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This thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French municipalities to randomize the eligibility of incumbent mayors for reelection. Despite a context increasingly favorable to the election of women, I find that the persistence of incumbents does not block female access to the position of mayor. I investigate the mechanisms and show that it is more difficult for a woman to replace a female incumbent than a male one. ; Cette thèse vise à étudier le lien entre institutions, genre et politique. Elle cherche à répondre à trois questions: les institutions peuvent-elles défaire les normes de genre ? Les institutions seraient-elles plus égalitaires si elles étaient dirigées par des femmes ? Pourquoi les femmes sont-elles absentes des positions de pouvoir ? Le premier chapitre de cette thèse vise à étudier le rôle des institutions dans la création des normes de genre. La norme étudiée est celle selon laquelle une femme doit gagner moins que son mari. En utilisant, la division de l'Allemagne comme une expérience naturelle, nous montrons que les institutions égalitaires est-allemandes ont défait le genre. Après la réunification, une femme est-allemande peut gagner plus que son mari sans augmenter son nombre d'heures de travail domestique, risquer de divorcer ou de se retirer du marché du travail. A l'opposé, en Allemagne de l'Ouest, ces comportements sont toujours observables.Le deuxième chapitre étudie si les institutions seraient plus égalitaires avec des femmes à leur tête. En particulier, nous cherchons à déterminer si les femmes politiciennes ont les mêmes priorités que leurs collègues masculins. Le contexte étudié est celui du Parlement Français durant la période 2001-2017. En combinant des méthodes d'analyse de texte avec des variations exogènes dans le sexe des politiciens, ce chapitre montre que, relativement à leurs collègues masculins, les femmes politiciennes à l'Assemblée Nationale défendent plus les intérêts des femmes dans la population. Le thème où les différences sexuées d'activité parlementaire sont les plus marquées est précisément celui de l'égalité femmes-hommes, suivi des thématiques liées à l'enfance et à la santé. Les hommes sont plus actifs sur les thématiques militaires. Nous montrons que ces différences proviennent de l'intérêt individuel des législateurs. Enfin, nous répliquons ces résultats au Sénat en exploitant l'introduction d'une réforme qui a imposé la parité.Le troisième chapitre s'intéresse aux raisons derrière la sous-représentation des femmes dans les positions de pouvoir. Il cherche à déterminer si dans un contexte où les politiciens sont majoritairement des hommes, la "prime aux sortants" lors d'élections réduit le nombre de femmes élues. Le contexte étudié est celui des municipalités de moins de 1000 habitants en France. Nous montrons que contrairement à ce qu'on peut s'attendre, lorsque les politiciens ne sont pas éligibles à leur réélection, la part de femmes élus n'augmente pas. C'est parce qu'il est plus difficile pour une femme de remplacer une femme que de remplacer un homme.

This thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French municipalities to randomize the eligibility of incumbent mayors for reelection. Despite a context increasingly favorable to the election of women, I find that the persistence of incumbents does not block female access to the position of mayor. I investigate the mechanisms and show that it is more difficult for a woman to replace a female incumbent than a male one. ; Cette thèse vise à étudier le lien entre institutions, genre et politique. Elle cherche à répondre à trois questions: les institutions peuvent-elles défaire les normes de genre ? Les institutions seraient-elles plus égalitaires si elles étaient dirigées par des femmes ? Pourquoi les femmes sont-elles absentes des positions de pouvoir ? Le premier chapitre de cette thèse vise à étudier le rôle des institutions dans la création des normes de genre. La norme étudiée est celle selon laquelle une femme doit gagner moins que son mari. En utilisant, la division de l'Allemagne comme une expérience naturelle, nous montrons que les institutions égalitaires est-allemandes ont défait le genre. Après la réunification, une femme est-allemande peut gagner plus que son mari sans augmenter son nombre d'heures de travail domestique, risquer de divorcer ou de se retirer du marché du travail. A l'opposé, en Allemagne de l'Ouest, ces comportements sont toujours observables.Le deuxième chapitre étudie si les institutions seraient plus égalitaires avec des femmes à leur tête. En particulier, nous cherchons à déterminer si les femmes politiciennes ont les mêmes priorités que leurs collègues masculins. Le contexte étudié est celui du Parlement Français durant la période 2001-2017. En combinant des méthodes d'analyse de texte avec des variations exogènes dans le sexe des politiciens, ce chapitre montre que, relativement à leurs collègues masculins, les femmes politiciennes à l'Assemblée Nationale défendent plus les intérêts des femmes dans la population. Le thème où les différences sexuées d'activité parlementaire sont les plus marquées est précisément celui de l'égalité femmes-hommes, suivi des thématiques liées à l'enfance et à la santé. Les hommes sont plus actifs sur les thématiques militaires. Nous montrons que ces différences proviennent de l'intérêt individuel des législateurs. Enfin, nous répliquons ces résultats au Sénat en exploitant l'introduction d'une réforme qui a imposé la parité.Le troisième chapitre s'intéresse aux raisons derrière la sous-représentation des femmes dans les positions de pouvoir. Il cherche à déterminer si dans un contexte où les politiciens sont majoritairement des hommes, la "prime aux sortants" lors d'élections réduit le nombre de femmes élues. Le contexte étudié est celui des municipalités de moins de 1000 habitants en France. Nous montrons que contrairement à ce qu'on peut s'attendre, lorsque les politiciens ne sont pas éligibles à leur réélection, la part de femmes élus n'augmente pas. C'est parce qu'il est plus difficile pour une femme de remplacer une femme que de remplacer un homme.

This thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French municipalities to randomize the eligibility of incumbent mayors for reelection. Despite a context increasingly favorable to the election of women, I find that the persistence of incumbents does not block female access to the position of mayor. I investigate the mechanisms and show that it is more difficult for a woman to replace a female incumbent than a male one. ; Cette thèse vise à étudier le lien entre institutions, genre et politique. Elle cherche à répondre à trois questions: les institutions peuvent-elles défaire les normes de genre ? Les institutions seraient-elles plus égalitaires si elles étaient dirigées par des femmes ? Pourquoi les femmes sont-elles absentes des positions de pouvoir ? Le premier chapitre de cette thèse vise à étudier le rôle des institutions dans la création des normes de genre. La norme étudiée est celle selon laquelle une femme doit gagner moins que son mari. En utilisant, la division de l'Allemagne comme une expérience naturelle, nous montrons que les institutions égalitaires est-allemandes ont défait le genre. Après la réunification, une femme est-allemande peut gagner plus que son mari sans augmenter son nombre d'heures de travail domestique, risquer de divorcer ou de se retirer du marché du travail. A l'opposé, en Allemagne de l'Ouest, ces comportements sont toujours observables.Le deuxième chapitre étudie si les institutions seraient plus égalitaires avec des femmes à leur tête. En particulier, nous cherchons à déterminer si les femmes politiciennes ont les mêmes priorités que leurs collègues masculins. Le contexte étudié est celui du Parlement Français durant la période 2001-2017. En combinant des méthodes d'analyse de texte avec des variations exogènes dans le sexe des politiciens, ce chapitre montre que, relativement à leurs collègues masculins, les femmes politiciennes à l'Assemblée Nationale défendent plus les intérêts des femmes dans la population. Le thème où les différences sexuées d'activité parlementaire sont les plus marquées est précisément celui de l'égalité femmes-hommes, suivi des thématiques liées à l'enfance et à la santé. Les hommes sont plus actifs sur les thématiques militaires. Nous montrons que ces différences proviennent de l'intérêt individuel des législateurs. Enfin, nous répliquons ces résultats au Sénat en exploitant l'introduction d'une réforme qui a imposé la parité.Le troisième chapitre s'intéresse aux raisons derrière la sous-représentation des femmes dans les positions de pouvoir. Il cherche à déterminer si dans un contexte où les politiciens sont majoritairement des hommes, la "prime aux sortants" lors d'élections réduit le nombre de femmes élues. Le contexte étudié est celui des municipalités de moins de 1000 habitants en France. Nous montrons que contrairement à ce qu'on peut s'attendre, lorsque les politiciens ne sont pas éligibles à leur réélection, la part de femmes élus n'augmente pas. C'est parce qu'il est plus difficile pour une femme de remplacer une femme que de remplacer un homme.

In this thesis I explore how the elements of tax systems affect individuals' behavior. The goal is to enhance our understanding of how tax responses are affected by search and adjustment costs, information frictions, hassle costs and behavioral biases in general.In the first chapter, I provide theoretical and empirical evidence on the importance of statutory incidence in labor markets in presence of asymmetric frictions. Using a theoretical model I show that labor supply responses are stronger when the statutory incidence of taxes or labor rules falls on firms. The asymmetry of response stems from the assumption that firms have a greater ability to respond to incentives than workers because it is easier for firms to change working hours. The result holds even if wages adjust to equalize differences in labor costs stemming from taxes and regulations. I explore these mechanisms by studying labor responses to incentives generated by the "Mini-Job" program aimed at increasing labor supply of low-income individuals in Germany. Using administrative data, I show evidence of a strong behavioral response – in the form of sharp bunching – to the mini-job threshold that generates large discontinuous changes both in the marginal tax rates and in the total income and payroll tax liability of individuals in Germany. Sharp bunching translates into elasticity estimates that are an order of magnitude larger than has been previously estimated using the bunching approach. To explain the magnitude of the observed response, I show that in addition to tax rates, fringe benefit payments also change at the threshold. Using a large survey of businesses and a household survey, I compare wages and fringe benefits around the mini-job threshold and find that mini-job workers are paid higher gross wages but receive smaller yearly bonuses and fewer vacation days than regular workers. These results indicate that lower fringe benefits make mini-jobs attractive to employers, thus facilitating labor supply responses in accordance with the model's predictions.In the second chapter, I study behavioral responses to changes in marginal tax rates of social security and income taxes. I find that responses depend on individual's employment status: whether a worker is a wage earner, self-employed, or a proprietor. In line with the existing literature I document weak (but statistically significant) bunching at kink points of the tax schedule among wage earners. Starting from 1999, wage earners accumulate pension credits when they exceed a certain threshold, however, no contributions are due until earnings reach a second, higher threshold. Even 10 years after this reform I find no bunching to the right of the eligibility threshold, suggesting that individuals do not assign a high value to pension benefits. Lack of bunching is persistent across age groups and unlikely to be explained by friction costs as individuals are able to bunch at other kink points. I find strong responses to tax incentives among the self-employed but the responses differ by the type of kink. I find sharp bunching at the first kink, medium bunching at the top kink and weak bunching at the middle kink. Comparing responses before and after a tax reform that changed the magnitude of kinks I find that self-employed individuals aggressively reduce earnings to bunch at the lower, more salient kink points.In the third chapter, I study information reporting, which has been argued to be an effective tool against evasion. However, even the simplest reporting requirements can prove to be costly to taxpayers. The trade-off between evasion and compliance costs suggests that reporting rules should only be imposed on a subset of the population. In this paper I address the question of how to optimally determine such reporting thresholds. In the first part of the paper I use a natural experiment to document that reporting rules are indeed costly to taxpayers but are successful at reducing evasion. I study a reform that simplified reporting rules for an income tax deduction of noncash charitable contributions in the U.S. Relying on a revealed preference approach, I find that relaxing reporting requirements led to a steady increase in reported donations but that nearly 50% of these new donations were untruthful. The tax revenue loss, however, was offset by substantial savings for taxpayers because reporting requirements impose substantial hassle costs: $90 on average per person. In the second part of the paper I develop a framework which allows me to characterize optimal reporting thresholds. I show that the determination of optimal thresholds should take into account the utility loss from reporting experienced by individuals and a loss in externality benefits from charitable giving against the tax revenue loss generated by evasion. The size of a reporting threshold is primarily governed by the type and magnitude of cheating. Calibrations of the model shows that in the case of noncash charitable donation deductions, the optimal threshold is more than twice lower than the threshold chosen by the government.

