Suchergebnisse

"Der Bahnhof der Zukunft – Alternativen zum traditionellen Bahnhofsempfangsgebäude" ist ein Plädoyer für kleine und mittlere Bahnhöfe. Nicht nur die großen Bahnhöfe brauchen ein repräsentatives Empfangsgebäude, auch die kleinen und mittleren benötigen ein angemessenes Bahnhofsentrée. Die Dissertation untersucht die Funktionen und die baugeschichtliche Entwicklung der historischen Bahnhofsempfangsgebäude, die heute häufig ihren Anforderungen nicht mehr gerecht werden. Sie beschreibt den Wandel der Bahnhöfe in den letzten Jahrzehnten, zum einen aus Sicht der technischen Anforderungen, zum anderen bezogen auf die gestiegenen Kundenbedürfnisse. Und sie untersucht die Bedeutung des Bahnhofs als Visitenkarte für das System Bahn und für die Städte und Gemeinden. Die zentrale Fragestellung der Arbeit lautet: Wie lassen sich die historischen Bahnhofsempfangsgebäude strategisch und funktional in moderne, zeitgemäße Bahnhofsentrées weiterentwickeln? Hierbei wird vor allem auf die funktionalen Möglichkeiten und wirtschaftlichen Vorteile des industriellen Leichtbaus gesetzt – ansprechende, aber kostengünstige Entréepavillions mit einem schützenden und städtebaulich markanten Vordach. Denn es gibt aktuell mehrere hundert Bahnhofsstandorte in Deutschland, an denen sich mit den heute üblichen Entwicklungsansätzen aufwändige Sanierungen angesichts knapper Kassen nicht finanzieren lassen. Für diese Standorte steht derzeit aufgrund fehlender umsetzbarer Lösungsansätze keine Modernisierung in Aussicht. Da es darum geht, neue Wege aufzuzeigen, wird bewusst keine allgemeingültige architektonische Lösung präsentiert, sondern vielmehr eine Methodik entwickelt, wie die Bahnhofsentrées der Zukunft standortspezifisch auf die örtlichen Bedingungen angepasst werden können. Ein besonderer Fokus liegt dabei auf den Faktoren Emotion und Identifikation, da diese für Reisende, Bürger und Stakeholder stets eine große Rolle spielen, wenn ein Bahnhof weiterentwickelt werden soll. Die Arbeit geht intensiv auf die zahlreichen beteiligten Akteure mit ihren unterschiedlichen Vorstellungen und Zielen sowie auf komplexe politische und wirtschaftliche Rahmenbedingungen ein. Sie versucht den Balanceakt zwischen den Standardisierungsinteressen der Bahn und dem Wunsch nach Individualität der Kommunen. Sie beleuchtet den Entwicklungsstand in europäischen Nachbarländern und untersucht den Umgang mit historischer Bausubstanz in anderen, öffentlich und städtebaulich präsenten Branchen mit Einzelhandel und Dienstleistungen. An vier Praxisbeispielen wird das Konzept "Bahnhof der Zukunft" anschließend standortspezifisch angewandt und auf seine Wirtschaftlichkeitsvorteile überprüft. Mit der vorliegenden Dissertation "Der Bahnhof der Zukunft – Alternativen zum traditionellen Bahnhofsempfangsgebäude" wird ein strategischer Innovationsvorschlag präsentiert, wie das System Bahn auch in der Region nachhaltig präsent und kundenorientiert bleiben kann. Der Betrieb und Kundenservice stützt sich dabei vor allem auf den Multifunktionsmitarbeiter "Mr. Bahnhof". Im Ergebnis können dabei im Vergleich zu konventionellen Bahnhofsentwicklungsprojekten voraussichtlich mehr als die Hälfte der Investitions- und knapp ein Drittel der Betriebskosten eingespart werden. ; "The Station of the Future - Alternatives to traditional Passenger Buildings" is a plea for small and medium-sized stations. Not only the large stations need a representative reception building, also the small and medium sized stations need a proper and welcoming entrance situation, which the author calls "Station Entrée". The dissertation examines the history of functional requirements of passenger buildings, which today often no longer meet their needs. It describes the changes in station development during the last decades, not only from the perspective of the technical requirements but also in relation to the changing customer needs. And it examines the importance of the station as a business card for the rail system as well as for the cities and towns. The central research question is: How is it possible to further develop historic passenger station buildings into a modern, contemporary Station Entrée? This is set primarily on the functional capabilities and economic advantages of industrial lightweight design - attractive but inexpensive Entrée Pavilions with a protective and distinctive urban Canopy Roof. There are currently hundreds of station locations in Germany, where modernization and development with current conventional approaches has not yet been achieved, facing tight budgets and expensive renovation costs. Due to lack of adequate and financeable solutions, for many station locations there is currently no modernization in view. Since the aim is to identify new ways for the implementation of attractive Station Entrées, the author presents no single architectural solution, but rather develops a methodology, how the Station Entrées of the future can be adapted to local site-specific conditions and needs. A special focus has been laid on the factors of emotion and identification, as they play a key role for travellers, citizens and stakeholders. The thesis intensely deals with the many actors and stakeholders with their different ideas and goals, as well as complex political and economic conditions. The author tries to balance the interests of standardization of the railway operators and the desires for individuality of the municipalities. It highlights the level of development in neighbouring European countries and examines the change in use of historic structures in other retail and services industries that are public and urban-present. The operation and customer service is based primarily on the multi-functional employee, called "Mr. Station". With four practical examples, the concept "The Station of the Future" is then applied site-specific and checked on their functional and cost advantages. With this thesis, "The Station of the Future - Alternatives to traditional Passenger Buildings" a strategic innovation proposal is presented how Germany's regional railway system can remain sustainable and can again implement a customer-oriented presence. As a result, in comparison to conventional railway station development projects it is expected that more than half of the investment and almost a third of the operating costs can be saved.

