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Sommer, Sonne, Strand - Zypern ist eine Ferieninsel geworden, auf der viele Touristen Urlaub machen. In Nikosia können Tourist*innen in hippen Läden shoppen gehen, die schöne Altstadt genießen und lecker Essen gehen. Aber aufgepasst! Mitten in der Hauptstadt stehen Friedenstruppen der Vereinten Nationen und überwachen die grüne Linie. Der schöne Schein trügt und erinnert an die vergangenen blutigen Ereignisse zwischen den beiden Volkstruppen. Eine Reise nach Nikosia ist nicht nur mit Urlaub verbunden, sondern auch eine lebendige Geschichtsstunde, denn die Insel ist bis heute geteilt. Dennoch ist die Lage entspannter geworden, die Grenzen sind geöffnet und EU-Bürger*innen können mit ihrem Personalausweis problemlos den Südteil hin zum Nordteil überqueren. Der folgende Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der Friedenssicherung durch die Vereinten Nationen. Die Friedenssicherung hat sich zu einem zentralen Auftrag der Vereinten Nationen entwickelt und soll am Fallbeispiel Zypern erläutert werden. Dabei gliedert sich die Arbeit in fünf Teile. Zu Beginn wird auf den Kontext der UN-Friedenssicherung im allgemeinen eingegangen. Anschließend wird Bezug auf die Charta der Vereinten Nationen genommen und der Prozess und die Verantwortlichkeit der Friedensmissionen geklärt. Im Folgenden werden die ersten Friedensmissionen beleuchtet und reflektiert. Dabei wird der Zypernkonflikt historisch eingeordnet. Ob die Vereinten Nationen im Fall Zypern richtig gehandelt oder den Konflikt nur auf Eis gelegt haben, ist eine Kontroverse. Um diese zu verstehen, müssen die Hintergründe des Konfliktes beleuchtet werden, welches im nächsten Kapitel geschieht. Weiter wird auf die Mitwirkung der UNO an einer Lösung des Konfliktes eingegangen. Hier sollen die Schwierigkeiten und Erfolge beleuchtet werden. Zum Schluss wird anhand von ausgewählten Praxisbeispielen der UNFICYP gezeigt, wie die Friedensmission vor Ort ablief. Die Probleme und Erfolge der Friedenstruppen werden betrachtet, ebenso werden die Konzepte der Vereinten Nationen, die in die Praxis umgesetzt wurden, auf ihre Standhaftigkeit überprüft. Friedenssicherung durch die Vereinten NationenIm folgenden Abschnitt wird das Konzept der Friedenssicherung vorgestellt und in seinen einzelnen Stufen dargestellt. Die Friedenssicherung ist, zusammen mit der Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte, ein zentraler Auftrag der Vereinten Nationen. Diese Ziele hängen direkt miteinander zusammen (vgl. Mathis, 2013). Es gibt festgeschriebene Grundsätze, die von den Mitgliedern beachten werden sollten; die folgenden stehen in unmittelbarem Zusammenhang der Friedenssicherung der Vereinten Nationen: Die Pflicht zur friedlichen Streitbeilegung, das allgemeine Verbot der Androhung und Anwendung von Gewalt und das Interventionsverbot. Ausnahme beim Gewaltverbot ist die Selbstverteidigung und die vom Sicherheitsrat erlassenen militärischen Zwangsmaßnahmen. Der UN-Sicherheitsrat nimmt hier das Gewaltmonopol ein. Durch das Interventionsverbot dürfen souveräne Staaten sich nicht in innere Angelegenheiten einmischen. Der UN-Sicherheitsrat kann deshalb nicht in innerstaatliche Konflikte und Menschenrechtsverletzungen eingreifen (Ebbing 2012, vgl. S. 3f). Dabei trägt der UN-Sicherheitsrat die Verantwortung für die internationale Sicherheit und den Weltfrieden; dieser kann bindende Entscheidungen für Mitgliedsstaaten treffen (vgl. Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e.V.). Alle UNO-Missionen zur Friedenssicherung und die Entsendung von UN-Soldaten gingen auf die Entscheidung des Sicherheitsrates zurück. Zu betrachten ist, dass durch Menschenrechtsverletzungen Konflikte gestärkt werden und diese in bewaffneten Konflikten und Kriegen enden können. Außerdem kommt es in Kriegen zu Menschenrechtsverletzungen wie z.B. durch Folter, Ermordung von Zivilisten oder sogar Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit, wie Völkermord (vgl. Mathis, 2013). Ein zentrales Gremium für das UN- Konfliktmanagement, welches anhand der UN-Charta entscheidet, ob es sich um einen Friedensbruch oder um einen Bruch der internationalen Sicherheit handelt, ist etabliert. Hier werden Maßnahmen beschlossen, um die internationale Sicherheit und den Weltfrieden wieder herzustellen (vgl. Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e.V.). Mathis zeigt auf, dass die Friedenssicherung eine signifikante Anzahl an Aspekten aufweist und durch das Grundprinzip nicht direkt in bewaffnete Konflikte eingegriffen wird. Zu aller erst gibt es die Prävention, wirtschaftliche Hilfe, Sicherung von Menschenrechten, Verhandlung in Konflikten, Sanktionen gegen Staaten, die völkerrechtswidrig handeln oder völkerrechtliche Vereinbarungen nicht einhalten, wie die Ablehnung von ABC-Waffen. Der Sicherheitsrat kann hierbei Empfehlungen zur friedlichen Streitbeilegung nach Kapitel VI der Charta aussprechen. Darüber hinaus kann es zu Zwangsmaßnahmen nach Kapitel VII kommen. Dabei kann es sich um nicht-militärische, aber auch um militärische Maßnahmen handeln (Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e.V.). Hinzu kommt, dass der UN-Sicherheitsrat einen Krieg völkerrechtlich legitimieren kann (vgl. Mathis, 2013). Während eines Krieges werden Verhandlungen für einen Waffenstillstand geführt, es wird humanitäre Hilfe geleistet, und die Zivilbevölkerung wird durch UN-Soldaten zu schützen versucht. Selbst nach einem Krieg sorgen die UN-Soldaten für die Sicherung des Waffenstillstandes und die Einhaltung von Friedensvereinbarungen. Dabei steht der Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung permanent im Vordergrund. Ein Wiederaufbau, eine Entwaffnung und Abrüstung wird gefördert und schwere Kriegsverbrechen werden geahndet (vgl. ebd.). In einer Resolution wird vom Sicherheitsrat über die Größe und das Mandat einer Friedensmission entschieden, und anhand regelmäßiger Berichte durch den Generalsekretär kann das Mandat verlängert oder geändert werden (vgl. ebd.). Nun soll geklärt werden, wie genau eine Friedensmission abläuft und wer die Verantwortung trägt. Für die Friedensmissionen ist das Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) zuständig; dieses plant die Mission und führt diese durch. Dabei werden sie vom Department of Political Affairs (DPA) unterstützt, dieses beteiligt sich vor allem bei diplomatischen Bemühungen. Eine Einsatzleitung (Force Commander) vor Ort wird vom Generalsekretär bestimmt. Dieser verfügt ebenso auch über die ausführende Leitung der Friedensmission (vgl. Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e.V). Aus Kapitel VII der Charta geht eine starke Anteilnahme der Mitgliedstaaten hervor. Diese Staaten sollen auf Grundlage von Sonderabkommen Streitkräfte zu Verfügung stellen. Dabei sollte erwähnt werden, dass noch kein Sonderabkommen zustande gekommen ist. Festzustellen ist, dass die Anforderungen von den Vereinten Nationen zu hoch und den praktischen Möglichkeiten voraus sind (Gareis/Varwick 2014, vgl. S.117). Gareis analysiert, dass das kollektive Interesse der VN-Mitgliedstaaten oft zu gering ist, um ihre Streitkräfte aus der Hand zu geben und das Leben der Soldaten zu riskieren (vgl. ebd.). Daraus folgt, dass die Vereinten Nationen kein schnelles und effektives Sicherheitssystem besitzt. Die Vereinten Nationen sind "eine unvollkommene, reformbedürftige, aber doch in vielen Bereichen eminent wichtige internationale Organisation" (ebd. S. 356). Voraussetzung für den Erfolg der Vereinten Nationen ist, dass die Staaten multilaterale Strategien zur Problemlösung bevorzugen. Nur dann können die Vereinten Nationen eine Rolle in der internationalen Politik spielen. Die Mitgliedstaaten sind in der Praxis selten bereit, ihre Außenpolitik in die Hände der Vereinten Nationen zu legen. Die großen und mächtigen Staaten neigen dazu, unilateral vorzugehen. Staaten wollen alleine und, wenn notwendig, gegen andere Staaten handeln, um ihre eigenen Interessen zu verfolgen und zu maximieren. Auch wenn nur im Einzelfall unilateral gehandelt wird, entsteht dadurch trotzdem ein Bruch und gegenseitiges Vertrauen wird schwierig (vgl. ebd.). Aufgrund dessen haben sich alternative Formen der Friedenssicherung entwickelt. Diese müssen einerseits dem veränderten Kriegs- und Konfliktgeschehen standhalten und den Souveränitätsansprüchen der Mitgliedsstaaten. Eine eigene UN-Friedenssicherung sind beispielsweise die Blauhelme, welche durch Auslegung von Kapitel VII der Charta vom Sicherheitsrat seit den 1950er Jahren entsendet werden. Dabei bestehen die Blauhelme in der Regel aus