Incentive problems arise in many economic relationships, between workers and firms as well as between those agents and the fiscal authority. If it is well known, in fact, that labor contracts tying wages to performance may mitigate the efficiency costs from unobservable effort, it is also an empirical fact that real word contracts, and the incentives provided wherein, are more frequently based on some sort of non-monetary compensation – fringe benefits, or perks, as they are called. As a result, the fiscal authority is more often called to decide on the eligibility of those perquisite goods and, therefore, on their taxability. In spite of their diffusion, however, there is still little consensus among researchers on the reasons why perks should be provided, and what their effect on welfare might be. The standard explanation for perks usually relies on some form of agency problem. However, monitoring concerns are certainly less relevant when dealing with a fiscal authority, that, for the most part, may monitor the provision of perks better than the payment of cash. Motivated by the concerns about how fringe benefits may restrict the revenue collection problem and affect the redistribution of resources and incentives, this research aims at investigating the relationship between the provision of perks and i) the progressivity/regressivity of the optimal transfer-tax system, and ii) the top-income marginal tax rate. To the best of our knowledge, this thesis constitutes the first theoretical attempt to deal with the issue at hand. In fact, all existing papers that analytically study the moral hazard problem with perks, either focus on their effect on the effort responsiveness to monetary incentives, or they study the cash-perks substitutability in the optimal labor contract, absent any consideration for the insurance/incentive purposes of income taxation. To some extent, we also contribute to the literature on optimal taxation, by emphasizing the connection between the agents' responses to the fiscal system and the structure of the labor market. Methodologically, we investigate our research agenda by following two different approaches. In Chapter 2, we develop a static version of a standard stochastic Ramsey's problem with a representative agent and an utilitarian, resource-seeking government who takes the post of the principal and owner of the only firm in the economy. When designing the optimal rules for cash payment and perk provision, the government, who is constrained by his budget balance, takes into account the agent's unobservable reactions to the tax system, and set optimal taxes so as to provide either insurance and right incentives. In Chapter 3, however, we take an alternative perspective, and study a decentralized economy wherein an independent, self-interest firm retains full control of the provision of perks and wage payments, given the fiscal policy announced by the government. Our analysis aims at highlighting the existence of a trade-off between the opposite interests of the government and the employer, that will serve as a rationale for the characterization of the equilibrium marginal tax rate that we derive from a Nash non-cooperative interaction game between the fiscal authority and the agents in the labor market. Our analysis suggests that, whenever perks are efficiently provided, the government trades off progressivity for perk provision. Our main conclusion, in fact, is that the (centralized) second-best efficient taxation scheme with perks is more regressive compared to its perk-less equivalent. Notably, we also find that, whenever society's preferences for public expenditure and agents' risk aversion are sufficiently low, a regressive top-income marginal tax is also consistent with a positive provision of perks. In a numerical exercise, for example, we show that a marginal tax rate of 30% allows for either i) a positive provision of perks that accounts for 1.6% of the gross income (3.2% of the agent's wage), and ii) a per-capita public expenditure which is 7% of the top-brackets taxpayers' gross income (15% of their earnings). An equilibrium allocation without perks results, instead, for a 45% marginal tax rate. However, in spite of the ability of our theoretical framework to capture the relationship between risk aversion and efficient provision of perks, through their effect on the optimal trade-off between the insurance and incentive motives for taxation, our model has its weakness, as to regard its sensitiveness to the stochastic dominance properties of the probability distribution and the level of income in the economy. If, in the former case, deviations from the benchmark distribution are qualitatively important but quantitatively small, in the latter case, the quantitative implications of different income levels are quite important. A more precise calibration of the models and a better characterization of the results are left to future works.

The United States lags behind most other nations in the world with respect to job-protected leave and paid leave from work, such as parental leave. The Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) of 1993 is the only federal leave policy, and it provides 12 weeks of job-protected leave for personal care or family care to address serious illnesses or health conditions. However, leave under the FMLA is unpaid, and restrictive eligibility requirements prohibit over 40 percent of the workforce from taking advantage of its provisions. Given the FMLA's shortcomings, states have passed their own leave laws, offering paid leave, covering more workers, lengthening leave durations, or expanding definitions of "family" for the purposes of family caregiving leave. My dissertation applies both quantitative and qualitative analytical approaches to explore relationships between social movements and gender-neutral leave legislation (i.e., paid and/or job-protected family, parental, and sick leave) in U.S. states. It addresses two key questions: First, how and to what extent do union-community coalitions (or social movements) influence state leave legislation? Second, under what conditions do they have influence?This is the first study to compile state leave legislative histories since the passage of the FMLA in 1993 and the first to empirically test relationships between organized labor and leave policy. My mixed-method approach combines an event history analysis of leave policy adoption in 49 states from 1973 to 2014 with in-depth, case-oriented comparisons between two U.S. states characterized by above-average union densities but very different leave policy provisions: California, which has the most generous leave policies in the country and Pennsylvania, which has no state-level leave provisions. Findings from the case-oriented comparisons are based on state legislative hearing transcripts, news sources, and interviews with 34 union, community, and coalition leaders as well as government staff and elected representatives. For the event history analysis, I constructed my own dataset, organized by state-year, drawing from different government and academic sources to measure union institutional strength and economic and political conditions in each state for each year. Combining these two methodological approaches enabled a comprehensive examination of social movement interventions at different points in the policy-making process: setting legislative agendas, shaping the content of legislation, and achieving policy adoption.I find that movement activity, union institutional strength, and government allies in the form of Democrats and women in state legislatures facilitated adoption of leave policies. However, under favorable movement and political conditions, weak economic conditions intervened to slow the progress of leave bills. Social movements (or union-community coalitions) exerted most influence at the agenda-setting stage of the policy-making process. While some elected representatives introduced bills independent of movement pressures, these bills only emerged from house committees with attention from movement actors. At the other end of the policy-making process, I find that Democratic majorities in state houses were necessary for a bill to come to a vote and ultimately to pass. At the stage in which the content of legislation is negotiated, an intermediate stage in the policy-making process, I find interaction between movements and political conditions. At this intermediate stage, movement actors are consulted about what they perceive as reasonable compromises, and these potential compromises are weighed against a desire to win support from moderate legislators, which would potentially enable policy adoption.My research contributes to existing theoretical knowledge regarding social movement outcomes and union contributions to equality. First, I extend social movement theories by arguing that social movements and political conditions interact at the stage in which legislative content is negotiated. My findings confirm previous research showing that social movements have most influence at the early stages in the policy-making process (e.g., bill introduction) rather than later stages (e.g., policy adoption). Political conditions mediate relationships between movements and policy outcomes at the policy adoption stage in the sense that Democratic control of the legislature is a necessary condition for passage of leave legislation. When Democrats are in control, union strength and union-community coalition activity increases the likelihood of policy adoption. At the intermediate stage in which legislative content is negotiated, social movements and political conditions interact to have joint effects on policy outcomes. Second, I introduce the economy as an additional mediator in the relationship between movements and policy outcomes and argue that social movement theories, rather than continuing with political mediation models, should move toward a more generic mediation model of movement outcomes. Finally, I find a significant, positive relationship between union institutional strength and leave policy adoption. Additionally, specify union contributions to coalitions advocating policy change, arguing that unions contribute their relationships with policy-makers and localized knowledge of political conditions. These contributions, I argue, are unique to organized labor. Unions, therefore, facilitate the movement's access to government decision-makers, an achievement that social movement scholars consider a movement outcome in its own right.

