self-government and to contribute the link between local population and local authority. The major problems are settled financing for the costs of the administration and the disadvantage of the human resources.

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Translations of press articles, letters, commentary, memorandums and unrelated documents, that are gathered in a file title "Classified information". Its content is about politics, critiques to the government of President Cárdenas, relations between Mexico and the United States and speeches. Letter from Gen. Agustín Olachea, delegate of Tijuana, Baja California to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles who is in Honolulu, Hawaii. He informs that he was in Mexico City and that President Cárdenas dismissed him from his appointment. He will be replaced by Gen. Gilgardo Magaña. He also informs that he transmited Gen. PEC's message to the President but he replied that he had already ordered to stop the "chismografía" campaign (gossip). He expresses that he does not know if the situation is due to a government policy to eliminate his friends or due to his friends' attitude. Either way, the situation is worsen. Finally, he informs that he visited the children and that they miss him but they are fine. He is leaving to Tehuacán to have a break and then work on his mining business. Bill sent by President Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas and Secretary of Finance Eduardo Suárez to the Congress, so it can be added a law for national assets. Said law establishes the assets for public services and buildings assigned by the President for public works, although private institutions carry the works out. Article without date nor place, signed by Luis del Toro and titled "Calles and his Work", in which the author exposes the campaign against Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles. Within the campaign they praised his works but also condemned him as a person without considering that those two aspects cannot be separated. He considers irrational the attitude of many individualx who say they are engaged with Calles' project, such as the Six Year Plan and organizations created by him like the PNR, but at the same time, they denigrate and persecute Calles and his supporters. Translation of the letter publish in the Los Angeles Examiner on October 27, 1935 sent by Reverend Charles L. Brooks from the First Methodist Church in Mangum, OK to President Roosevelt and that is titled "The New Program is infested with Socialism". According to the translator, this document is written with biblical language and reveals a deep knowledge of the economic issues. Reverend Brooks thanks for the good things during Roosevelt's administration but warns against socialism, which is getting more supporters. He recognizes that Roosevelt's intentions are not socialist but his actions indeed are. He lists some of the actions like the taxes on industrial management, the Guffey Bill on coal and the Wagner-Connery labor Bill that privileges majorities. He points out the ineptitude, mismanagement and waste of political advisers. He tags the social security legislation as complicated and socialist. He attributes the disaster to the economic policy installed. Letter with illegible signature that could belong to Abelardo L. Rodríguez. It does not include the recipient and is dated on Mexico City on November 1935. It is a reply to a letter sent regarding "President Van Beuren" with opinions about the recipient's trips to China and Japan. The author informs the recipient of personal matters and the progress of public affairs in the country. Regarding the personal matters, he mentions the trial of Díaz and the judicial process. He informs about paperwork with the Secretariat of Communications for the itineraries of "El Sauzal" and the annulation of the contract for not meeting the requirements established in the law of roads of communication. He mentions that Secretary Múgica gave instructions to the Department of Navy to pass the affairs with Gaxiola to the court, which shows hostility and partiality. Regarding the national situation, he expresses that it is increasingly worse and anarchic. The President is ill of brucellosis and is very weak. Portes Gil is inciting agrarian movements and is apparently allied with Cedillo. Múgica, committed to demagogic excesses, informs that Melchor spoke in Washington with Ambassador Castillo Nájera, who recently had been invited by President Roosevelt to the White House. He was informed that the U.S. government would take measures to solve the religious conflict in Mexico, since many foreigners had asked the U.S. government to define its position. In view of this threat, Cárdenas ordered to reopen the temples in Sonora. Regarding the land grant, the U.S. government is suspicious, according to what was informed to Castillo Nájera. It is known that a group of generals is upset with the president's policy, so dissatisfaction is extended and divisions are evident. He advises to be careful and offers to see him in