unbewaffneten bis leicht bewaffneten Truppen und Beobachtern. Zu ihren Aufgaben gehört unter anderem die Überwachung der Einhaltung von Waffenstillständen oder dem Friedensvertrag. Die Neutralität steht dabei an oberster Stelle (vgl. Gareis 2015). Die ersten Friedensmissionen der Vereinten Nationen Im Mittelpunkt dieses Abschnittes stehen die Anfänge der Friedenssicherung. Dabei wird die Entwicklung beleuchtet und reflektiert. Weiterhin findet eine Einordnung der Friedenssicherung auf Zypern statt. Die Überwachung des Waffenstillstandes nach dem ersten arabisch-israelischen Krieg 1948 war der erste große Einsatz in der Entstehungsphase der Friedenssicherungen. Die nächste größere Mission bestand aus der Überprüfung des Waffenstillstandes zwischen Indien und Pakistan. Gareis stellt fest, dass es sich ebenfalls um eine zwischenstaatliche Auseinandersetzung handelte. Diese Mission wurde vom VN-Haushalt bezahlt und dauert bis heute an. Daraus entwickelte sich eine zweite Phase der Friedenssicherung, die Behauptungsphase von 1956-1967 mit neun Einsätzen (Gareis/Varwick 2014, vgl. S.127f). In die Behauptungsphase zählte der Einsatz der Friedenstruppen in Zypern, auf den im späteren Abschnitt des Blogbeitrages eingegangen wird. "Erstmals übernahmen die UN zeitweilige Autorität über ein Territorium auf dem Weg zur Unabhängigkeit, ergänzte zivile Polizei zu einer Friedensoperation, wurde in einen Bürgerkrieg verwickelt, führte einen Einsatz im größeren Ausmaß durch und erlaubte den Blauhelmen das Tragen von Waffen." (Jett 2000, S.23f), neue Aufgaben wurden erkannt. Die Vereinten Nationen bekamen zudem immer mehr Macht, aber hatten damals schon mit ersten Problemen zu kämpfen. Das klassische peacekeeping entstand durch die erste Notstandsgruppe der Vereinten Nationen, der United Nations Emergency Force (UNEFI) beim Einsatz in Ägypten. Hier kam es zu Schwierigkeiten, es konnte im Sicherheitsrat keine einstimme Verurteilung der israelischen Aggression und der ägyptischen Verstaatlichung erreicht werden. Durch das Veto von Großbritannien und Frankreich wurde der Sicherheitsrat lahmgelegt. Die Uniting for Peace-Resolution schaltete die Generalversammlung ein, welche auf den Einsatz von Friedenstruppen drängte. Eigentlich wäre laut Kapitel VII Artikel 24 Abs. 1 der UN-Charta der Sicherheitsrat zuständig gewesen, jedoch waren die Konfliktpartien freiwillig mit einem Einsatz einverstanden. Neben Frankreich und der UdSSR verweigerten einige Staaten die finanzielle Unterstützung. Dieses Problem vertiefte sich nochmal beim Einsatz im Kongo; hier wurde die Verantwortung für die Friedenserhaltung beim Sicherheitsrat gesehen. Folglich wurde der Internationale Gerichtshof eingeschaltet, welcher sowohl dem Sicherheitsrat als auch der Generalversammlung eine Zuständigkeit zusprach (vgl. Sucharipa-Behrmann 1999). Die Autoren stellten fest, dass sich aus der Kongo-Krise ein "akzeptiertes Miteinander dieser beiden Organe" (Gareis/Varwick 2014, S.129) entwickelte, wobei "der Sicherheitsrat die Initiative und Entscheidungsbefugnis stärker an sich gezogen hatte"(Gareis/Varwick 2014, S.129). Zu erkennen war außerdem eine zunehmende Bedeutung des Generalsekretärs, welcher über mehr Spielraum verfügte. Die UNEF-Mission ging durch wichtige Grundprinzipen der Notstandsgruppe durch den Generalsekretär in die Geschichte der internationalen Friedenssicherung ein. Hinzu kam der Konsens der Konfliktparteien, welcher beschlossen wurde und besagt, dass klassische Blauhelm-Soldaten nicht gegen den Willen eines Staates eingesetzt werden dürfen. Dadurch wurde eine Toleranz der Truppen gefördert und eine Bereitschaft für eine Zurverfügungstellung der Truppen, durch die Mitgliedstaaten, geschaffen. Dies waren die Grundlagen für das Modell des klassischen peacekeeping vom Generalsekretär Hammarskjöld (vgl. ebd.). Zu diesem Zeitpunkt wurde zudem die Verantwortlichkeit durch die Leitung des Generalsekretärs beschlossen. Aufgrund dessen entstand die DPKO im VN-Sekretariat. Außerdem wurde ein Budget für jede Friedensmission festgelegt, welches durch die Mitgliedstaaten gefüllt wird. Besonders wichtig ist die Unparteilichkeit der eingesetzten Truppen, welche mit dem Konsensprinzip einhergeht. Aus diesem Grund sollten die Truppen eine ausgewogene regionale Zusammenstellung haben (vgl. Auswärtiges Amt). Darüberhinaus wurde der Einsatz von Waffen zur Selbstverteidigung und zur Durchsetzung der Mission erlaubt. Hier besteht eine Problematik, die am folgenden Beispiel gezeigt werden soll: Bei der Kongo-Operation (1960-1964) sollte für den Rückzug belgischer Truppen aus der Republik Kongo gesorgt werden. Es kam zu einer Ausweitung des Mandats, wodurch ein Bürgerkrieg verhindert und die Regierung beim Aufbau ihres Amtes unterstützt werden sollte. Dafür gab es zum ersten Mal die Legitimation der Waffengewalt im Bezug auf das auszuführende Mandat (Gareis/Varwick 2014, vgl. S.131). Das führte dazu, dass die UNEF dadurch selbst zu Konfliktpartei wurde und sich in die innerstaatlichen Konflikte verwickelte. Der Einsatz wurde im Sommer 1964 beendet, aufgrund dessen, dass die Regierung Kongos einer Mandatsverlängerung nicht zustimmte. Dabei sollte man nicht außer Acht lassen, dass die Vereinten Nationen aus diesem Einsatz ihre Konsequenzen zogen. Zum einen wurden keine großen und komplexen Missionen die nächsten drei Jahrzehnte durchgeführt (vgl. ebd.). Zum anderen waren die Ziele der Friedenssicherung fortan bescheidener. Zudem kehrte man zu den Prinzipien von Hammarskjöld zurück und sicherte sich die Zustimmung der Konfliktparteien vor einem Einsatz. Zusätzlich wurden die Friedensmissionen vom Sicherheitsrat nun beobachtet (vgl. ebd.). An dieser Stelle wird nur kurz auf den Zypern-Einsatz eingegangen, um ihn in die Geschichte der Friedenssicherung der Vereinten Nationen einzuordnen. Der Zypern Einsatz gilt als klassisches peacekeeping und hält bis heute an. Nach Bellamy und Williams versteht sich unter klassischem peacekeeping die Phase zwischen einem Waffenstillstand und dem Abschluss einer politischen Konfliktlösung. Hier gibt es eine Unterstützung der zwischenstaatlichen Friedenssicherung (vgl. ebd. S. 127). Durch eine Resolution des Sicherheitsrats wurde im März 1964 die UNFICYP-Mission eingerichtet. Eine Kampfhandlung zwischen der griechisch-zypriotischen und der türkisch-zypriotischen Volksgruppe sollte verhindert werden. Trotz der Friedensmission kam es zur Teilung der Insel, es gab einen Waffenstillstand und zahlreiche Bemühungen zur Vermittlung durch den Generalsekretär. Seit 1974 wird die Pufferzone von der UNFICYP überwacht und das Mandat ab 1964 jedes halbe Jahr verlängert. Kritik an dem Einsatz gibt es durch die permanente Anwesenheit der Soldaten, wodurch der Eindruck erweckt wird, dass es keine Notwendigkeit einer Friedenslösung gibt.Durch den Einsatz der Bewachung des Waffenstillstandes zwischen dem Irak und Iran (UNIIMOG) und dem Abzug der UdSSR Truppen aus Afghanistan (UNGOMAP), wurde "eine Renaissance des peacekeeping eingeleitet" (vgl. ebd. S.132). Gareis verweist darauf, dass diese "Gute-Dienst-Missionen" vom Sicherheitsrat nur gebilligt und nicht mandatiert wurden. Alles in allem zeigt sich ein durchwachsenes Bild der Friedensmissionen in den ersten vier Jahrzehnten. Festzuhalten ist, dass jede Mission ein Einzelfall ist und separat betrachtet werden sollte. Hinzu kommen die Vorstellungen der UN-Charta, welche in der Realität nahezu utopisch umzusetzen sind. Die Blauhelme wurden zum innovativen Instrument. Ihre Aufgabe ist die Konfliktberuhigung und nicht die Konfliktlösung. Diese Aufgabe konnte in vielen Missionen erreicht werden. Bedenklich ist, dass diese häufig nur mit einer dauerpräsenten Lösung, wie in Zypern erreicht wurden (vgl. Mathis). Durch den Brahimi- Bericht von 2000 gab es neue Perspektiven in der Friedenssicherung der Vereinten Nationen. Diese beinhalten die folgenden drei Kategorien: die Konfliktvermeidung, Konfliktmanagement und die Konfliktnachsorge. Dabei gibt es erstens eine Neuorientierung für die politischen und strategischen Rahmenbedingungen. Zweitens muss das DPKO für eine personelle und strukturelle Voraussetzung der Friedensmission sorgen. Zudem gibt es für die Mitgliedstaaten konkrete geforderte Leistungen (vgl. Gareis/Varwick 2014, vgl. S.146). Hintergründe des ZypernkonfliktsUm den Zypernkonflikt verständlicher zu gestalten, werden zunächst die politischen Hintergründe beleuchtet. Der Zypernkonflikt ist die Folge der britischen Kolonialpolitik, denn bis 1960 war Zypern eine britische Kolonie (vgl. Gürbey 2014). Der Wunsch nach "Enosis", die Vereinigung mit Griechenland, wuchs