The Brazilian Amazonia, detaining a vast biodiversity, has undergone great transformations in the economic, social, cultural and ecological aspects. The Transamazonica (Brazilian Highway 230 Region) distinguishes by the great participation of the family agriculture, in terms of occupied area, population and food production. It is characterized by a diverse system of production, where cattle breeding and dairy takes a strategic role as a food source to the families, generating income by selling of milk and calf. In this context, cattle breeding have been suffering substantial changes in its system of milk production, and in its productive chain. The aim of this study is to understand how the family agriculture establishments of milk systems work in the Eastern Brazilian Amazonia frontier, in the municipality of Brasil Novo (state of Pará). A methodological arrangement has been used combining interviews with farmers and key informants, retroactive analysis over the importance of the milk in its way to the establishments, typologies of the establishments in 2001 and 2009, besides the empirical knowledge acquired throughout the fifteen years of research-development in the region. The results have shown a spectrum of evolution in the milk establishments, where two types of producers distinguishes, that we have named "Opportunistic Type" and "Persistent Type". Due to both inside and outside establishment factors, there is a constant fluctuation throughout this spectrum. Among these factors, the market access is fundamental, and it greatly defines the orientation that the producers follow when conducting their milk systems. The chain of milk production still shows concern. The direct producer-consumer trade in still a usual practice. The milk-processing factories are of small capacity, with disperse collective capacity radius, presenting a history of instability in their process. The precarious infrastructure in both the road system and electricity are key factors to explain the timid increase in the chain production structure in this region. These aspects take to a high degree of insecurity to most farmers, preventing them from investing in the activity, even with the low cost of the milk production. These deficiencies might have been resolved with adapted public policies, as well as by the strong increase of the local market, due to the Belo Monte Hydroelectric Dam construction. ; L'Amazonie brésilienne, qui détient une grand epartie de la biodiversité de la planète, subit actuellement de grandes transformations sur les plans économiques, sociaux, culturels et écologiques. La région Transamazonienne est caractéristique, par l'importance de l'agriculture familiale, en termes d'occupation des surfaces agricoles, population et production d'aliments. Elel se distingue par des systèmes de production agricole diversifiés, où l'élevage laitier joue assume un rôle stratégique pour l'alimentation des familles, et les revenus monétaires obtenus par la vente du lait et des veaux. Dans ce contexte, ces systèmes d'élevage laitiers sont eux-aussi l'objet de transformations, ansi que la filière laitière. L'objectif de cet étude est de comprendre comment fonctionnent ces systèmes laitiers des exploitations agricoles familiales dans une région de front pionnier amazonien, à Brasil Novo (Pará). Un ensemble de méthodologies à été utilisé, combinant des enquêtes auprès d'éleveurs et d'informateurs clés, des analyses rétrospectives sur le rôle du lait dans les rajectoires des exploitations, des typologies d'exploitations en 2001 et en 2009, et une connaissance empirique accumulée par l'auteur au cours de 15 ans de recherche développement dans la région. Les résultats montrent un gradient d'évolution des établissements laitiers, où se détachent deux types de producteurs laitiers, que nous avons nommés " opportunistes " et " persistants ". En fonction d efacteurs internes et externes aux exploitations, se produisent des évolutions constantes des systèmes laitiers aulong de ce gradient. Parmi ces facteurs, l'accès au marché a un rôle central, et définit en grand epartie les orientations que le sproducteurs suivent dans la conduite de leurs systèmes laitiers. La filière du lait apparaît fragilisée. La vente directe du lait du producteur au consommateur é uma pratique encore commune. Les laiteries existentes sont de petites tailles, possèdent un faible rayon de collecte et leur historique de fonctionnement est marqué par une grande instabilité. La précarité des infrastructures, de la mailel routière et d el'électrification sont les principaux facteurs explicatifs de cette faible structuration de la filière. Ces aspects placent les agriculteurs dans des situations de grande incertitude, empêchant des investissements dans l'activité laitière, malgré les bas coûts de production du lait. Ces carences pourraient être résolues par des politique spubliques adaptées, ou par la forte croissance du marchéconsommateur local, que provoquerait l'ouverture de l'usine de Belo Monte.

O artigo analisa a história da formação e consolidação do Bairro da Paz, um dos mais pobres da cidade de Salvador, através num arquivo de notícias de jornais locais e de um relatório de acompanhamento realizado pelo Centro de Estudos e Ação Social – CEAS. Com base neste material e de dados coletados diretamente em campo, propomos uma interpretação da luta dos moradores para permanecer no local, que destaca sua própria agência. Dessa forma, pode-se observar que a organização local, apoiada por movimentos sociais, políticos e de setores da Igreja Católica, não se limitou à obtenção do direito de moradia, num primeiro momento, nem apenas a obtenção de melhorias de urbanização, num segundo momento. O modo de atuação dos ocupantes da área também voltou-se para a construção de uma identidade, de "moradores locais", articulando-se com movimentos e entidades diversas, pressionando e buscando controlar a própria ocupação, bem como a própria imagem do local, o que os aproxima do modelo chamado de "novos movimentos sociais". O argumento central é que, diante de um fenômeno como a "nova pobreza" urbana (se é que pode ser assim definido), os atores sociais também encontram novas formas de articular sua ação, mesmo sem terem necessariamente um projeto político explícito, nos moldes tradicionais. FROM WAR TO PEACE: the of a birth social actor in the context of the urban "new poverty" in Salvador/Bahia Maria Gabriela Hita Luciana Duccini This paper analyzes the history of the formation and consolidation of Paz's Neighborhood (Paz in portuguese means Peace), one of the poorest of the city of Salvador, through a series of local newspapers articles and a report of attendance of CEAS (in english, Center of Studies and Social Action). Based in this material and in data collected directly in the field, we propose an interpretation of the residents' fight to stay at their place that points out their own agency. In this way, it can be observed that the local organization, supported by social and political movements, and by sectors of the Catholic Church, was not limited to obtaining the right of occupancy, in its beginning, nor, later, to obtaining of urbanization improvements. The performance of the area occupants also turned to the construction of an identity of "local resident", articulated with several entities and movements, pressing and striving for to control their own occupation, as well as their own image, in a way that approximates them of the model called "new social movements". The central argument is that, before a phenomenon as the urban "new poverty"(if that can be defined like this), the social actors also find new forms of articulating their action, even without an explicit political project. KEYWORDS: slums, new poverty, social representations, social actors, Salvador. DE LA GUERRE A LA PAIX: la naissance d'un acteur social dans le contexte de la "nouvelle pauvreté" urbaine à Salvador/Bahia Maria Gabriela Hita Luciana Duccini L'article analyse l'histoire de la formation et de la consolidation du quartier de la Paix – Bairro da Paz, l'un des plus pauvres de la ville de Salvador, à partir des archives de reportages parus dans les journaux locaux et d'un rapport d'accompagnement réalisé par le Centre d'Etudes et d'Action Sociale – CEAS. Ce matériel ainsi que les données recueillies directement sur le terrain, nous permettent de proposer une interprétation de la lutte des habitants pour rester dans cet endroit et de mettre en évidence leur mode de vie. C'est ainsi que l'on peut observer que l'organisation locale soutenue par des mouvements sociaux, politiques mais aussi par des secteurs de l'Eglise catholique ne s'est pas limité, dans un premier temps, à l'obtention du droit d'habitation ni simplement, dans un deuxième temps, à l'obtention d'une amélioration de l'urbanisation. La manière d'agir des occupants de l'endroit a également mené à la construction d'une identité des "habitants locaux" qui se sont rattachés à des mouvements et des entités diverses, ont essayé de faire pression et ont cherché à contrôler l'occupation en soi ainsi que l'image du lieu, ce qui les rapprochent du modèle appelé "nouveaux mouvements sociaux". L'argument central est que, face à un phénomène tel que "la nouvelle pauvreté" urbaine (si on peut la définir ainsi), les acteurs sociaux ont aussi trouvé de nouvelles formes d'organisation de leur action, même sans avoir obligatoirement un projet politique explicite selon des modèles traditionnels. MOTS-CLÉS: favelas, nouvelle pauvreté, acteurs sociaux, représentations sociales, Salvador. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

One of the greatest impressions of my life was my first visit to Greenland. I was a mere boy at that time, only sixteen years old . This visit to Greenland changed my life. I lost my heart to the Arctic and realized that I must return to learn more of the secrets behind the Polar beauty. This was not my birth as a naturalist, to be sure, since from early boyhood I had wanted to study nature and its creatures, but during this Greenland trip I received a special challenge: my endeavours were now directed towards a distinct though faraway goal. . When in 1925 at the age of sixteen I joined Schiøler's Greenland expedition I had been a member of the Danish Ornithological Society and the Danish Natural History Society for two years, admittedly an extraordinarily young member. . I was interested in most animal groups, although favouring birds and various marine invertebrates. During that time I made the acquaintance of Dr. C. G. Johs. Petersen, director of the "Biological Station", in those days the Danish institute for marine biological research. . I spent many evenings in Dr. Petersen's home, learning and discussing marine zoology. I was seriously inclined to choose that field, rather than ornithology, as my future specialty, until I met Ejler Lehn Schiøler, and one year later received the offer to accompany him to Greenland. Schiøler was a remarkable man. He was a banker who became very wealthy but in his spare time he was an ardent student of ornithology and succeeded in gathering a collection of more than 25,000 skins of western palearctic birds, besides skeletons and eggs. He built a large museum for his collections with an ornithological library. . Naturally, I admired this great scientist, and in his study, when he showed me his birds and told me about the problems they posed, I gradually decided to be an ornithologist. When we left for Greenland in 1925, altogether five men, in order to collect and study the birds of the west coast, it was still the old regime. The native population lived literally under stone-age conditions, mildly ruled by the patriarchal Danish government. The Greenlanders had not changed their ancient Eskimo-like habits, living in turf-houses, wearing their seal-skin kamiks and anoraqs, and sailing in kayaks and umiaks. While writing this I am sitting in a hotel in one of the modern Greenland cities, with factories, canneries, noisy motor traffic on the broad streets and in the busy harbour, certainly a far cry from the conditions during my first visit almost 50 years ago. The primitive life of the Eskimos was, of course, something quite extraordinary for a school-boy who had just left his books. I tried to learn as much as possible about these people and their country in the short time, less than four months, in which we stayed in Greenland, and succeeded to a degree. The main thing, however, was the bird life. Series of practically all Greenland species were secured. . I think it was the solemnity which fascinated me so much, a solemnity effected by the extreme quietness and the purity and severity of the country. . I felt myself in a forgotten world, remote and lonely, resting in quietness, untouched by man, unspoiled. I could move around hour after hour; nothing disturbed the impression of beauty, and the changing horizons seemed endless. Here I was nearer nature's heart than anywhere else, and here I sensed a strange harmony. I admit that not all people would feel that way. . the Arctic is so extremely simple and clear! Everything unnecessary has been removed; here there are no forests, no houses, no people; only the very backbone of nature is left. From a biological viewpoint it is significant that the number of animal and plant species is so reduced that their ecology, their mutual relationship, their adaptations to the environment are much easier to study in the polar than in the tropical regions. . All this makes the Arctic in some respects the ideal working ground for a biologist. . This rapport with the arctic regions has brought continuing richness and rejuvenation to my life. I have been true to my first love, and I have made several later visits to the far north; it still provides a challenge and an inspiration. By many regarded as a godforsaken waste, the polar regions are to me a place where the divine manifestation is more apparent than in other parts of the world.