New York. He informs that he is sending a copy of the letter to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles who is in San Diego. He says goodbye and sends greetings to Lalo and … (it continues in the next record) / Traducciones de artículos de prensa, cartas, comentario, memorándums, documentos sin relación entre sí, reunidos en un archivo titulado "Confidencial" cuyo contenido es en general sobre política, críticas al gobierno del Presidente Cárdenas, relaciones México-Estados Unidos, discursos. Carta del Gral. Agustín Olachea, delegado del gobierno en Tijuana, Territorio Norte de Baja California al Gral. PEC que se encuentra en Honolulu, Hawaii, informándole que estuvo en la ciudad de México y que el Presidente lo relevó del cargo que desempeñaba y que lo va a sustituir el Gral. Gildardo Magaña; que trasmitió al Presidente su mensaje y que él le dijo que ya había ordenado se suspendiera la campaña de chismografía. Le manifiesta que no sabe si la situación se deba a una política de gobierno para eliminar a todos sus amigos o la actitud de sus amigos, pero que la situación empeora. Por último le comunica que visitó a los niños, que lo extrañan pero que están bien y que él se va a Tehuacán a descansar para después dedicarse a su negocio de minas. Iniciativa que el Presidente Gral. Lázaro Cárdenas y el Secretario de Hacienda Eduardo Suárez envían al Congreso de la Unión para adicionar la ley de bienes inmuebles de la nación, del 18 de diciembre de 1902, por la cual se quedan equiparados a los bienes destinados a un servicio público los predios o edificios que el Ejecutivo Federal destine a una obra de interés social, aunque la misma esté a cargo de entidades privadas. Artículo sin fecha ni lugar, firmado por Luis del Toro y titulado "Calles y su obra" en el que el autor denuncia la campaña emprendida contra el Gral. PEC, ya que si bien alaban su obra pública condenan a su persona sin tomar en consideración que el hombre es indivisible de su obra; por ello es irracional la actitud de muchos individuos afines al régimen que se dicen comprometidos con los proyectos de Calles como el Plan Sexenal y las organizaciones por él creadas como el PNR; pero lo denigran como persona y lo persiguen a él y a sus partidarios y amigos. Traducción de carta publicada en LOS ANGELES EXAMINER, el 27 de octubre de 1935, que le dirige el Rvdo. Charles L. Brooks de la First Methodist Church de Mangum, Oklahoma al Presidente Roosevelt y que se titula "El nuevo programa está plagado de socialismo". Este documento, según hace constar el traductor, está escrito en lenguaje bíblico y revela un profundo conocimiento de los problemas económicos; agradece todo lo bueno que ha dado la administración de Roosevelt pero le previene contra el socialismo que cada vez gana más adeptos; reconoce que sus intenciones no son socialistas pero insiste en que sus acciones sí lo son y enumera algunas de ellas como el impuesto sobre procedimientos industriales; la iniciativa Guffey sobre el carbón; la iniciativa laboral Wagner-Connery que privilegia a las mayorías para contratar colectivamente en perjuicio de las minorías; acusa la ineptitud, mala administración y desperdicio de algunos consejeros políticos, al Presidente; tacha de complicada y socialista la legislación del Seguro Social; augura el desastre por la política económica instaurada. Carta cuya firma es ilegible, que pudiera ser de Abelardo L. Rodríguez, sin nombre de destinatario, fechada en México, D.F. el 9 de noviembre de 1935, que es contestación de una enviada a bordo del "Presidente Van Beuren" con observaciones sobre los comentarios del viaje del destinatario a China y Japón, que difieren de las hechas por Bojórquez; el autor de la carta informa al destinatario sobre sus asuntos personales y sobre el desarrollo de los acontecimientos públicos en el país; en cuanto a los asuntos privados comenta el juicio de Díaz y cómo va el procedimiento judicial sobre el cual se dictaminará sentencia proximamente. Trámites ante la Secretaría de Comunicaciones sobre los itinerarios de El Sauzal y declara la caducidad del contrato por no haberse cumplido algunos requisitos que exige la Ley de Vías Generales de Comunicación; comenta que el Ministro Múgica dio orden al Departamento de Marina, para que todos los asuntos de Gaxiola pasarán al jurídico con lo que se demuestra animadversión y parcialidad. En cuanto a la situación del país comenta que es cada vez más grave y más anárquica, que el Presidente está enfermo de fiebre de malta, que está muy débil, que Portes Gil está dedicado a agitar a los elementos agrarios, aparentemente aliado con Cedillo; Múgica entregado a excesos demagógicos; comenta que Melchor (?) habló en Washington con el Embajador Castillo Nájera quien recientemente había sido invitado por Roosevelt a la Casa Blanca para informarle que el gobierno de Estados Unidos iban a tomar medidas para resolver el problema religioso en México ya que eran muchos los requerimientos que extranjeros le habían hecho para que la administración norteamericana definiera su postura, ante esta amenaza Cárdenas ha ordenado que se abran los templos en Sonora; en cuanto al reparto agrario, la Casa Blanca también está muy recelosa y así se lo han informado a Castillo Nájera; se sabe que un grupo de generales está muy molesto con la política del Presidente, con lo que el descontento está muy extendido y la dispersión de fuerzas evidente; le aconseja obrar con cautela y se ofrece a esperarlo en Nueva York; le informa que envía copia de la carta al Gral. Calles a San Diego, se despide y envía saludos a Lalo y . (Continúa en el siguiente registro)