Background: Inclusive education is central to contemporary discourse internationally reflecting societies' wider commitment to social inclusion. Education has witnessed transforming approaches that have created differing distributions of power, resource allocation and accountability. Multiple actors are being forced to consider changes to how key services and supports are organised. This research constitutes a case study situated within this broader social service dilemma of how to distribute finite resources equitably to meet individual need, while advancing inclusion. It focuses on the national directive with regard to inclusive educational practice for primary schools, Department of Education and Science Special Education Circular 02/05, which introduced the General Allocation Model (GAM) within the legislative context of the Education of Persons with Special Educational Needs (EPSEN) Act (Government of Ireland, 2004). This research could help to inform policy with 'facts about what is happening on the ground' (Quinn, 2013). Research Aims: The research set out to unearth the assumptions and definitions embedded within the policy document, to analyse how those who are at the coalface of policy, and who interface with multiple interests in primary schools, understand the GAM and respond to it, and to investigate its effects on students and their education. It examines student outcomes in the primary schools where the GAM was investigated. Methods and Sample The post-structural study acknowledges the importance of policy analysis which explicitly links the 'bigger worlds' of global and national policy contexts to the 'smaller worlds' of policies and practices within schools and classrooms. This study insists upon taking the detail seriously (Ozga, 1990). A mixed methods approach to data collection and analysis is applied. In order to secure the perspectives of key stakeholders, semi-structured interviews were conducted with primary school principals, class teachers and learning support/resource teachers (n=14) in three distinct mainstream, non-DEIS schools. Data from the schools and their environs provided a profile of students. The researcher then used the Pobal Maps Facility (available at www.pobal.ie) to identify the Small Area (SA) in which each student resides, and to assign values to each address based on the Pobal HP Deprivation Index (Haase and Pratschke, 2012). Analysis of the datasets, guided by the conceptual framework of the policy cycle (Ball, 1994), revealed a number of significant themes. Results: Data illustrate that the main model to support student need is withdrawal from the classroom under policy that espouses inclusion. Quantitative data, in particular, highlighted an association between segregated practice and lower socioeconomic status (LSES) backgrounds of students. Up to 83% of the students in special education programmes are from lower socio-economic status (LSES) backgrounds. In some schools 94% of students from LSES backgrounds are withdrawn from classrooms daily for special education. While the internal processes of schooling are not solely to blame for class inequalities, this study reveals the power of professionals to order children in school, which has implications for segregated special education practice. Such agency on the part of key actors in the context of practice relates to 'local constructions of dis/ability', which is influenced by teacher habitus (Bourdieu, 1984). The researcher contends that inclusive education has not resulted in positive outcomes for students from LSES backgrounds because it is built on faulty assumptions that focus on a psycho-medical perspective of dis/ability, that is, placement decisions do not consider the intersectionality of dis/ability with class or culture. This study argues that the student need for support is better understood as 'home/school discontinuity' not 'disability'. Moreover, the study unearths the power of some parents to use social and cultural capital to ensure eligibility to enhanced resources. Therefore, a hierarchical system has developed in mainstream schools as a result of funding models to support need in inclusive settings. Furthermore, all schools in the study are 'ordinary' schools yet participants acknowledged that some schools are more 'advantaged', which may suggest that 'ordinary' schools serve to 'bury class' (Reay, 2010) as a key marker in allocating resources. The research suggests that general allocation models of funding to meet the needs of students demands a systematic approach grounded in reallocating funds from where they have less benefit to where they have more. The calculation of the composite Haase Value in respect of the student cohort in receipt of special education support adopted for this study could be usefully applied at a national level to ensure that the greatest level of support is targeted at greatest need. Conclusion: In summary, the study reveals that existing structures constrain and enable agents, whose interactions produce intended and unintended consequences. The study suggests that policy should be viewed as a continuous and evolving cycle (Ball, 1994) where actors in each of the social contexts have a shared responsibility in the evolution of education that is equitable, excellent and inclusive.

The report begins with a summary of programs reviewed, a description of the PMT targeting system, and the profile of individuals in the database. It then presents key findings from the review of budgets and the analysis of SW Admin/PMT data on program coverage and distributional equity of program benefits. The report concludes with a discussion of policy implications and recommendations that emerged from the key findings and the process of data gathering and analysis. The Annexes include program descriptions based on the corresponding laws; the estimated benefit levels per individual; government expenditure and budget trends for each program since 2010; and information on social welfare program beneficiaries, by program grouping.

This handbook updates and expands upon the learning in IFC's 2000 community development resource guide entitled, Investing in People: Sustaining Communities through Improved Business Practice. It was produced in response to demand from companies for updated how-to guidance and current good practice approaches. Companies around the world engage in community investment efforts as a way to promote local development and benefit stakeholders in their areas of operations. For the private sector, effective community investment programs can help companies gain a social license to operate, access land, reduce project and reputational risks, boost productivity, meet government requirements or global standards, and/or successfully compete for the next venture. The aim of this handbook is to help IFC client companies and the wider private sector operating in emerging markets to think strategically about how they can support community investment programs that are successful, sustainable, and consistent with their business objectives. The handbook is meant for use by anyone who is interested in developing a company-supported community investment program or improving the performance of an existing one. The content of the handbook is organized around seven key areas comprising a comprehensive strategic planning framework for community investment. To help users with practical application, the Handbook is also supplemented by additional tools and information which are included in the tools section or listed under useful references.

Over the last five years, the Center for Migration Studies of New York (CMS) has conducted four surveys of Catholic immigrant-serving institutions, programs, and ministries in the United States. These surveys identify the multi-faceted needs of immigrants and refugees, and examine the successes and challenges of Catholic institutions in responding to them. CMS administered its most recent survey, the Catholic Refugee and Immigrant Service Integration Survey (the "CRISIS Survey") from December 14, 2020 through February 5, 2021. This survey explored the work of Catholic institutions during the Trump administration and the COVID-19 pandemic. The CRISIS Survey documents the reach, diversity, and productivity of Catholic institutions that worked with immigrants and refugees during a pandemic that particularly devastated their communities and an administration whose policies and rhetoric made their work far more difficult. At a time of rampant "Catholic decline" narratives, the survey also documents the reach, vitality, and relevance of Catholic immigrant-serving institutions. It identifies the obstacles encountered by immigrants in accessing Catholic programs and ministries — both organizational (funding, staffing, and siting) and exogenous (federal policies, the pandemic, and community opposition). It underscores the threat posed by US immigration policies to immigrants and to the work of Catholic institutions. Survey respondents reported that they offered new services during this period, such as: Financial assistance for families, particularly those at risk of losing housing or utilities. COVID-19 testing, education, contact tracing, and quarantine services. Mental health services. Grief support and assistance with funeral expenses. Delivery of food and sanitation supplies for infected and other homebound persons. Voter registration and Census promotion activities. Virtually all respondents provided services remotely during the pandemic. Many reported on difficulties faced by immigrants in accessing their services, due to poor internet connections, limited computer access, and lack of communications technology and training. Respondents identified several factors that negatively affected immigrants' access to their services pre-pandemic. As in previous CMS surveys, these factors included lack of immigration status, negative community attitudes toward immigrants, fear of apprehension (particularly after traffic stops) and deportation, public transportation deficiencies, stigma over receipt of mental health services, and identification requirements to access public benefits. Respondents also reported on obstacles in working with immigrants during the pandemic. These included the pandemic itself, limited funding, demand that outpaced resources, government restrictions on relief and benefit eligibility, and (particularly for students) living arrangements, work, and family caretaking responsibilities. Respondents overwhelmingly believed that immigration enforcement, tied to fear of deportation, very negatively or somewhat negatively affected participation in their services and programs. In Catholic terms, they reported that nativist immigration policies, rhetoric, and media sources interfered with their practice of discipleship. One respondent stated, "Fear of ICE and round-ups, locally in our state and nationally, along with negative immigration rhetoric from the out-going president have made our clients very fearful to access services they rightly qualify for." A healthcare provider reported that immigrants were "avoiding or delaying seeking treatment for COVID-19 for fear of apprehension and/or deportation." Many said that enforcement partnerships between Immigration and Customs Enforcement and states and localities made immigrants fearful of reporting crimes or accessing government facilities. One said that potential sponsors feared coming forward to reunify with children. Respondents also cited as problems delays in family reunification, barriers to asylum-seekers entering the United States, decreased refugee admissions, and the Trump administration's rule on the public charge ground of inadmissibility. The report recommends that Catholic institutions take stock of the creative new programs, skills and capacities that they have developed during the pandemic and build on them. It also recommends that scholars and researchers prioritize independent, person-centered research that critically analyzes the work of Catholic immigrant-serving institutions. Such research would ask whether these institutions, in the words of Pope Francis, are putting "the person at the center, in his or her many aspects" and honoring the "fundamental equality" of every person. It would draw on the perspectives of immigrants served by Catholic institutions to examine the degree to which these institutions advance the rights, participation, and wellbeing of immigrants and their families in US society. Finally, it would analyze how Catholic institutions work with each other — within Arch/dioceses, regionally, nationally, and across these realms — in response to the cross-cutting needs of immigrants. The report recommends that Catholic institutions develop programmatic plans to ensure that immigrants can return to or can continue to access their programs and ministries as the pandemic subsides. These plans will need to combine communication strategies, financial support, and services such as transportation and childcare. In addition, Catholic institutions should make it a high priority to ensure that immigrants can access the infrastructure, platforms, and training that will allow them to access virtual services. They should also develop strategies to engage Catholics who do not understand, who ignore, or who work at cross-purposes to Catholic teaching and policy positions in this area. Finally, they should redouble their work with the administration and Congress to reform US immigration laws, and with states and localities to promote welcoming and inclusive communities.