The Syrian crisis is characterized by the intertwining of variables at the local, regional and global levels. The geopolitical importance of Syria and the positions of the Syrian government on many issues, most notably the Arab-Israeli conflict and the support of the "Resistance" in Palestine and Lebanon, radically divided the Syrian society and the Arab media into supporters and opponents of the Syrian government and created contrasting mental images of the Syrian crisis. Media not only transmit events but contribute to their creation as well. Media contents are formulated according to the desires and tendencies of the sender so that the recipients get mental images of the facts that make them adopt ideas and behaviors consistent with the propagandists' objectives. For many, the media are the basic source of information and consequently they are the creator of thoughts and attitudes. This study tackles the coverage of the internal pivot of the Syrian crisis by Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar channels from 2011 to 2013; that is before the expansion of the crisis on the Arab and international levels and before the role of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) got larger. In addition to its relation to the geopolitical importance of Syria, the importance of this research is related to the influential role of AlJazeera and Al-Manar channels on the public opinion of the Arab peoples. Moreover, the engagement of Qatar and Hezbollah in events in Syria increases the importance of the two channels which hold the agendas of their financers and convey the propagandas of the conflicting parties on the Syrian ground. This study aims at knowing the characteristics of the news discourse that is influenced by many political, economic, religious and military variables and at detecting the tools of propaganda. The quantitative analysis in this research shows the general features of the two channels' coverage mechanism of the Syrian crisis. The semiotic analysis studies the denotative and connotative levels of the verbal and non-verbal signifiers. This eventually helps to know the mental images which the two channels desire to insert into the recipient's mind. This research is based mainly on Agenda-setting Theory, News Framing Theory and Gatekeeping Theory, and based on a multidisciplinary approach. The evoked disciplines are: information and communication sciences, media sociology, politics, linguistics, history, propaganda and misleading, military sciences, sociology, and religion. The results proved that the tendency of Al-Jazeera is anti- Assad and pro-opposition by a rate of 100%, whereas Al-Manar's is contrary by 100%. Each signifier mentioned in the research samples contributes to propaganda promotion and psychological war. The two channels adopted several techniques which are known in the field of propaganda some of which are: Assertion, Repetition, Exaggeration, Name-calling, Glittering generalities, Reincarnation and plain folk, Recipient-credible testimonials, Bandwagon, Simplification, Emotional enticement, Euphemism, Diverting attention, Lesser than two evils, Pinpointing the enemy, Inflicting terror and chaos, Lying and misleading. The study detected other means that were employed in the context of propaganda war on the screens of the two channels: denying and trivializing the existence of the other, the people say the truth, more concentration on the actions of the enemy, simultaneous absence and presence, hinting, linking the destiny of the State to that of the people, alleviation of events´ severity through employing non-verbal signifiers, one signifier is stronger than many combined signifiers, direct and indirect adoption, direct and indirect bias, repeating the opponent's propaganda, exploiting the characteristics of Arabic language, Islamizing events and accusing the enemy of sectarianism, animalizing the opponent and undermining them through exploiting the socially prevailing meanings of words, exploiting the indications of the mentioned numbers, mentioning the names and types of weapons, giving free rein to the recipient's imagination through verbal and non-verbal signifiers, linking the feelings of hope or victory to religious phrases, showing the attitudes of children, disproving the other's propaganda, the channel gives the interviewed people political trends, balancing between the discourses of strength and weakness, images free from a clear meaning and leading the recipient's perception to the images content through the news story, exploiting the position of another enemy in the region, exploiting the interference of allies, stressing that the enemy is not strong and that it is rather brutal, indirect mentioning of the weakness of the opponent in order to justify the military actions, affirming the maintaining attitudes and continuation, the significances of the camera's angles and movement, exploiting non-traditional spoils, metaphors, linking all the catastrophic results to the opponent, a signifier on behalf of another, exploiting the characteristics of the female, integrating the statistical presentation with the emotional enticement, addressing the topic of ethnicities and sects indirectly, the journalists' involvement in the events, human icons, and the propagandists spread their propaganda through mentioning or adopting that of another party.