For almost half a century, conflict in the South China Sea has constituted a challenge to China's diplomatic relations with the countries in the region. The dispute over the more than 200 islands, reefs and rocks located mainly around the Spratly and Paracel archipelagos has repeatedly unleashed military clashes between the different states involved, as well as popular demonstrations in support of their respective countries. Since the People´s Republic of China is a one-party socialist regime, it might be expected that its response to the conflict would be unitary and homogeneous, suiting the concept of the state as a unitary actor. According to this concept, states would behave at the international level as unitary and rational entities whose behavior is determined by the structure of the international system and not by their internal composition. Therefore, this paper aims to analyze the extent to which this concept applies to China's behavior in the South China Sea dispute. As a frequent source of tension in the region, the South China Sea conflict has received widespread attention during the last decades. Already in the 1970s and 1980s, the first studies began to emerge focusing on Chinese responses to the territorial disputes, although limiting their scope to the analysis of the possibility of China resorting to force to impose its claims. It is necessary to go back to the 1990s to find the only work (Wu and Bueno de Mesquita, 1994) that, focusing exclusively on the South China Sea conflict, analyzes the differentiated impact of different Chinese political actors. Unfortunately, this work has become obsolete, as in recent years there has been a growing fragmentation in the number of actors with the ability to influence China's foreign policy. Academic publications so far have focused either exclusively on the South China Sea conflict, but without addressing it from the point of view of the impact that various Chinese actors might have on the Chinese response, or in the analysis of these actors, but without focusing exclusively on the dispute this paper is dealing with. The present paper aims to fill this research gap, carrying out a study of the impact of the growing number of Chinese political actors on the behavior of their country in the conflict, and it will do so by testing the theoretical applicability of a concept so widespread in the field of International Relations: the state as a unitary actor. The approach of this paper is based on two premises. First, because China would seem, a priori, a favorable case for the study of the viability of the concept of the state as a unitary actor, given the nature of its political regime. Second, because the South China Sea dispute is a timely issue on which a solution is not expected in the short or medium term, and therefore the approach of this paper might enhance the understanding of China's future actions in the conflict. To this end, this paper will analyze the participation in the conflict of the leadership structures of the Chinese Communist Party, the State, the People´'s Liberation Army, provincial and local governments, commercial companies, and public opinion. These actors are aware that China will not abandon its territorial claims in the area, so they try to exert influence to further their own interests and points of view. The paper concludes that these actors are not only capable of influencing the considerations and decisions of the Chinese leadership, but also that, with their -on occasions contradictory- actions, they make it no longer possible to argue that China's behavior fits the concept of the state as a unitary actor supported by realist scholars such as Hans Morgenthau or John Mearsheimer. Undoubtedly, the Politburo Standing Committee and, especially, the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (Xi Jinping), play the most crucial role when it comes to China's behavior in the South China Sea conflict. In fact, the General Secretary´'s more assertive views have largely determined China's actions over the past decade. However, it is still necessary to maintain a consensual decision-making process. This consensus, combined with the participation of foreign policy advisers, can lead to relatively slow decision-making. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has traditionally adopted a more prudent and conciliatory stance, having clashes with other state agencies that, with their more assertive attitude, might act to the detriment of Chinese foreign policy. For its part, the People's Liberation Army has a limited influence through official channels. However, it can reach public opinion through nationalist messages in social media, and its operational autonomy gives it a margin of maneuver to carry out military actions that, although not being decided by the Chinese leaders, could increase China´'s political tensions with its neighbors. Provincial and local governments, as well as commercial companies, are favored by the ambiguous guidelines emanating from the central political power, enhancing their divergent behaviors based on their own interests: while some governments and companies are favored by the exaltation of the defense of China's territorial claims on the islands, others maintain a more conciliatory stance, stressing the positive results provided by the cooperation with neighboring countries. Finally, public opinion vehemently defends China's territorial claims in the South China Sea, a double-edged sword for the government, which may find its room for maneuver limited under future situations of crisis. In fact, citizen pressures could be behind the more assertive attitude shown by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in recent times. The paper proceeds as follows. The first section will introduce the theoretical framework of the paper, explaining the realist conception of the state as a unitary actor. At the same time it will put into context the evolution of China's foreign policymaking over the past decades, a process that has become increasingly complex, while also presenting a brief literature review on the South China Sea conflict. The second section will analyze the impact of the Chinese political actors mentioned above on the conflict. Finally, the conclusion section will present the main results obtained by the paper and suggest new avenues for future studies. ; El conflicto del Mar de la China Meridional ha supuesto, durante casi medio siglo, un desafío a las relaciones diplomáticas de China con los países de la región. La disputa por las más de 200 islas, arrecifes y rocas agrupadas mayoritariamente en torno a los archipiélagos de las Islas Spratly y Paracelso ha desencadenado de manera recurrente encontronazos de carácter militar entre los distintos estados involucrados, así como manifestaciones populares en apoyo a sus respectivos países. En tanto la República Popular de China es un régimen socialista de partido único, cabría esperar que su respuesta al conflicto fuera unitaria y homogénea, cumpliendo el concepto realista del estado como actor unitario. Según este concepto, los estados actuarían a nivel internacional como entes unitarios y racionales, cuyo comportamiento viene determinado por la estructura del sistema internacional y no por su composición interna. Por tanto, el presente artículo tiene el objetivo de analizar hasta qué punto dicho concepto es aplicable al comportamiento de China en la disputa del Mar de la China Meridional. La elección del enfoque del artículo se fundamenta en dos razones. En primer lugar, porque China parecería, a priori, un caso de estudio favorable para la viabilidad del concepto del estado como actor unitario, dada la naturaleza de su régimen político. En segundo lugar, porque la disputa del Mar de la China Meridional es un tema de actualidad sobre el que no se espera una solución a corto o medio plazo, y por tanto dicho enfoque se antoja imprescindible para poder comprender mejor futuras acciones de China en el conflicto. Para ello, se analizará la participación en el conflicto de los órganos de liderazgo del Partido Comunista de China, el Estado, el Ejército Popular de Liberación, los gobiernos provinciales y locales, las empresas comerciales y la opinión pública. Estos actores son conscientes de que China no renunciará a sus reivindicaciones territoriales en la zona, y por tanto intentan ejercer influencia en función de sus propios intereses y puntos de vista. El artículo concluye que los actores analizados no sólo son capaces de influir en las consideraciones y decisiones de los principales líderes chinos, sino que además con sus acciones -en ocasiones contradictorias- hacen que ya no resulte posible hablar de un país cuyo comportamiento encaje con el concepto de estado como actor unitario desarrollado por autores realistas como Hans Morgenthau o John Mearsheimer. El artículo se estructura de la siguiente forma. El primer epígrafe desarrollará el marco teórico del artículo, explicando el concepto realista del estado como actor unitario. Además, pondrá en contexto la evolución de la formulación de la política exterior china durante las últimas décadas, proceso que ha ido adquiriendo una creciente complejidad, y presentará el estado de la cuestión del estudio sobre el conflicto del Mar de la China Meridional. El segundo epígrafe analizará el impacto en el conflicto de los distintos actores políticos chinos anteriormente mencionados. Finalmente, la conclusión presentará de manera sucinta los principales resultados obtenidos por el artículo, sugiriendo nuevos enfoques para futuros estudios.