En 1993, el gobierno colombiano creó un régimen de salud subsidiada (RS) con el objetivo de mejorar la cobertura de salud sobre la población más pobre y vulnerable. Usando datos de la Encuesta de Calidad de Vida (ECV) para los años 2008 y 2012, estimo la asociación entre la participación en el RS y la inseguridad alimentaria de los hogares colombianos. El proceso de enrolamiento en el RS no es exógeno, porque se encuentra sujeto a auto-selección por parte de los hogares potencialmente elegibles, políticas discrecionales por parte de los municipios con respecto a la focalización del programa, y la manipulación del puntaje que determina la asignación por parte de políticos locales debido a motivos electorales. Por lo tanto, uso la proporción del tiempo de vida que el jefe de hogar lleva residiendo en el municipio como variable instrumental. Tomando la población no asegurada como el grupo de control, las estimaciones por medio de mínimos cuadrados en dos etapas muestran que la participación en el RS está positivamente correlacionada con una reducción en la inseguridad alimentaria de los hogares colombianos, principalmente en áreas rurales. Este resultado es robusto a varias especificaciones econométricas y, más aún, después de implementar una metodología para instrumentos imperfectos. ; In 1993, the Colombian Government created a subsidized health care regime (SR) in order to increase coverage among the poorest population. Using data from the 2008 and 2012 Colombian Living Standards Survey, I estimate the association between SR participation and household food insecurity. Enrollment into the SR is not exogenous due to self-selection from potentially eligible households, discretionary municipality-level policies that affect eligibility, and manipulation of the assignment process for electoral purposes. Therefore, I use the proportion of lifetime the household head has resided in the current municipality as an instrumental variable. Taking the uninsured population as the comparison group, the two-stage least squares regression estimates reveal that participation in the SR is associated with a reduction of the probability of being food insecure, principally in rural areas. This result is robust to different specifications and, moreover, prevails after implementing an imperfect instrumental variables approach. ; Salud subsidiada y seguridad alimentaria: evidencia para Colombia Enfoque A pesar de los esfuerzos globales en aumentar la producción de alimentos y expandir la cobertura de servicios de salud, aún existen más de 800 millones de personas que experimentan hambre, y aproximadamente la mitad de la población mundial carece de acceso a servicios esenciales de salud. Existe evidencia amplia que la provisión de salud subsidiada a la población más pobre y vulnerable ayuda a disminuir el riesgo de inseguridad alimentaria, una condición previa al hambre en la que los hogares no logran alcanzar el nivel mínimo de consumo de alimentos requeridos para las actividades diarias. Este documento de trabajo analiza el impacto de un programa estatal de seguro de salud subsidiada -el Régimen Subsidiado- sobre la inseguridad alimentaria de los hogares colombianos. Para ello, se usa el módulo de seguridad alimentaria de la Encuesta de Calidad de Vida del Dane para los años 2008 y 2012, y se aplica la metodología de mínimos cuadrados en 2 etapas, usando el tiempo de vida que el jefe de hogar lleva residiendo en la municipalidad como variable instrumental. Contribución Una amplia literatura (Bitrán, Giedion, y Muñoz, 2004; Camacho and Conover, 2013; Gaviria, Medina, y Mejía, 2006; Miller, Pinto, y Vera-Hernández, 2013; Panopoulus y Vélez, 2001; Trujillo, Portillo, y Vernon, 2005) ha mostrado evidencia a favor del efecto que tiene la participación en el Régimen Subsidiado sobre la salud de las personas en Colombia, al igual que sobre el uso de servicios médicos, lo que se conoce en la teoría microeconómica como un efecto sustitución debido a la reducción del precio del uso de servicios médicos. No obstante, no hay evidencia previa del posible efecto ingreso que dicha reducción del precio de la salud pueda tener sobre un mayor gasto en otros bienes esenciales como los alimentos, llevando a una posible caída en la incidencia de la inseguridad alimentaria en los hogares colombianos. Este documento de trabajo busca estimar ese efecto ingreso. FRASE DESTACADA: Se encuentra una correlación entre la participación en el Régimen Subsidiado y una reducción entre 17 y 20 pp. en la inseguridad alimentaria en los hogares, principalmente en zonas rurales. Resultados Las estimaciones muestran una correlación entre la participación en el Régimen Subsidiado de salud y una disminución entre 17 y 20 puntos porcentuales en la inseguridad alimentaria en los hogares. Este resultado ocurre principalmente en zonas rurales (una reducción entre 37 y 40 pp.) y en hogares sin niños o con adultos mayores. No se encuentra evidencia a favor de la mediación de otros programas de asistencia social (e.g., Familias en Acción o subsidios a los adultos mayores) sobre este mecanismo de mitigación de inseguridad alimentaria. Es muy probable que cuestiones relacionadas con error de medición (i.e., los hogares no reportan con precisión si realmente participan de esos otros programas de asistencia) estén relacionadas con dicho efecto nulo de mediación.