unter den griechischen Zyprioten seit dem 19. Jahrhundert. Auf Grundlage der Tatsache, dass Großbritannien die Ionischen Inseln an Griechenland zurückgab, hofften die griechischen Zyprioten auf einen ähnlichen Ausgang. Dieser Wunsch wurde jedoch nicht erfüllt und deshalb gab es schon seit 1931 größere Unruhen, welche die diktatorische Führung unterdrückte (vgl. ebd.). Großbritannien nutzte Zypern geostrategisch. Zypern wurde zum Royal-Air-Force-Stützpunkt für Atombomber und Ansatzpunkt für Spionageflüge im Kalten Krieg (vgl. ebd.). Auf Grund dieser Entwicklung war Zypern für Großbritannien unverzichtbar. Deshalb begann der Unabhängigkeitskampf, bei dem die orthodoxe Kirche eine bedeutende Rolle einnahm. Der Erzbischof Makarios III. nötigte die griechische Regierung, den Zypern-Fall vor die UNO zu bringen (Gorgé 1986, vgl. S. 130). Der britische Premierminister Eden versuchte "die griechische Ambition [...] durch türkische zu neutralisieren" (Richter 2010), also die Türkei miteinzubeziehen und damit beide Länder gegeneinander auszuspielen (vgl. Gürbey 2014). Die türkische Position war glasklar; falls sich beim Status Zypern etwas ändern würde, wäre der Friedensvertrag von Lausanne ungültig und Zypern würde wieder der Türkei gehören. 1922 wurde Frieden mit den Briten geschlossen und sie erhielten die formelle Anerkennung ihrer Herrschaft über Zypern (vgl. Gründer). Richter beschrieb, dass das taktische Manöver Londons aufging und ein neuer griechisch-türkischer Konflikt ausgelöst wurde. Es kam dazu, dass die "divide et impera" Politik Großbritanniens auf die Volksgruppe ausgeweitet wurde. Daraus folge 1956 der griechisch-türkische Minoritäten Konflikt, wobei die Opfer die Istanbuler Griechen waren. Gleichzeitig misslang das Suez-Abenteuer der Briten und Zypern verlor für sie an strategischem Wert. Des Weiteren kam Druck aus den USA, welche die NATO durch die griechisch-türkischen Streitereien gefährdet sahen. Folglich einigten sich Griechenland und die Türkei 1959 zu einer "Scheinlösung" in Zürich. Gleichzeitig wurde der Konflikt nur zwischen den NATO-Verbündeten beigelegt. Wie schon erwähnt, gelang Zypern 1960 die Unabhängigkeit; der innerzypriotische Konflikt blieb jedoch bestehen und verschärfte sich in den nächsten Jahren noch mehr (vgl. Richter 2009). Im Folgenden wird die Position der Bevölkerung verdeutlicht. Die griechischen Zyprioten fordern "Enosis" und die türkischen Zyprioten "Taksim", die Teilung der Insel. Mit der Unabhängigkeit der Insel begann der griechische und türkische Nationalismus auf Zypern (vgl. ebd.). Problematisch waren die Mütterländer, welche den Zypern-Konflikt als nationale Frage ansahen und deshalb enormen Einfluss hatten. Dieser Einfluss wurde durch den Schutz der eigenen Volksgruppe legitimiert (Gorgé 1986, vgl. S. 130f). Zum einen gab es die Strategie von Griechenland; diese war eine Internationalisierung des Konfliktes, um den Druck gegen die Türkei aufzubauen. Dem gegenüber wollte die Türkei den Teilungsprozess forcieren und in seinem Bestand sichern. Ab 1963 gab es blutige Unruhen, weil die griechisch-zypriotische Führung die Verfassungsrechte der türkischen Zyprioten einschränken ließ. An diesem Punkt griffen die USA und die Vereinten Nationen ein und verhinderten eine Eskalation (vgl. Gürbey 2014). Mitwirkung der Vereinten Nationen an einer Lösung des KonfliktesAb 1964 gab es ein Friedensmandat der Vereinten Nationen, durch das eine Sicherung des Burgfriedens gewährleistet werden sollte. Das Wiederaufflammen von Kämpfen sollte verhindert werden, um die Kommunikation der beiden Volksgruppen zu ermöglichen. Die Friedenstruppe UNFICYP wurde vom Sicherheitsrat gesendet und sollte "nach besten Kräften eine Wiederaufnahme von Kämpfen zu verhindern und, soweit notwendig, zur Erhaltung und Wiederherstellung von Recht und Ordnung und zur Rückkehr normaler Lebensbedingungen [in Zypern] beizutragen" (Menning 1974, S.172). Dabei wurde für die Friedenstruppen die zypriotische Nationalgarde und die reguläre türkische Armee zum Konfliktpartner, nicht die bewaffneten Volksgruppen. Außerdem musste die UNFICYP aufpassen, dass lokale Befreiungsversuche nicht als Einmischungsversuche oder Provokation aufgefasst wurden.Festzuhalten ist, dass von 1964 bis Juni 1974 die UNFICYP ein erfolgreicher Vermittler der beiden