This dissertation investigates the governance of seventeenth-century Damascus by examining claims upon the productive capacity of land, and the collection and redistribution of agricultural taxes. The early modern Ottoman Empire--of which Damascus was a province--was a large agrarian empire wherein the interests of numerous groups and individuals converged around the land and its produce. In light of its centrality to both the subjects and the state, the management of land as a resource has much to tell us about what governance was expected to be in this period, at a time before religious, economic, political or social authority had been disembedded from one another. In this, Damascus is not much different from any other provincial town lying within the early modern empires of Asia and Europe; the issues raised here are not pertinent to the history of the Middle East alone but are relevant to other early modern states. The inquiry into what the state governs and how it does so starts with the observation that Ottoman political literature conceives of a unified political body wherein different groups of people play different roles in allowing the state to function. Through the lens of tax assessment and collection, the first chapter examines the role within the Ottoman state body that is played by the peasant cultivators in the villages surrounding Damascus. The first half of the chapter explores how the prerogatives comparable to other fiscal military states shaped Ottoman taxation policy in the seventeenth century. The importance of obtaining cash led not only to the imposition of new taxes and updated tax registers at the Istanbul finance bureau, but to a new responsibility of the villagers for tax collection. The chapter argues that where compliance with taxation was concerned, the most important governing authority in the village was the villagers themselves. Examining the interactions between villagers, judges, muftis and tax farmers, the chapter examines how individuals and groups that are not state agents strictly speaking, become authorized to exercise state power. The chapter concludes that peasant cultivators do not merely maintain a relationship with the Ottoman government, rather, in some sense they are the government and form an integral part of its machinery.The question of how the governing authority of the state intersects with the authority of Islamic law has long been a question in the historiography of the Ottoman Empire and Islamic societies in general. However, the question of shifts in the configuration of religious and temporal authority in the seventeenth century is not an issue whose importance is confined to the history of the Islamic regions of the world. Rather, the question of expanding state power and the proper role of `religion' in the body politic is a widespread concern of the early modern period. With this question in mind, the second and third chapters explore the changing legal powers of the sultan and his agents to control productive land and peasant labor. Chapter two notes a change in the meaning and scope of sultan's authority to legislate peasant access to the land in the seventeenth century. This expansion in the sultan's legislative role is absorbed into the jurisprudence of the empire's jurist-scholars, and creating a specifically `Ottoman' practice of Islamic scholarship. Starting in the sixteenth century, the sultan's enacted laws--known as `qanun'--regulate with far greater detail the rights and obligations of peasants and soldier-tax collectors. What emerges is a right of usufruct for the peasantry that is controlled by the dynasty's statutes rather than the interests of local military administrators or local custom. The fact that this concept of the usufruct right eventually comes to prevail in Damascene villages suggests that usufruct was an increasingly standardized right across the empire's rural communities. This is despite the fact that the Damascenes had their own local and juridical traditions that ran counter to the concept of usufruct being promulgated by the sultan. What we find in juristic discussion of usufruct is a very slowly changing idea of the boundaries of imperial authority and its legal consequences. While the second chapter demonstrates a growing consensus that the sultan had wider authority to legislate in matters pertaining to the lands of the state treasury, the legality of some land tenure practices sanctioned by the sultan remained controversial. The third chapter examines the limits of state power to pursue its need to fill the coffers, and how it was expected to treat the village taxpayers. There was no debate among Ottoman subjects that a solvent treasury was a necessity. Without exception, we find that keeping fertile land productive and distributing the revenues