International military intervention in Libya in 2011 was caused, first of all, by the threat to the civilian population from the regime of M. Gaddafi. During the massive popular protests the dictator used police and army forces leading to numerous casualties. The UN Security Council authorized the implementation of a military operation to protect the Libyan civilian population. The conceptual framework for international intervention was the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. The aim of the article is to analyze the causes, course and outcomes of the international military operation in Libya in the context of the doctrine "Responsibility to Protect" and its enforcement tools - preventive humanitarian intervention. The grounds for application, eligibility and especially the outcome of large-scale military intervention in the event in Libya need serious analysis. After all, the current situation in this country where the civil war is in full swing is far from stable. The main issues that have arisen as a result of preventive humanitarian intervention in Libya, part of which was a multinational military operation, are the following: what criteria should determine the degree of success of international intervention? Was the answer of the international community proportional to the threat posed by the regime of Gaddafi? Can we separate the strategy involved in the activities concerning the protection of Libyan civilians from acts of own interests' defence from the side of external actors? How viable is the R2P doctrine in general? The results of international intervention cannot be assessed unambiguously. On the one hand, the authoritarian regime of M. Gaddafi was destroyed; on the other hand, the creation of a democratic state did not take place. Libya today is in a state of civil war and Libya is a source of tension in the region. As a result of the analysis, it can be concluded that the Libyan operation raised the question of the advisability of using humanitarian intervention in the future. The cornerstone test of any humanitarian initiative must be proportionality between potential threats and actual losses. The invasion of Libya has not passed the test of humanitarian intervention. ; Международное военное вмешательство в Ливии в 2011 году было вызвано, прежде всего, угрозой для гражданского населения со стороны режима М. Каддафи. В ходе массовых народных протестов, которые распространялись, диктатор применял силы полиции и армии, что приводило к многочисленным жертвам. Совет Безопасности ООН санкционировал осуществление военной операции с целью защиты ливийского мирного населения. Концептуальной основой международного вмешательства была доктрина «Обязанность защищать» (R2P). Целью работы является анализ причин, хода и итогов международной военной операции в Ливии в контексте доктрины «Обязанность защищать» и её принудительного инструмента – превентивной гуманитарной интервенции. Основания для применения, правомочность и особенно итоги широкомасштабного военного вмешательства в событии в Ливии нуждаются в серьезном анализе. Ведь нынешняя ситуация в этой стране, где гражданская война в самом разгаре, далека от стабильности. Главными вопросами, которые возникли в результате превентивной гуманитарной интервенции в Ливии, составной частью которой была многонациональная военная операция, являются следующие: как именно, по каким критериям следует определять степень успешности международного вмешательства? Пропорциональным ли угрозе со стороны режима М. Каддафи был ответ международного сообщества? Можно ли было в стратегии участников операции отделить деятельность по защите ливийского мирного населения от действий для собственной пользы? Насколько доктрина R2P вообще жизнеспособна?Итоги международного вмешательства невозможно оценить однозначно. С одной стороны, авторитарный режим М. Каддафи был уничтожен, с другой – создания демократического государства не произошло. Сегодня Ливия находится в состоянии гражданской войны и является источником напряжённости в регионе. В результате анализа можно сделать вывод о том, что ливийская операция поставила вопрос относительно целесообразности применения гуманитарной интервенции в будущем. Краеугольным тестом в любой гуманитарной инициативе должна быть пропорциональность между потенциальными угрозами и реальными потерями. Вторжение в Ливию не выдержало тест на гуманитарное вмешательство. ; Міжнародне військове втручання у Лівії в 2011 році було викликане, насамперед, загрозою для цивільного населення з боку режиму М. Каддафі. В ході масових народних протестів, які поширювалися, диктатор застосовував сили поліції й армії, що призвело до численних жертв. Рада Безпеки ООН санкціонувала здійснення військової операції з метою захисту лівійського мирного населення. Концептуальною основою міжнародного втручання була доктрина «Обов'язок захищати» (R2P). Метою роботиєаналіз причин, ходу та підсумків міжнародної військової операції в Лівії в контексті доктрини «Обов'язок захищати» та її примусового інструменту – превентивної гуманітарної інтервенції. Підстави для застосування, правомочність і особливо підсумки широкомасштабного військового втручання у події в Лівії потребують серйозного аналізу. Адже нинішня ситуація в цій країні, де громадянська війна в самому розпалі, далека від стабільності. Головні питання, що виникли в результаті превентивної гуманітарної інтервенції в Лівії, складовою частиною якої була багатонаціональна військова операція такі – як саме, за якими критеріями визначати ступінь успішності міжнародного втручання? Чи пропорційною загрозі з боку режиму М. Каддафі була відповідь міжнародного співтовариства? Чи можна в стратегії учасників операції відокремити діяльність щодо захисту лівійського мирного населення від дій на власну користь? Наскільки доктрина R2P є взагалі життєздатною?Підсумки міжнародного втручання неможливо оцінити однозначно. З одного боку, авторитарний режим М. Каддафі було повалено, з другого – розбудови демократичної держави не сталося. Сьогодні Лівія перебуває у стані громадянської війни і є джерело напруги в регіоні. У результаті аналізу можна дійти висновку, що лівійська операція поставила питання щодо доцільності застосування гуманітарної інтервенції в майбутньому. Наріжним тестом у будь-якій гуманітарній ініціативі повинна бути пропорційність між потенціальними загрозами і реальними втратами. Вторгнення в Лівію не витримало тест на гуманітарне втручання

Міжнародне військове втручання у Лівії в 2011 році було викликане, насамперед, загрозою для цивільного населення з боку режиму М. Каддафі. В ході масових народних протестів, які поширювалися, диктатор застосовував сили поліції й армії, що призвело до численних жертв. Рада Безпеки ООН санкціонувала здійснення військової операції з метою захисту лівійського мирного населення. Концептуальною основою міжнародного втручання була доктрина «Обов'язок захищати» (R2P). Метою роботиєаналіз причин, ходу та підсумків міжнародної військової операції в Лівії в контексті доктрини «Обов'язок захищати» та її примусового інструменту – превентивної гуманітарної інтервенції. Підстави для застосування, правомочність і особливо підсумки широкомасштабного військового втручання у події в Лівії потребують серйозного аналізу. Адже нинішня ситуація в цій країні, де громадянська війна в самому розпалі, далека від стабільності. Головні питання, що виникли в результаті превентивної гуманітарної інтервенції в Лівії, складовою частиною якої була багатонаціональна військова операція такі – як саме, за якими критеріями визначати ступінь успішності міжнародного втручання? Чи пропорційною загрозі з боку режиму М. Каддафі була відповідь міжнародного співтовариства? Чи можна в стратегії учасників операції відокремити діяльність щодо захисту лівійського мирного населення від дій на власну користь? Наскільки доктрина R2P є взагалі життєздатною?