Volksgruppen war, sodass 1973 eine Kürzung des Mandats stattfand. Auch weil Griechenland und die Türkei einwilligten, dass sie schlichtend auf ihre Volksgruppe einwirken (Menning 1974, vgl. S.172). Der Konflikt spitze sich jedoch wieder zu, im Halbjahresbericht von 1974 erklärte der Generalsekretär, dass weiterhin Misstrauen und Kampfbereitschaft herrscht. Ein Klima von trügerischer Sicherheit war entstanden, die Friedenstruppen wurden als Friedensersatz wahrgenommen, obwohl das Problem ungelöst blieb (Menning 1974, vgl. S.173). Dabei hatte Waldheim in seinem Jahresbericht 1973/74 darauf hingewiesen, dass Friedenseinsätze nicht als Selbstzweck der Vereinten Nationen dienen sollten und "daß eine Friedenssicherungsaktion nicht zu einem Nachlassen der Bemühungen, eine Lösung zu finden, führen dürfe, denn wenn die Konfliktursachen nicht beseitigt werden, könnten sie schließlich das Fundament, auf dem sich die Friedenssicherung aufbaue, zerstören." (Menning 1974, S.173). So kam es 1974 zu einem Putschversuch der Griechen, um die Insel an Griechenland anzubinden. Dieser wurde von dem griechischen Militär ausgelöst und richtete sich gegen die Regierung unter Präsident Makarios. Es gab Differenzen zwischen ihm und der Militärjunta, weil Makarios linksgerichtet war und einen individuellen Kurs mit Zypern vorhatte. Dabei reagierte die Türkei mit einer Invasion. Die Situation eskalierte und die Türkei eroberte fast 40 Prozent der Insel. Die UNFICYP konnte die Angriffe der türkischen Truppen nicht abwehren. Dennoch konnten einige lokale Angriffe auf die Bevölkerung verhindert werden. Außerdem blieb die "Green Line" bestehen und die Kontrolle der Hauptstadt aufrechterhalten. Zudem wurde auf die Forderung von Waldheim eingegangen, welcher in seinem halbjährlichen Bericht Verstärkung angefordert hatte. Im Jahr 1974 stockte die UNFICYP die Zahl der Soldaten von 2.188 auf 4.400 auf. Die Minimierung seit 1971 bis Mitte 1974 war im Nachhinein ein sicherheitspolitischer Fehler der Vereinten Nationen. Nach dem Krieg legte die UNFICYP zwei separate Waffenstillstandslinien fest. Eine UN-Pufferzone wurde von Morphou bis nach Famagusta eingerichtet (vgl. Lugert 2018). Aufgrund dieser Tatsachen war eine Konsolidierung einer Teilung der Inseln der einzige Ausweg. Von nun an gab es einen griechisch-zypriotischen Süden und einen türkisch-zypriotischen Norden. Die Türkei rief 1983 die Unabhängigkeit Nordzyperns aus, dieser Teil wird immer noch nur von der Türkei als Staat anerkannt und wirtschaftlich und politisch gefördert. Der UN-Sicherheitsrat erklärte die Unabhängigkeitserklärung für ungültig und rief andere Staaten dazu auf, dasselbe zu tun (vgl. Gürbey 2014). Faustmann brachte zum Ausdruck, dass Zypern der Ruf als "Friedhof der Diplomatie" (vgl. Faustmann 2009) zusteht. Wie er zu dieser Aussage kam, wird im Weiteren erklärt. Schon im November 1974 forderte die Vereinten Nationen eine Resolution, welche zunächst einen Rückzug der auswärtigen Truppen und die Rückkehr von Flüchtlingen beinhaltete. Darüber hinaus forderten beide Volksgruppen eine Verhandlung unter dem Schutz der Vereinten Nationen. Faustmann wies darauf hin, dass eine Rückkehr zur Verfassungsordnung von 1960 unmöglich für beide Parteien war (vgl. ebd.). Beide Parteien hatten klare Vorstellungen, so forderten die türkischen Zyprioten eine politische Gleichheit als Grundprinzip, allerdings wollte die griechische Seite auch eine Berücksichtigung ihrer prozentualen Bevölkerungsmehrheit von 82% Prozent (vgl. ebd.). In drei Verhandlungsrunden trafen sich die Konfliktparteien unter der Schutzherrschaft der Vereinten Nationen in New York. Nach zähen Verhandlungen kam es 1977 zu einem Abkommen und 1979 zur Erweiterung des Dokuments (vgl. Gürbey 2014). Das Abkommen umfasst die Grundprinzipien einer Wiedervereinigung, die High Level Agreements. Darin wird postuliert, das Zypern als bizonale, bikommunale Föderation wiedervereinigt und entmilitarisiert werden sollte. Außerdem wurden Grundfreiheiten, wie Bewegungs- und Niederlassungsfreiheit und ein Recht auf Eigentum bestimmt. Das Abkommen gestand den türkischen Zyprioten dabei ein einheitliches Territorium zu, wobei die Größe strittig blieb (vgl. Faustmann 2009). Die Ergebnisse der Abkommen zusammengefasst, wird deutlich, dass eine Vereinigung mit Griechenland