in appropriate ways are shared priorities. The common reference point defining the limits of the sultan's authority over production and taxation was the shari'ah, yet there was great disagreement on what the shari'ah enjoined, and in some sense, what the shari'ah was. When it came to what means of extraction the shari'ah permitted or the extent to which the state could coerce the villagers to produce, disagreement was rampant. It was not always the ulema (religious scholars) that opposed state actions on the grounds that such actions violated the shari'ah--as this chapter shows, the views of the ulema were sometimes more cooperative with the dynasty's decisions than those held by its temporal administrators. Both chapters address the question of the shifting configuration of state and religious authority in the early modern world, and examine its consequences on the lives and livelihoods of Damascene cultivators. The fourth and fifth chapters investigate two groups in Damascus who were frequent beneficiaries of the revenues produced in the villages, the ulema and the soldiers based in the city. The right of these groups to receive the tax moneys of the peasant cultivators was premised on the services that each provided for the political body as a whole. There did not appear to be much dispute about the nature of the services that each was to perform, but differences did spring up when the question arose of how or whether such services had been performed in specific instances. The chapter maintains that it is these conflicting interpretations of service, status, privilege and vocational responsibility that most clearly reveal how the provincial elites did or did not take part in the exercise of Ottoman authority in Damascus. The ulema earned their access to the revenue sources through their scholarship and teaching and the general duty of providing moral guidance to other Muslims. Part of this duty was to denounce oppression, and to protect the strong from abusing the weak. An argument arose among the ulema of how much honor or revenue one could seek from the state without compromising oneself in the process. Could one covet the sultan's largess and still be adequately critical if he or his agents overstepped their authority? Other ulema found that the dignity of their profession was an asset when their management of cultivators and taxes was called into question. They deflected the accusations of greed and fraud by invoking their dedication to pious works and scholarship. In all cases, the self conception of the ulema as a group with a particular function in the political body was critical to the way they responded to opportunities for gaining wealth and power. For the soldiers stationed in Damascus as well as the great military families of the countryside, access to rural revenues was contingent upon obedient military service. Increasingly, the entirety of the fiscal and military resources of the province of Damascus was oriented towards financing the pilgrimage to Mecca. The need for effective, reliable and obedient military leadership of the pilgrimage began to assume a higher priority for the Ottoman government. From 1660 to 1690, the Damascene janissaries dominated the office of pilgrimage leader, as they had a number of qualities to recommend them for the position: not only did know the routes from accompanying the caravan, but their capacity to create trouble as well as their expectation of reward was modest in comparison with the great military families of the countryside. Through investigation of their economic activities, it is clear that the question of which soldiers were considered `local' to Damascus had more to do with their involvement in the city's commerce rather than their origins or ethnicity. In turn, when the dynasty finally moved to destroy their leadership and punish them for insubordination, the question of how their `local' sympathies had affronted imperial prerogatives played out differently than might be imagined. While the issue of what constituted obedience might be read differently in Damascus than in Istanbul, it was clear that the Damascenes shared the belief that military men, even local military men, must be obedient to the sultan. This dissertation argues that Damascenes from all backgrounds play an important role in Ottoman governance of the province, and one that is comparable to that of other early modern subjects. It shows people trying to locate their place within the political body as a whole, while the limits of their duties and powers associated with different groups underwent great flux and were vigorously debated. It is this uneasy integration of these various groups into the body of state which best demonstrates the relations between the subjects and the state in the early modern Middle East.