Raising of problem. The further use of territories of the historical-cultural purpose has a very important value and needs considerable attention at the change of their role. Therefore, the question about the increase of free land under appropriate construction at the expense of other categories of land such as especially valuable land arises.Analysis of the last researches and publications. When the lands on territories of the historical-cultural purpose are given up it is necessary to take into account the position of the "Land Code of Ukraine", the laws of Ukraine "Protection of Cultural Heritage", "Land Management", "The regulation of the City Building Documentation", the correspondence of the concords and evalnation to the existing legislation.Unsolved parts of general issue. The accordance to the legislation on example of the project of land allotment for permanent use to the Communal enterprise "Chernihivbudinvest" of Chernihiv town council (accordingly to the letter from 03.12.2015 after №01-04/814 in relation to a concord) for building of multistoried dwelling building with the objects of social purpose in Chernihiv at the Kniazia Chornoho Street, 4, at the expense of land of historical and cultural purpose, which was held mandatory State examination of land management documentation.Exposition of basic material. The procedure for the use of lands of historical and cultural purpose is determined in accordance with the legislation of Ukraine on culture and the protection of objects of cultural heritage and is related to the nature of the object under which the relevant land is located, the national or local status and a number of other factors .The Department of Architecture and Urban Development of Chernihiv City Council 07.07.2015 granted urban planning conditions and restrictions on the development of the land plot approved by the decision of the Executive Committee of the Chernihiv City Council, which provided for the construction of two residential buildings and underground parking in the immediate vicinity of Eletsy Uspensky monastery of the XII century which is the monument of history and architecture.Despite all objections of the public and the architectural and historical institutions of Chernihiv, the local prosecutor's office has recognized a legitimate construction permit at the Kniazia Chornoho Street, 4.Conclusions and suggestions. The use of territories of the historical-cultural purpose must take place in obedience to all requirements of legislation, Landed code of Ukraine, consent the envisage establishments and organizations. Further maintenance of architectonically-historical sights for descendants depends on careful attitude of citizens of Chernihiv toward further development of city territory. That is why a question of the use of territories of the historical-cultural purpose must constantly be under intent attention of public. ; Рассмотрены вопросы отвода земельных участков земель историческо-культурного назначения для строительства в городе Чернигове по адресу ул. Князя Чорного, 4. Приведено описание зон города и границ утверджденных зон, проанализировано проект отвода земельного участка. ; Постановка проблеми. Подальше використання територій історико-культурного призначення має дуже важливе значення та потребує значної уваги при зміні їх призначення. Тому постає питання збільшення вільних земель під відповідне будівництво за рахунок інших категорій земель – особливо цінних земель.Аналіз останніх досліджень та публікацій. При відведенні земельних ділянок на територіях історико-культурного призначення потрібно враховувати положення Земельного кодексу України, законів України «Про охорону культурної спадщини», «Про землеустрій», «Про регулювання містобудівної документації» та відповідність погоджень та експертиз існуючому законодавству.Невирішені частини загальної проблеми. Відповідність законодавству розглянута на прикладі проекту відведення земельної ділянки в постійне користування Комунальному підприємству "Чернігівбудінвест" Чернігівської міської ради (відповідно листа від 03.12.2015 року за №01-04/814 щодо згоди) для будівництва багатоповерхового житлового будинку з об'єктами соціального призначення в м. Чернігові, по вул. Князя Чорного 4-а за рахунок земель історико-культурного призначення, який проходив обов'язкову Державну експертизу землевпорядної документації.Виклад основного матеріалу. Порядок використання земель історико-культурного призначення визначається відповідно до законодавства України про культуру та про охорону об'єктів культурної спадщини і пов'язаний з характером об'єкта, під яким знаходиться відповідна земельна ділянка, загальнодержавним (національним) чи місцевим статусом і низкою інших факторів.Управлінням архітектури та містобудування Чернігівської міської ради 07.07.2015 надано містобудівні умови та обмеження забудови земельної ділянки, затверджені рішенням виконкому Чернігівської міськради, якими передбачалося будівництво двох житлових будинків та підземного паркінгу в безпосередній близькості до пам'ятки історії та архітектури - Єлецького Успенського монастиря ХІІ століття.Не зважаючи на всі заперечення громадськості та архітектурно-історичних установ м.Чернігова, місцева прокуратура визнала законним дозвіл на будівництво за адресою вул. Князя Чорного 4.Висновки і пропозиції. Використання територій історико-культурного призначення повинно відбуватися згідно усіх вимог законодавства, Земельного кодексу України, погоджуватись передбаченими установами та організаціями.Подальше збереження архітектурно-історичних пам'яток для нащадків залежить від дбайливого відношення громадян Чернігова до подальшої розбудови території міста, тому питання використання територій історико-культурного призначення повинно постійно знаходитись під пильною увагою громадськості.

Introduction -- 1 Concepts, Labels and Limitations -- A Introduction -- B Retroactivity -- C Retrospectivity -- D Confusing Usage -- E Problematic Usage -- 1 Waldron on Criminal Sentencing -- 2 Fuller on Tax Liability -- F The Scope of this Book -- G Illustrations of Conceptual Distinctions -- 1 Cases Relating to Contractual Rights -- 2 Cases Relating to Personal Status -- H Conclusion -- 2 Historical Review -- A Introduction -- B General History and Statutory Construction -- C Adjudicative Retroactivity -- D Conclusion -- 3 Rationales for a General Presumption Against Retroactivity -- A Introduction -- B Certainty -- 1 The Meaning of Certainty -- 2 Certainty and Reliance -- (a) The Case for Actual Reliance -- (b) Evaluation of the Role of Actual Reliance -- (c) Certainty and the Ability to Rely on the Law -- 3 Certainty and Autonomy -- C Negative Liberty -- 1 Negative Liberty Generally -- 2 Deprivation of Security Relating to Past Events -- 3 Removal of an Actual Freedom -- 4 Negative Liberty and Criminal Law -- (a) Nullum Crimen Sine Lege Antea Exstanti -- (b) Nulla Poena Sine Lege Antea Exstanti -- D Fair Warning -- E Defeasibility -- 1 Introduction to Defeasibility -- 2 A General Principle of Fairness -- 3 Where Uncertainty is Inevitable -- 4 The Exceptional Nature of Retroactivity -- F Conclusion -- 4 The Presumption Against Retroactivity in Statutory Construction -- A Introduction -- B The Nature of the Presumption Against Retroactivity -- C Applications of the Presumption Against Retroactivity -- D Fairness as a Determinant of the Applicability of the Presumption -- E A Presumption of Variable Strength? -- F Rebuttal of the Presumption Against Retroactivity -- 1 Express Words or Necessary Intendment -- 2 Validating Statutes -- 3 Importance of Subject Matter -- G Detailed Studies -- 1 The Intertemporal Effect of the Human Rights Act 1998 (UK) -- (a) Was Retroactivity in Issue? -- (b) Treatment of the Presumption Against Retroactivity -- (c) Applicability of the Presumption Against Retroactivity -- (d) Fairness and a Presumption of Variable Strength -- (e) Statutory Language -- 2 Retroactive Sentencing -- (a) Article 7 of the ECHR and the Common Law Presumption Against Retroactivity -- (b) The Common Law Presumption Against Retroactive Sentencing -- (c) Retroactive Changes in Favour of the Defendant -- H Conclusion -- 5 Adjudicative Retroactivity -- A Introductory Matters -- 1 What is Adjudicative Retroactivity? -- 2 The Declaratory Theory -- 3 The Scope of this Chapter -- B The Doctrine Of Precedent and Judicial Attachment to Existing Principle in Novel Cases -- C The Marital Rape Cases -- 1 Outline of the Facts, Decisions and Issues -- 2 Foreseeability of Legal Change -- 3 Heinous Conduct -- 4 Changed Status of Women -- 5 An Illogical Immunity -- 6 Conclusions on the Marital Rape Cases -- D Restitution of Money Paid under a Mistake of Law -- 1 The Facts and Issues in Kleinwort Benson v Lincoln County Council -- 2 Reasons for Retroactivity -- E Private Law -- 1 The Creation of New Law without Overruling Prior Authority -- (a) Existing Authorities in Disarray Making a Degree of Retroactivity Inevitable -- (b) Ability to Rely on the Law not in Issue -- (c) Gradual Development of New Law -- (d) Moral Obloquy -- (e) Use of Obiter Dicta to Signal a Change in the Law -- 2 The Creation of New Law by Overruling a Prior Authority -- (a) Ability to Rely on the Law not in Issue -- (b) Prior Authority Wrong in Principle -- (c) Response to Changed Legal Circumstances -- (d) Response to Changed Factual Circumstances -- (e) Absence of Effect on Litigants before the Court -- (f) Refusal to Overrule a Decision because of Potential Retroactive Effects -- 3 Overruling a Prior Judicial Interpretation of a Statute -- 4 Conclusions on Private Law -- F Public Law -- 1 The Creation of New Law without Overruling Prior Authority -- 2 The Creation of New Law by Overruling Prior Authority -- (a) Judicial Review of Questions of Law -- (b) Judicial Review of Questions of Fact -- 3 Overruling a Prior Judicial Interpretation of a Statute -- 4 Conclusions on Public Law -- G Criminal Law -- 1 The Creation of New Law without Overruling Prior Authority -- (a) Judicial Response to New Factual Circumstances -- (b) Perceived Immorality -- 2 The Creation of New Law by Overruling Prior Authority -- (a) Prior Authority Wrong in Principle -- (b) Retroactivity in Favour of a Defendant -- 3 Overruling a Prior Judicial Interpretation of a Statute -- 4 Conclusions on Criminal Law -- H Overruling and the Age of a Decision -- 6 Prospective Overruling -- A What is Prospective Overruling? -- B The Status Quo -- 1 England -- 2 Australia -- 3 New Zealand -- 4 Canada -- C Evaluation of Prospective Overruling -- 1 Inconsistency with the Proper Scope of the Judicial Function in Common Law Systems -- 2 Arbitrariness -- 3 Prospective Overrruling of Decisions about Statutory and Constitutional Construction -- D Conclusion -- 7 Conclusions -- A Foundations -- B Comparison of Cases of Statutory and Adjudicative Retroactivity -- C Approaching Rebuttal of the Presumption -- D Legislative and Ju