und eine Teilung ausgeschlossen wurde. Trotz der Unterzeichnung des High Level Agreements kam es zum Stillstand der Verhandlungen. Erst durch die Bemühungen der Vereinten Nationen fanden erneute Verhandlungen statt.Der griechisch-zypriotische Präsident Kyprianoú setzte auf die eigene Internationalisierungskampagne und die Vereinten Nationen. Denktaş forderte die Unabhängigkeit Nordzyperns, sein Streben wurde bestärkt, als eine Resolution der Vereinten Nationen zugunsten der griechischen Seite entschied (vgl. ebd.). Erkennbar wird, wie schwer es für die Vereinten Nationen ist, neutral zu bleiben und beiden Seiten gerecht zu werden. Denktaş führte die türkische Lira als Währung ein und errichtete eine Zentralbank, weiterhin blieb er bei seiner Forderung von einer Unabhängigkeit Nordzyperns. Es kam dazu, dass er am 15. November 1983 die Türkische Republik Nordzypern ausrief. Erst als sich die Beziehung zwischen Griechenland und der Türkei verbesserte, konnten 1988 neue Verhandlungen auf Basis der High Level Agreements beginnen (vgl. ebd.). Man erkannte die wichtige Rolle der beiden Mutterländer, die enormen Einfluss auf die Verhandlungen und die Situation nahmen. Außerdem ließ man eine zu große Einmischung der Vereinten Nationen auch nicht zu, mit den "Set of Ideas" von Generalsekretär Boutros Boutros-Ghali war Denktaş nicht einverstanden. Er forderte Verhandlungen ohne die Vereinten Nationen, weil diese kein Recht für solch umfassende Lösungsvorschläge hätten. Jedoch kam es nie zu Verhandlungen ohne die Vereinten Nationen. Erneute Gespräche endeten 1990, weil die Republik Zypern der EU betreten wollte. Denktaş und die Türkei glaubten, dass die EU keine Konfrontation mit Ankara wollte und der Beitrittsantrag kein Erfolg haben würde, dennoch drohten sie mit einer Annexion des Nordens. Als klar war, die EU würde Zypern auch ohne Lösung des Konflikts aufnehmen, fanden 2002 erneute Verhandlungen unter der Schirmherrschaft der Vereinten Nationen statt. Zugunsten kam diesen die neue AKP-Regierung unter dem linken Oppositionspolitiker Mehmet Ali Talat, welche von der status-quo-Politik abwich und auch Denktaş und seine Nachfolger verschwanden mehr und mehr. Auf türkischer-zypriotischer Seite entstand erstmalig eine moderate Politik. Die griechische Seite wählte mit Tassos Papadopoulos einen Hardliner zum Präsidenten (vgl. ebd.). Dennoch wurden erstmals umfassende Kernpunkte eines politischen Lösungsplans erarbeitet, welcher Anfang 2004 freigestellt wurden, der sogenannte Annan-Plan. Dieser beinhaltete folgendes: "Vom Parlament gewählte Regierung, bestehend aus vier griechischen und zwei türkischen Zyprioten; kollektive Führung mit Vetorechten für beide Volksgruppen; Zwei-Kammern-Parlament nach 1978er Modell; 27 Prozent des Territorium für den Norden; Ambivalenz: Gründung eines neuen Staates durch zwei gleichberechtigte Staaten (wie von der türkischen Seite gefordert, von der griechischen Seite aber als möglichen Ausgangspunkt für eine spätere Abspaltung abgelehnt) oder Umwandlung der bestehenden Republik Zypern in einen neuen Staat (wie von der griechischen Seite gefordert); Ambivalenz: Föderation oder Konföderation; Rückkehr von mehr als der Hälfte der Flüchtlinge unter griechisch-zypriotischer Verwaltung und Umsiedelung von mehreren zehntausend türkischen Zyprioten; Staatsangehörigkeit für mehr als 45 000 türkische Einwanderer, erhebliche und dauerhafte Beschränkungen bei der Rückkehr der griechischen Flüchtlinge und der Niederlassungsfreiheit im Norden; Dauerhafte griechische und türkische Militärpräsenz; Griechenland und die Türkei bleiben zusammen mit Großbritannien Garantiemächte mit Interventionsrecht." (ebd.). Im April 2004 stimmten beide Volksgruppen über den Wiedervereinigungsplan ab. Diese Gelegenheit wurde verpasst, denn 76 Prozent der griechischen Zyprioten stimmten dagegen, weil einige von ihnen hofften, durch den Beitritt in die EU ein besseres Abkommen zu erhalten (vgl. Gürbey 2014). Demgegenüber stand allerdings das türkisch zypriotische Ergebnis des Referendums, welches mit 65 Prozent für eine Wiedervereinigung stimmte. Die Vereinigung Zyperns scheiterte und damit auch der Annan-Plan. Trotzdem trat am 1.Mai 2004 der griechisch Zypriotische Teil der EU bei. Allerdings stellt völkerrechtlich gesehen ganz Zypern EU-Territorium