Підсумки міжнародного втручання неможливо оцінити однозначно. З одного боку, авторитарний режим М. Каддафі було повалено, з другого – розбудови демократичної держави не сталося. Сьогодні Лівія перебуває у стані громадянської війни і є джерело напруги в регіоні. У результаті аналізу можна дійти висновку, що лівійська операція поставила питання щодо доцільності застосування гуманітарної інтервенції в майбутньому. Наріжним тестом у будь-якій гуманітарній ініціативі повинна бути пропорційність між потенціальними загрозами і реальними втратами. Вторгнення в Лівію не витримало тест на гуманітарне втручання ; Международное военное вмешательство в Ливии в 2011 году было вызвано, прежде всего, угрозой для гражданского населения со стороны режима М. Каддафи. В ходе массовых народных протестов, которые распространялись, диктатор применял силы полиции и армии, что приводило к многочисленным жертвам. Совет Безопасности ООН санкционировал осуществление военной операции с целью защиты ливийского мирного населения. Концептуальной основой международного вмешательства была доктрина «Обязанность защищать» (R2P). Целью работы является анализ причин, хода и итогов международной военной операции в Ливии в контексте доктрины «Обязанность защищать» и её принудительного инструмента – превентивной гуманитарной интервенции. Основания для применения, правомочность и особенно итоги широкомасштабного военного вмешательства в событии в Ливии нуждаются в серьезном анализе. Ведь нынешняя ситуация в этой стране, где гражданская война в самом разгаре, далека от стабильности. Главными вопросами, которые возникли в результате превентивной гуманитарной интервенции в Ливии, составной частью которой была многонациональная военная операция, являются следующие: как именно, по каким критериям следует определять степень успешности международного вмешательства? Пропорциональным ли угрозе со стороны режима М. Каддафи был ответ международного сообщества? Можно ли было в стратегии участников операции отделить деятельность по защите ливийского мирного населения от действий для собственной пользы? Насколько доктрина R2P вообще жизнеспособна?Итоги международного вмешательства невозможно оценить однозначно. С одной стороны, авторитарный режим М. Каддафи был уничтожен, с другой – создания демократического государства не произошло. Сегодня Ливия находится в состоянии гражданской войны и является источником напряжённости в регионе. В результате анализа можно сделать вывод о том, что ливийская операция поставила вопрос относительно целесообразности применения гуманитарной интервенции в будущем. Краеугольным тестом в любой гуманитарной инициативе должна быть пропорциональность между потенциальными угрозами и реальными потерями. Вторжение в Ливию не выдержало тест на гуманитарное вмешательство. ; International military intervention in Libya in 2011 was caused, first of all, by the threat to the civilian population from the regime of M. Gaddafi. During the massive popular protests the dictator used police and army forces leading to numerous casualties. The UN Security Council authorized the implementation of a military operation to protect the Libyan civilian population. The conceptual framework for international intervention was the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. The aim of the article is to analyze the causes, course and outcomes of the international military operation in Libya in the context of the doctrine "Responsibility to Protect" and its enforcement tools - preventive humanitarian intervention. The grounds for application, eligibility and especially the outcome of large-scale military intervention in the event in Libya need serious analysis. After all, the current situation in this country where the civil war is in full swing is far from stable. The main issues that have arisen as a result of preventive humanitarian intervention in Libya, part of which was a multinational military operation, are the following: what criteria should determine the degree of success of international intervention? Was the answer of the international community proportional to the threat posed by the regime of Gaddafi? Can we separate the strategy involved in the activities concerning the protection of Libyan civilians from acts of own interests' defence from the side of external actors? How viable is the R2P doctrine in general? The results of international intervention cannot be assessed unambiguously. On the one hand, the authoritarian regime of M. Gaddafi was destroyed; on the other hand, the creation of a democratic state did not take place. Libya today is in a state of civil war and Libya is a source of tension in the region. As a result of the analysis, it can be concluded that the Libyan operation raised the question of the advisability of using humanitarian intervention in the future. The cornerstone test of any humanitarian initiative must be proportionality between potential threats and actual losses. The invasion of Libya has not passed the test of humanitarian intervention.

Міжнародне військове втручання у Лівії в 2011 році було викликане, насамперед, загрозою для цивільного населення з боку режиму М. Каддафі. В ході масових народних протестів, які поширювалися, диктатор застосовував сили поліції й армії, що призвело до численних жертв. Рада Безпеки ООН санкціонувала здійснення військової операції з метою захисту лівійського мирного населення. Концептуальною основою міжнародного втручання була доктрина «Обов'язок захищати» (R2P). Метою роботиєаналіз причин, ходу та підсумків міжнародної військової операції в Лівії в контексті доктрини «Обов'язок захищати» та її примусового інструменту – превентивної гуманітарної інтервенції. Підстави для застосування, правомочність і особливо підсумки широкомасштабного військового втручання у події в Лівії потребують серйозного аналізу. Адже нинішня ситуація в цій країні, де громадянська війна в самому розпалі, далека від стабільності. Головні питання, що виникли в результаті превентивної гуманітарної інтервенції в Лівії, складовою частиною якої була багатонаціональна військова операція такі – як саме, за якими критеріями визначати ступінь успішності міжнародного втручання? Чи пропорційною загрозі з боку режиму М. Каддафі була відповідь міжнародного співтовариства? Чи можна в стратегії учасників операції відокремити діяльність щодо захисту лівійського мирного населення від дій на власну користь? Наскільки доктрина R2P є взагалі життєздатною?Підсумки міжнародного втручання неможливо оцінити однозначно. З одного боку, авторитарний режим М. Каддафі було повалено, з другого – розбудови демократичної держави не сталося. Сьогодні Лівія перебуває у стані громадянської війни і є джерело напруги в регіоні. У результаті аналізу можна дійти висновку, що лівійська операція поставила питання щодо доцільності застосування гуманітарної інтервенції в майбутньому. Наріжним тестом у будь-якій гуманітарній ініціативі повинна бути пропорційність між потенціальними загрозами і реальними втратами. Вторгнення в Лівію не витримало тест на гуманітарне втручання ; Международное военное вмешательство в Ливии в 2011 году было вызвано, прежде всего, угрозой для гражданского населения со стороны режима М. Каддафи. В ходе массовых народных протестов, которые распространялись, диктатор применял силы полиции и армии, что приводило к многочисленным жертвам. Совет Безопасности ООН санкционировал осуществление военной операции с целью защиты ливийского мирного населения. Концептуальной основой международного вмешательства была доктрина «Обязанность защищать» (R2P). Целью работы является анализ причин, хода и итогов международной военной операции в Ливии в контексте доктрины «Обязанность защищать» и её принудительного инструмента – превентивной гуманитарной интервенции. Основания для применения, правомочность и особенно итоги широкомасштабного военного вмешательства в событии в Ливии нуждаются в серьезном анализе. Ведь нынешняя ситуация в этой стране, где гражданская война в самом разгаре, далека от стабильности. Главными вопросами, которые возникли в результате превентивной гуманитарной интервенции в Ливии, составной частью которой была многонациональная военная операция, являются следующие: как именно, по каким критериям следует определять степень успешности международного вмешательства? Пропорциональным ли угрозе со стороны режима М. Каддафи был ответ международного сообщества? Можно ли было в стратегии участников операции отделить деятельность по защите ливийского мирного населения от действий для собственной пользы? Насколько доктрина R2P вообще жизнеспособна?