The study, based on archival sources and scientific publications, identifies a number of issues related to the history of the formation of women's educational institutions in Galicia in the early twentieth century. Coverage of the peculiarities of the formation and development of women's seminaries for teacher training in Ukraine as a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is considered on the example of the State Women's Teachers' Seminary in Berezhany. It has been found that the introduction of new educational institutions – men's and women's teachers' seminaries had been based on the Austrian state school law of 1869, which introduced significant changes in the process of teacher training. From the results of the article it has been identified that women's educational institutions had been created in the Austro-Hungarian Empire to provide public (primary) schools with teachers and aimed at professional self-realization of women. The research focuses on the women's teacher's seminary in Berezhany which was opened in 1910/1911. The article analyzes archival documents from the collection of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in L'viv, in particular the materials of the fund № 179 "Curator of the L'viv School District", case 1111 "Case of transfer of premises in Senyavsky Castle in Berezhany by the local city community for a women's seminary". Based on the documents of the case on the transfer of the Senyavsky Castle in Berezhany by the local city community for the women's seminary, the content of the official correspondence of state and local authorities regarding the location and financing of the women's teacher's seminary in Berezhany during 1913-1926 has been revealed. It has been found that before the war, the magistrate of Berezhany had handed over a house and 1 ½ of morgue - land in the center to the needs of the seminary, but the construction of the seminary building had not been started due to the war. On March 5, 1915, the Ministry of Religion and Education in Vienna granted the Berezhany community an annual subvention of 6,000 kroons as donations to a house on a needs of a teachers' seminary. The war made it impossible to further pay that subvention in the school years from 1914/1915 to 1918/1919. Therefore, the school regional council, expressing a request to the magistrate of Berezhany, appealed to the Ministry of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to support the commitment of the Ministry of Finance regarding the annual subvention payment for 1919 and 1920. The Polish government refused any legal obligations to the Berezhany community to pay debts. subventions for the years 1914-1919 instead of the Austrian government. In the case of the seminary in Berezhany, the curator of the Lviv school district, in a letter dated January 4, 1923, proposed to accept the gift of the castle in Berezhany proposed by Mr. Yakub Potocki for the use of the teacher's seminary, which was rejected by the Ministry of Education of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, based on a careful analysis of the condition of the monument. As a result of an agreement with the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Religion and Education decided to distribute the community of Berezhany the amount of 20,000 Polish marks for the needs of the teachers' seminary. The article reveals that the historical experience of the formation and development of women's education in Galicia on the example of the Berezhany Teachers' Seminary as an important asset of Ukrainian science and education. ; На основі архівних джерел і наукових публікацій виокремлено коло питань, пов'язаних з історією становлення жіночих освітніх закладів у Галичині на зламі ХIХ–ХХ ст. Висвітлення особливостей становлення та розвитку жіночих семінарій з підготовки вчителів на українських землях у складі Австро-Угорської імперії і Другої Речі Посполитої розглянуто на прикладі державної жіночої учительської семінарії в Бережанах.З'ясовано, що запровадження нових навчальних закладів – чоловічих і жіночих вчительських семінарій відбувалося на основі шкільного закону 1869 р. Австро-Угорщини, що запроваджував суттєві зміни у процес підготовки вчителів. Встановлено, що жіночі заклади освіти створювалися в імперії для забезпечення народних (початкових) шкіл учителями та мали на меті професійну самореалізацію жінок. З'ясовано, що жіноча учительська семінарія в Бережанах відкрилася у 1910/1911 н. р. Проаналізовано документи із Центрального державного історичного архіву України у м. Львові, зокрема матеріали фонду 179 «Кураторія Львівського шкільного округу», справи 1111 «Справа про передачу приміщення в замку Сенявських у м. Бережани місцевою міською громадою для заснованої жіночої семінарії». На підставі розгляду документів справи про передачу приміщення замку Сенявських у Бережанах для жіночої семінарії розкрито зміст офіційної переписки органів державної і місцевої влади стосовно розміщення і фінансування жіночої вчительської семінарії впродовж 1913–1926 рр. З'ясовано, щоісторичний досвід становлення і розвитку жіночої освіти в Галичині на прикладі Бережанської учительської семінарії є важливим надбанням української науки і освіти.

The study, based on archival sources and scientific publications, identifies a number of issues related to the history of the formation of women's educational institutions in Galicia in the early twentieth century. Coverage of the peculiarities of the formation and development of women's seminaries for teacher training in Ukraine as a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is considered on the example of the State Women's Teachers' Seminary in Berezhany. It has been found that the introduction of new educational institutions – men's and women's teachers' seminaries had been based on the Austrian state school law of 1869, which introduced significant changes in the process of teacher training. From the results of the article it has been identified that women's educational institutions had been created in the Austro-Hungarian Empire to provide public (primary) schools with teachers and aimed at professional self-realization of women. The research focuses on the women's teacher's seminary in Berezhany which was opened in 1910/1911. The article analyzes archival documents from the collection of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in L'viv, in particular the materials of the fund № 179 "Curator of the L'viv School District", case 1111 "Case of transfer of premises in Senyavsky Castle in Berezhany by the local city community for a women's seminary". Based on the documents of the case on the transfer of the Senyavsky Castle in Berezhany by the local city community for the women's seminary, the content of the official correspondence of state and local authorities regarding the location and financing of the women's teacher's seminary in Berezhany during 1913-1926 has been revealed. It has been found that before the war, the magistrate of Berezhany had handed over a house and 1 ½ of morgue - land in the center to the needs of the seminary, but the construction of the seminary building had not been started due to the war. On March 5, 1915, the Ministry of Religion and Education in Vienna granted the Berezhany community an annual subvention of 6,000 kroons as donations to a house on a needs of a teachers' seminary. The war made it impossible to further pay that subvention in the school years from 1914/1915 to 1918/1919. Therefore, the school regional council, expressing a request to the magistrate of Berezhany, appealed to the Ministry of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to support the commitment of the Ministry of Finance regarding the annual subvention payment for 1919 and 1920. The Polish government refused any legal obligations to the Berezhany community to pay debts. subventions for the years 1914-1919 instead of the Austrian government. In the case of the seminary in Berezhany, the curator of the Lviv school district, in a letter dated January 4, 1923, proposed to accept the gift of the castle in Berezhany proposed by Mr. Yakub Potocki for the use of the teacher's seminary, which was rejected by the Ministry of Education of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, based on a careful analysis of the condition of the monument. As a result of an agreement with the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Religion and Education decided to distribute the community of Berezhany the amount of 20,000 Polish marks for the needs of the teachers' seminary. The article reveals that the historical experience of the formation and development of women's education in Galicia on the example of the Berezhany Teachers' Seminary as an important asset of Ukrainian science and education. ; На основі архівних джерел і наукових публікацій виокремлено коло питань, пов'язаних з історією становлення жіночих освітніх закладів у Галичині на зламі ХIХ–ХХ ст. Висвітлення особливостей становлення та розвитку жіночих семінарій з підготовки вчителів на українських землях у складі Австро-Угорської імперії і Другої Речі Посполитої розглянуто на прикладі державної жіночої учительської семінарії в Бережанах.З'ясовано, що запровадження нових навчальних закладів – чоловічих і жіночих вчительських семінарій відбувалося на основі шкільного закону 1869 р. Австро-Угорщини, що запроваджував суттєві зміни у процес підготовки вчителів. Встановлено, що жіночі заклади освіти створювалися в імперії для забезпечення народних (початкових) шкіл учителями та мали на меті професійну самореалізацію жінок. З'ясовано, що жіноча учительська семінарія в Бережанах відкрилася у 1910/1911 н. р. Проаналізовано документи із Центрального державного історичного архіву України у м. Львові, зокрема матеріали фонду 179 «Кураторія Львівського шкільного округу», справи 1111 «Справа про передачу приміщення в замку Сенявських у м. Бережани місцевою міською громадою для заснованої жіночої семінарії». На підставі розгляду документів справи про передачу приміщення замку Сенявських у Бережанах для жіночої семінарії розкрито зміст офіційної переписки органів державної і місцевої влади стосовно розміщення і фінансування жіночої вчительської семінарії впродовж 1913–1926 рр. З'ясовано, щоісторичний досвід становлення і розвитку жіночої освіти в Галичині на прикладі Бережанської учительської семінарії є важливим надбанням української науки і освіти.

Earlier this month, Democratic Texas congressman Henry Cuellar was indicted by the U.S. Department of Justice on charges of "bribery, unlawful foreign influence, and money laundering." The accusations revolve around a set of deals in which Cuellar allegedly accepted money from a state-owned Azerbaijani oil company and a Mexican bank in exchange for an agreement to push U.S. foreign policy in their favor.As concerning as this may be, it's not even the first such indictment against a sitting member of Congress this year. In March, Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) received a superseding indictment which expands further upon earlier accusations that the former Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman took bribes to advocate on behalf of the Egyptian and Qatari governments. These cases make it clear that foreign bribery, in which representatives of one country pay money to manipulate the representatives of another, is still a serious problem in the United States. As the world's most powerful and interventionist nation, no other government has more influence over the rest of the world's affairs — influence which can be bought. The recent charges against Rep. Cuellar and Sen. Mendendez show how significant of a problem bribery and undue influence has been for the U.S. congress, while also drawing attention to the ongoing efforts to prevent this corruption from continuing.Bribes offered in exchange for political favors are nothing new in Congress. The first congressional bribery investigation on record took place in 1854, when a lobbyist attempted to bribe members of Congress into extending the patent for the Colt revolver handgun. The question of bribery across borders, however, did not receive much attention in Congress until fairly recently. Concerns about foreign bribery emerged most forcefully in the mid-1970s as a result of the Watergate investigation and the Church Committee, which investigated abuses by U.S. intelligence agencies. These investigations identified slush funds run by large companies that could be used for illegal political donations and undisclosed foreign payments, including several U.S.-based corporations with overseas operations. In the words of then-committee chairman Sen. Frank Church (D-Ida.), the Church Committee was "concerned with the foreign policy consequences of these payments by U.S.-based multinational corporations… It is no longer sufficient to simply sigh and say that is the way business is done. It is time to treat the issue for what it is: a serious foreign policy problem."There are two types of foreign bribery: attempts by foreign figures to bribe U.S. officials, and attempts by U.S. figures to bribe foreign officials. The Church Committee began by looking into the latter, focusing on political contributions that U.S.-based oil and defense companies had made abroad. What they found was shocking: oil companies were funding politicians in South Korea and Italy; Northrop was paying off a Saudi general; and Lockheed spent millions on bribes to foreign officials in Japan, the Netherlands, Indonesia, and more. Lockheed even sought to claim tax deductions for its bribes, a practice which was legal until 1975.These and other revelations caused major scandals abroad. Congress was rattled by the way that some countries reacted to the corruption, including the Peruvian government's expropriation of assets belonging to a corrupt U.S. oil company. Combined with the American public's disgust towards the corruption of the Watergate scandal, conditions were ripe for serious reform. In 1977, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) was signed into law, making it illegal for U.S. citizens to bribe foreign officials. Until this rule was turned into a treaty 20 years later, the U.S. was alone in the world in adopting this form of anti-corruption policy.For much of the U.S.'s history, political corruption was both common and partially normalized, explained away as a necessity to achieve political and business goals. When a corrupt middleman helping U.S. weapons companies make deals in Saudi Arabia explained his role to Pentagon officials in 1973, one official present described the activities as "an inexpensive economic aid program." It was the fallout from Watergate and the Church Committee that turned bribery into a proper taboo. This sharp cultural change caught some off guard: one key Lockheed executive who was ejected from the company due to the bribery scandal complained that "all of a sudden, there's a different set of standards… I looked at these payments as necessary to sell a product. I never felt I was doing anything wrong." The public's attention next turned to the flip side of foreign bribery: foreign representatives paying off U.S. officials. While the FCPA criminalized foreign bribery committed by U.S. citizens, it did not fully criminalize foreign bribery aimed at U.S. citizens. New investigations into bribes directed at members of the U.S. congress helped to demonstrate the scale of this issue.In the "Koreagate" scandal of the late 1970s, a well-connected South Korean businessman offered bribes to U.S. members of Congress in exchange for favorable treatment of the nation's dictatorship. Many lawmakers were implicated, and one was sent to jail. Congress launched investigations into alleged bribery campaigns by Iranian and South African officials in 1979 and 1980, respectively, but ultimately found "no evidence of intentional misconduct." Little did they know that something much larger was brewing beneath the surface.In 1980, NBC News revealed that the Federal Bureau of Investigation had conducted a large-scale sting operation against corrupt politicians. "Abscam," short for "Arab scam," involved FBI agents posing as the agents of a wealthy Middle Eastern sheikh and offering bribes to seven members of Congress, all of whom were eventually convicted. This investigation, controversial for the use of tactics which many might consider entrapment, formed the basis of the 2013 comedy film "American Hustle."Abscam was the last major entry in this burst of investigations, but new scandals continued to emerge over the years. After congressman Jay Kim (R-Cal.) narrowly won his 1992 reelection campaign, it was revealed that more than a third of his campaign contributions were illegal, including money with its origins in South Korea and Taiwan. Five years later, Rep. Corrine Brown (D-Fla.) pressured Turkemenistan's ambassador to the U.S. on behalf of a Florida-based company seeking a natural gas deal with the country; the same company had previously paid for her trips overseas. She also was accused of accepting a car from a Malian businessman as a gift for her daughter.The next large scandal came in the form of congressman William J. Jefferson (D-La.), who was convicted of a litany of crimes in 2009. Jefferson accepted large bribes from U.S. companies in exchange for promoting their business interests across western Africa. He was finally caught after accepting a $100,000 cash bribe from a woman who instructed him to pass it on to the vice president of Nigeria. What he didn't know was that the woman was an FBI asset wearing a wire; the Bureau raided his Capitol Hill apartment days later.These issues have continued into the 2020s, even before the bombshell indictments of Rep. Cuellar and Sen. Menendez. In 2022, congressman Jeff Fortenberry (R-Neb.) was convicted of lying to the FBI about illegal campaign money which originated from a Nigerian billionaire. His conviction was later reversed on technical grounds, but new charges were filed against him earlier this month.Recent efforts have helped to strengthen U.S. laws against foreign bribery. President Biden signed the Foreign Extortion Prevention Act into law late last year, making it illegal for foreign officials to demand or accept bribes from U.S. citizens. This reform directly addresses the "demand side" of the bribery issue which the FCPA left untouched. In addition, the Securities and Exchange Commission has stepped up its enforcement of the FCPA ever since creating a "specialized unit" to enforce the law in 2010. However, there is more that can be done to strengthen the law. For example, Congress could repeal the 1988 amendment to the law which creates an exception for "facilitating or expediting payments."Other reforms can help in fighting corruption. Congressional ethics committees need to be strengthened in order to identify and address ethics violations more quickly. Stronger enforcement of the Foreign Agents Registration Act could make it harder for middlemen acting as agents of foreign governments to hide in the shadows.Members of Congress must also have a zero tolerance policy for their colleagues who are caught engaging in foreign bribery. Senator Menendez has already faced calls for resignation from the majority of senators from his own party; although he gave up his leadership role on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, he continues to cling to office. Rep. Cuellar, on the other hand, has faced little opposition from his Democratic colleagues so far.Finally, these scandals should lead Washington to reconsider U.S. foreign policy more generally. The United States frequently intervenes in the affairs of other nations, even in contexts where it makes little sense. Members of Congress can use this global reach to line their own pockets; simultaneously, this same power makes them prime targets for foreign interests who wish to manipulate the way that the United States interacts with the rest of the world. A foreign policy that turns away from coercive interventionism while still encouraging international cooperation would provide fewer opportunities for foreign bribery to occur in the first place.U.S. foreign policy should be dictated by the interests of the American people, not the personal financial interests of politicians, wealthy businessmen, and foreign governments. The cases of Rep. Cuellar and Sen. Menendez are only the most recent in a substantial history of such behavior. To fix U.S. foreign policy, we need to clean up Congress and put an end to foreign bribery.