Итоги международного вмешательства невозможно оценить однозначно. С одной стороны, авторитарный режим М. Каддафи был уничтожен, с другой – создания демократического государства не произошло. Сегодня Ливия находится в состоянии гражданской войны и является источником напряжённости в регионе. В результате анализа можно сделать вывод о том, что ливийская операция поставила вопрос относительно целесообразности применения гуманитарной интервенции в будущем. Краеугольным тестом в любой гуманитарной инициативе должна быть пропорциональность между потенциальными угрозами и реальными потерями. Вторжение в Ливию не выдержало тест на гуманитарное вмешательство. ; International military intervention in Libya in 2011 was caused, first of all, by the threat to the civilian population from the regime of M. Gaddafi. During the massive popular protests the dictator used police and army forces leading to numerous casualties. The UN Security Council authorized the implementation of a military operation to protect the Libyan civilian population. The conceptual framework for international intervention was the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. The aim of the article is to analyze the causes, course and outcomes of the international military operation in Libya in the context of the doctrine "Responsibility to Protect" and its enforcement tools - preventive humanitarian intervention. The grounds for application, eligibility and especially the outcome of large-scale military intervention in the event in Libya need serious analysis. After all, the current situation in this country where the civil war is in full swing is far from stable. The main issues that have arisen as a result of preventive humanitarian intervention in Libya, part of which was a multinational military operation, are the following: what criteria should determine the degree of success of international intervention? Was the answer of the international community proportional to the threat posed by the regime of Gaddafi? Can we separate the strategy involved in the activities concerning the protection of Libyan civilians from acts of own interests' defence from the side of external actors? How viable is the R2P doctrine in general? The results of international intervention cannot be assessed unambiguously. On the one hand, the authoritarian regime of M. Gaddafi was destroyed; on the other hand, the creation of a democratic state did not take place. Libya today is in a state of civil war and Libya is a source of tension in the region. As a result of the analysis, it can be concluded that the Libyan operation raised the question of the advisability of using humanitarian intervention in the future. The cornerstone test of any humanitarian initiative must be proportionality between potential threats and actual losses. The invasion of Libya has not passed the test of humanitarian intervention.

On behalf of Tom Green County, Galindo Environmental Consulting, LLC (Galindo Environmental) conducted an intensive cultural resources survey of the Pugh Park Trails Project in Tom Green County, Texas. Trail improvements are proposed for the existing 10-foot-wide trail on both sides of Farm-to-Market Road 2084 (FM 2084; signed Toe Nail Trail) at Pugh Park, with a new 0.6-mile segment of trail planned for the west side. The existing trail on the east side of FM 2084 traverses Christoval High School property and is about 1.13 miles long, while the length of existing trails within Pugh Park on the west side of the road totals 1.35 miles. The park is situated along the left (eastern) bank of the South Concho River, about 0.7 mile southeast of the intersection of U.S. Highway 277 and Main Street. Tom Green County proposes using federal funding through the Texas Department of Parks and Wildlife (TPWD). Based on Tom Green County's status as a political subdivision of the state, compliance with both Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act (NHPA) and the Antiquities Code of Texas (ACT) was necessary. All work was conducted under Texas Antiquities Permit No. 8900 with Dr. Mary Jo Galindo serving as Principal Investigator. The Area of Potential Effects (APE) totals 7.44 acres and is defined as the 10-foot-wide trail plus a 5-foot buffer on either side (for a total width of 20 feet), a total length of 3.07 miles, and with a depth of impact of up to 3.28 feet (1 meter). The goal of the survey was to locate all prehistoric and historic archaeological sites in the APE, determine their extent, and evaluate their significance and eligibility for listing on the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) or for designation as a State Antiquities Landmark (SAL). The background review determined that a 450-foot segment of the APE had been surveyed in 2012 on behalf of Tom Green County, and that prehistoric site 41TG581 was recorded within the current APE during a 2006 survey on behalf of Tom Green County Fresh Water District Number 2, which was adjacent for 100 feet along the northern boundary of the current APE. No sites, districts, or properties listed on the NRHP, SALs, RTHLs, or cemeteries are within the study radius; however, one OTHM and that commemorates the Christoval Baptist Church is 0.3 km north of the APE. Fieldwork was conducted during May 7 and 8, 2019. A total of 41 shovel tests was excavated throughout the APE. Four shovel tests were positive for prehistoric lithic artifacts and historic-age glass shards, but extensive prior disturbances were noted throughout the APE, and the assemblage does not include temporally diagnostic artifacts. Nine prehistoric lithic artifacts were in two shovel tests, and four mortar holes in exposed bedrock were encountered at site 41TG581. Three other shovel tests contained colorless windowpane, brown bottle, and milk glass shards that were recorded as the site's historic component. As a result of the survey, the boundary of site 41TG581 was revised to include the positive shovel tests and the mortar hole locations. The four mortar holes are assessed as significant features that have not commonly been documented in the area, and that are indicative of a more sedentary or seasonal occupation. Alternatively, the historic component of site 41TG581 is comprised of glass shards that generally date from the early- to the mid-twentieth century. Based on the sparse nature of the prehistoric component of the site, the absence of diagnostic artifacts or intact buried prehistoric features, the lack of integrity of the historic component, and the lack of an association with an historically significant person or event, site 41TG581 is recommended not eligible for listing in the NRHP or for designation as an SAL. The four prehistoric mortar holes, however, are assessed as significant bedrock features, given their rarity, and are recommended for preservation in the future. An interpretive sign for the mortar holes is also recommended given their proximity to the new trail segment. In accordance with 36 CFR 800.4, Galindo Environmental has made a reasonable and good faith effort to identify archaeological historic properties within the APE. The bedrock mortar hole features of site 41TG581 are evaluated as significant and recommended for preservation and interpretive signage, but otherwise, no properties were identified that meet the criteria for listing in the NRHP, according to 36 CFR 60.4, or for designation as an SAL, according to 13 TAC 26.12. Galindo Environmental recommends avoidance of the mortar holes, which are situated within Pugh Park, and that no further cultural resources investigations are necessary within the project APE. If avoidance of the mortar holes is not possible, further archaeological work in consultation with the Texas Historical Commission (THC) may be necessary. If any archeological materials are inadvertently uncovered during the proposed activities, construction should cease and THC personnel should be notified immediately. No artifacts were collected during this survey; project records and photographs will be curated at the Center for Archaeological Studies at Texas State University in San Marcos.