Debates over foreign policy have played an unusually significant role in the intra-Republican party debate over the last year. Disagreements over aid for Ukraine were a driving force behind former Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy's ouster from his leadership position last October. When Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) endorsed Donald Trump's 2024 presidential campaign, he cited his foreign policy record as the primary reason, and Nikki Haley has made her aggressive brand of foreign policy central to her challenge to Trump.Now, the Republican Party will undergo another meaningful transition. Mitch McConnell, who has led the Senate Republican conference since 2007, announced last week that he will step down from his long-held perch following November's elections and retire from the Senate at the end of his current term. While McConnell's decision is not explicitly about foreign policy, it is a signal that the party's views on a number of major issues, including America's role in the world, are changing."It's a body blow for the establishment, interventionist wing of the GOP," Jacob Heilbrunn, editor of The National Interest and author of two books on Republican foreign policy, tells Responsible Statecraft.To be sure, there are other elements at play. McConnell is 82. He's had a number of health events in public in recent months. A Trump return to the White House looks like a distinct possibility, and, given McConnell's apparent distaste for the former president, the Kentucky Republican may not want to contend with the pressure of working with him for another four years. Nevertheless, there are reports that McConnell is considering endorsing Trump for a second term.The majority leader, however, has said that he will serve out the rest of his term, which expires in January 2027, so the decision was not entirely informed by his personal life. "It suggests to me that some of this does have to do with the changing composition of the Senate Republican Conference," Jim Antle, executive editor of the Washington Examiner magazine, tells RS.The dynamics of that changing composition are clear: During a vote in the Senate last month on legislation that would provide foreign aid to Ukraine and Israel, 18 of the 30 Senators who were first elected before 2016 supported the bill; only four of the 19 who came to office since voted in favor.McConnell's Foreign Policy LegacyThe post-Trump years have been atypical for McConnell. During his nearly 40 years in the Senate and his 16 years as party leader — the longest such tenure in history — McConnell has rarely made foreign affairs a policy priority and has, despite criticism from conservative activists, laboriously tried to avoid inserting himself into intra-party disputes.But after his relations soured with the former president, McConnell became a symbol of the Republican old guard in Washington that was working to reverse Trump's effects on the party — with a focus on one issue in particular."Of all the ways Trump has reshaped the Republican Party, it's clear that McConnell sees the drift toward isolationism as the most pernicious — particularly at a moment when the fate of Ukraine and perhaps even NATO countries could be determined by the resolve of the Republican Party," Politico's Jonathan Martin reported last summer."I didn't really think he was that important on foreign policy until the Republican consensus on foreign policy started being challenged. And he was a leader in pushing back against those challenges," says Antle."McConnell's legacy is often considered domestic. It certainly was his area of interest," adds Curt Mills, executive director of the American Conservative. "But I think, time and again, McConnell showed himself to be essentially a kind of unreconstructed George W. Bush-style Republican on foreign policy, and really did sort of stick his neck out there as the years went on."However, McConnell's brand of conservatism, particularly on the foreign policy front, has been going out of style. It is reviled by more right-wing members of the party, and old Republican purveyors of it are aging out and retiring.The conservative House Freedom Caucus mocked the departing Senate leader after his announcement, focusing on his recent rhetoric on foreign policy. "Our thoughts are with our Democrat colleagues in the Senate on the retirement of their Co-Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (D-Ukraine)," the group posted from their account on the social media platform X.What's Next?The Senate can be a slow place to transform. Six-year terms mean that Senators are not as subject to the whims of the voter base as their counterparts in the House. The most oft-mentioned replacements for McConnell are the so-called "Three Johns" — Thune of South Dakota, Cornyn of Texas, (the third, Barrasso of Wyoming, has announced on Tuesday that he was forgoing the opportunity to replace McConnell to run for the second leadership spot instead). They are more in the mold of the current majority leader in that they have a more temperamentally conservative approach to politics, unlike some newer GOP politicians who are willing to overthrow institutional norms in Washington.Even though the Senate was a place for more establishment Republicans to have some level of power during the Trump years, Mills argues that the more "America First" wing of the party is more aware of and prepared to push for control of these levers of power. "I do think we're getting to the point now, where the Senate Leader is high profile enough that they can't be this major outlier on the policy," he tells RS. In addition, he says, anybody in the party who has national aspirations will have to advocate for some degree of foreign policy restraint.In terms of policy, the most crucial question confronting Congress is the future of aid to Ukraine. McConnell has been a strong advocate for continuing aid and, for the time being, the spending package is stuck in the House of Representatives. If the House blocks passage of the bill or passes a different version of it, the Senate GOP's position on the issue will once again be tested. The Republican conference had largely been supportive of aiding Ukraine, but the most recent bill passed with support from fewer than half of the members.Despite facing criticism from conservative activists, McConnell has rarely been on the losing side of any debates within the Republican Party during his time as leader, says Antle. Ukraine aid could prove to be a significant exception. And perhaps, given his stance on the issue, McConnell may feel that his voice is better placed elsewhere in the caucus."Maybe now he wants to play more of a Mitt Romney role. Where he's seen as this elder statesman within the party, but he has the freedom to criticize Trump," Antle tells RS. "This is me speculating. But I think it's informed speculation. He may feel that he's reached a point where herding cats in private is less important than speaking out against some of these things in public."The Trump FactorWhere the next Senate GOP leader falls on this and other related issues will depend largely on the outcome of the 2024 presidential election. Trump has reportedly already been involved in the jockeying over McConnell's successor behind-the-scenes, urging Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.), the chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, to run. Regardless of who the leader ends up being, they will likely need to be loyal to Trump personally, but the former president may be more flexible when it comes to his policy agenda."If Trump really wanted to push somebody who was different from McConnell on foreign policy, I think he could have an impact, but I don't think that those are the kinds of considerations that he's going to make," says Antle. "But it does suggest, I think, that that wing of the Senate Republican Conference is only going to get bigger and the kinds of pressures McConnell was resisting, are going to become more difficult to resist."Heilbrunn, on the other hand, contends that if Trump is elected, the battle for Republican foreign policy will effectively be over. "The one thing he actually cares about is foreign policy," he tells RS, adding that Trump will not settle for a Senate advocating for a different approach, and will be "pushing for someone who will be subservient to him."If Trump loses, however, there will be a more contested battle over how the Republican Party may understand the country's role in the world. While Cold War-era hawks have definitely lost the power they once had within the party, they could make the case that Trump represented a short-term outlier if he loses another election.Even if Trump loses, Mills says, "I'm still pretty bullish on the restraint end of the Republican Party," because the momentum in the party's base is aligned with that movement. Foreign policy, he says, is only growing more salient for GOP primary voters.In addition, younger and more recently elected Republicans' views on foreign policy can harken back to the GOP from before the Cold War, which often opposed foreign intervention. In this telling, Cold Warriors like McConnell and the neoconservatives that populated the George W. Bush administration are actually the outliers in the party's history."I think that what Trump represents is an older and probably more durable tradition," says Heilbrunn.

Avrupa Birliği (AB) 2004 yılından bu yana Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkelerinin büyük çoğunluğunu resmi olarak birliğe kabul etti ve Batı Balkanlarda geriye kalan üye olmayan ülkeler AB'nin yeni hedefi haline geldi. Ancak, Birlik AB politik üyelik koşulları yoluyla kurallarını Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkelerine kıyasla Batı Balkanlardaki diğer üye olmayan ülkelere aktarırken birtakım zorluklarla karşılaşmıştır. Burada akla iki soru gelmektedir: Birinci soru, "Hangi şartlar altında bu koşullar etkili olabilir?" iken; ikinci soru, "AB üyelik koşulları neden Batı Balkanlarda bulunan ülkelerin iç politikasında kısmen sınırlı bir rol oynar?" şeklindedir. Bu meseleyi açığa kavuşturmak için Schimmelfennig ve Sedelmeier (2004) tarafından "dış teşvik modeli" benimsenmiştir. Bu çalışma "dış teşvik modelinin" bu soruları tam anlamıyla cevaplandıramadığını ve ulusal kimliğin Batı Balkan devletleri olan Hırvatistan ve Sırbistan'da AB üyelik koşullarının etkililiğini belirleme noktasında önemli bir role sahip olduğunu ileri sürmektedir. Çalışmanın Hırvatistan ve Sırbistan'ı durum çalışmaları olarak ele almasının sebepleri; bu iki ülkenin eski Yugoslav Sosyalist Federal Cumhuriyeti olmaları ve 1990'lı yıllarda ortak bir savaş tarihi paylaşmalarıdır. Belirtilen bu ortak özelliklere rağmen bu iki ülkenin Birliğe olan üyelik sürecine ilişkin tutumlarının birbirinden farklılık arz ettiği dikkat çekmiştir (Massari, 2010). Hırvatistan AB üyeliğini hâlihazırda 2013 yılında elde etmiş olmasına rağmen, Sırbistan'ın bu üyeliği gerçekleştirme noktasında kat etmesi gereken daha çok yol vardır ; The European Union (EU) has formally initiated the vast majority of the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECS) into the Union and Western Balkans' remaining non-EU countries have became the new target of EU enlargement since 2004. The Union, however, has faced some difficulties in transferring its rules to non-member countries in Western Balkans by means of the EU political accession conditionality in comparison to Central and Eastern European Countries. Here are two questions to mind: 'Under what circumstances could the conditionality be effective?' and 'why does the EU conditionality play relatively limited role in the domestic politics of the Western Balkan states?' An "external incentive model" is adopted by Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier (2004) to articulate the issue. This study addresses this contestation, arguing that the "external incentive model" is incapable of fully answering these questions and that national identity has a huge impact on the determination of the effectiveness of EU accession conditionality by focusing on the problems limiting this effectiveness in two Balkan states, namely Croatia and Serbia. The reasons why the paper has chosen Croatia and Serbia as case studies are that they are republics of former Yugoslavia and that they have shared war history in the 1990s, however act differently on the way to the European Union (Massari, 2010). Although Croatia has become a member of the Union, Serbia still has got a long way to go The European Union has utilised political conditionality as one of the most significant strategies to export its governance and to encourage non-member countries to obey the rules of the EU (Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier, 2004). Political conditions, which are necessitated by the Union from the very beginning, can be described as a competitive party system, and free and fair elections. As for the essential political conditions of EU accession that the EU confirmed in 1993, which are also defined as the Copenhagen Criteria, they are the stability of democratic institutions, rule of law, liberal market economy, human rights and lastly the protection of minority rights (Bieber, 2013:2). The required political conditions are flexible. By which it means that some specific requirements could be added to the conditions. For instance, the UE required cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the context of Western Balkans (Frerburh and Richter, 2010:269-71). Predominant studies select "external incentive model" to articulate the logic of EU conditionality and political conditions. This model is based on a rationalist cost-benefit calculation that assumes that states are regarded as rational actors, seeking to boost their interests (Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier, 2004). The tool of conditionality is perhaps the most significant instrument that the EU external governance applies to force would-be member states to obey the rules of the EU. That is, the Union decides its instructions as conditions and would-be member states are expected or required to accept these conditions to receive rewards. Consequently, the target government would face three various pressures namely from the Union, domestic and international politics in return for EU external incentives (Trauner, 2011:8). It is therefore the credibility of the EU conditionality plays a key role in evaluating the pros and cons of EU rewards as opposed to domestic compliance (Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier, 2004:663-7). This model is, however, unsuccessful in fully articulating why the EU political conditionality could perform better in states like Croatia than in states like Serbia in the context of Western Balkan despite the fact that the Union has provided these countries with rewards. At this point, national identity, as a constructivist variable, has a huge impact on the determination of the effectiveness of EU accession conditionality by focusing on the problems limiting this effectiveness in two Balkan states, namely Croatia and Serbia. National identity is the main theme that determines whether conditionality can be effective or not. Constructivists argue that wouldbe member states would acknowledge the influence of the Union by means of socialisation and persuasion processes. It is these processes internalizing identities with the help of domestic actors (Trauner, 2011). Considering the rules of the EU appropriate and compatible with political conditionality helps domestic actors to stick to given EU rules (Schimmelfennig et al., 2006:27-52). In this sense, national identity, as a filter actor, influences EU conditionality. It is, therefore, crucial to note that states, as social actors, often shape and reshape national identity when they face or interact with different social structures. The EU political conditionality has raised doubts about its effectiveness in the countries in question. This is because they had ethnic conflicts in 1990s that shaped their national identities. It is this historic background affecting the effectiveness of EU political conditionality in Croatia and Serbia in different lights. As a result, the European Union (EU) has formally initiated the vast majority of the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECS) into the Union and Western Balkans' remaining non-EU countries have become the new target of EU enlargement since 2004. The Union, however, has faced some difficulties in transferring its rules to nonmember countries in Western Balkans by means of the EU political accession conditionality in comparison to Central and Eastern European Countries. In this paper, it is argued that the "external incentive model" is incapable of fully explaining the issue in question and that national identity has a huge impact on the determination of the effectiveness of EU accession conditionality by focusing on the problems limiting this effectiveness in two Balkan states, namely Croatia and Serbia. The reasons why the paper has chosen Croatia and Serbia as case studies are that they are republics of former Yugoslavia and that they have shared war history in the 1990s, however act differently on the way to the European Union (Massari, 2010). Although Croatia has become a member of the Union, Serbia still has got a long way to go.Cooperation with the ICTY has been very sensitive issue in both Croatia and Serbia where these countries had to comply with it as a result of being tied to EU accession. The way in which the transformation of the EU rules, however, quite varied from one another. Croatian elites saw the cooperation with ICTY as indispensable part of EU accession and in line with Croatian respect of European organizations. Croatia met EU requirements. This is simply because the country was one of the European countries in which the rule of law is respected and obeyed. As far as Serbia is concerned, the cooperation with the ICTY was ensured by Serbian elites who felt forced and oppressed to do so. But they rejected the Hague tribunal. Even though they rejected it, a sense of obligation arising from the fear of being punished by the international community through the cancellation or postpone of EU talks took place regarding detaining suspects. This problematic issue resulted in different images of the EU in the eyes of these two countries. Serbia regards the European Union as a punisher and a superior force that inclined to in Serbia. This could be one of the reasons why there is distance between Belgrade and Brussels. As for Croatia, the image of Europe in the eyes of Croatian people is related to high democratic standards, liberty and civilization (Subotic, 2011:326-7). This could be one of the reasons why there is close cooperation between Croatia and the European Union. The rational incentive model is important for explaining the choice of would-be member states. It is crucial to clarify that this model is valid once the rules of the European Union are compatible with national identity of the would-be member states. Once the national identity of the target state is incompatible with the rules of the EU, it is fair to say that any material condition does not serve a very useful purpose. Therefore, national identity matters

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