dar, wobei der nördliche Teil ausgegrenzt ist (vgl. ebd.). Seitdem werden immer noch Verhandlungsprozesse unter Aufsicht der Vereinten Nationen geführt. Espen Barth Eide ist seit 2014 der Sonderbeauftragten für den Zypernkonflikt,. Durch ihn gab es eine Einigung, dass eine dritte entscheidende Verhandlungsphase geführt werden soll. Dennoch ging die letzte Verhandlungsrunde für eine Lösung des Zypernkonflikts am 07.07.2017 ohne Ergebnis zu Ende. Hier waren auch die Repräsentanten der sogenannten Garantiemächte Griechenland, Großbritanniens und der Türkei mit dabei. Nun sollen auf Empfehlung von VN-Generalskretär Guterres erstmals eigene Vorstellungen betreffend einer Fortführung des Verhandlungsprozesses gebildet werden (vgl. Auswärtiges Amt 2018). UNFICYP- Praxisbeispiel für die Leistungen und Probleme der Friedenssicherung Zypern wird durch eine 180 Kilometer lange grüne Line geteilt, welche auch durch die Hauptstadt Nikosia verläuft. Diese Pufferzone wird von den Friedenstruppen der UNFICYP überwacht. Die Waffenstillstandslinie wurde hart umkämpft, sodass sie vor allem in Nikosia nicht gerade verläuft, sondern vor- und zurückspringt. Dadurch ist die Überwachung des Status quo für die UN-Soldaten noch mehr erschwert (Ehrenberg 1991, vgl. S. 1). Seit dem Bürgerkrieg von 1963/64 gab es auf Zypern lange keinen dauerhaften Frieden. Wie schon beschrieben, haben die Sonderbeauftragten des UN-Generalsekretärs schon seit 1964 viele Verhandlungen gestartet, aber immer noch keinen dauerhaften Frieden erreicht. Dabei kam immer wieder der Vorwurf auf, die Vereinten Nationen würden den Kern des Problems nur auf Eis legen und damit könne kein Frieden entstehen (vgl. Gürbey 2014). Unter diesen Umständen versuchen die Friedenstruppen, der Bevölkerung so viel Normalität wie möglich zu gewährleisten. Die Hoffnung, dass durch einen Generationenwechsel sich das Problem von selbst lösen würde, trat nicht ein. Das zeigte sich gerade auf der griechisch-zypriotischen Seite; hier waren die Jugendlichen ernüchtert, weil sich der politische Stillstand nicht überwinden ließ (Ehrenberg 1991, vgl. S.1f). Ein Beispiel hierfür war die Versammlung von 3000 Schülern im November 1988 an der Pufferzone. Sie wollten gegen die türkischen Truppen demonstrieren. Dabei durchbrachen einige von ihnen die grüne Linie, konnten dann aber von UN-Truppen gestoppt werden, bevor sie die türkisch-zypriotischen Truppen erreichten (vgl. ebd. S. 2). Die Jugendlichen bewarfen die UN-Soldaten dabei mit Steinen, Flaschen, Holzstücken und Dachziegeln. Die griechisch-zypriotische Polizei griff erst nach Kommando der UNFICYP-Oberkommandanten ein und räumte mit den UN-Truppen den Platz. Hier ist kritisch anzumerken, dass in der Presse nicht die UN-Soldaten die Helden waren, sondern die Schüler, welche ihr Land zurückerobern wollten. Dabei sollte nicht außer Acht gelassen werden, dass auch die türkisch-zypriotische Seite der UNFICYP die Schuld gab; diese hätten nicht rechtzeitig reagiert (vgl. ebd. S. 2). Demonstrationen wie diese waren kein Einzelfall zu dieser Zeit, ein halbes Jahr später kam es zu einer Frauendemonstration, bei der die UNFICYP noch machtloser war. Auch hier verhielt sich die griechisch-zypriotische Polizei sehr passiv. Die UN-Soldaten wurden von Männern, die am Rand standen, angegriffen. Zudem hatten sich griechisch-orthodoxe Kirchenmänner unter die Frauen gemischt (vgl. ebd. S. 2). Insgesamt zeigt sich, wie schwierig es die Friedenstruppen hatten. Sie mussten sowohl Blutvergießen verhindern und die Konfliktparteien auseinander halten als auch ihre eigene Akzeptanz aufrechterhalten. An diesem Beispiel wird auch deutlich, dass die Friedenstruppen ungerechtfertigte Kritik einstecken mussten. Im folgenden Beispiel wird auf den Waffengebrauch eingegangen. Wie kritisch dieser ist, zeigte sich anhand der Todesschüsse in Athienou Ende Mai 1988. Die Waffen dürfen nur zur Selbstverteidigung gebraucht werden, zum Schutz für das Leben anderer UN-Angehöriger oder Personen, die zu verteidigen sind. Dafür ist immer die Zustimmung des ranghöchsten Soldaten vor Ort nötig (Gareis/Varwick 2014, vgl. S. 117). Athienou gehörte zur griechisch-zypriotischen Seite, war zur damaligen Zeit aber ein umstrittenes Gebiet. Ein türkischer Soldat nahm eine Familie in ihrem Haus als Geiseln. Bevor die UN-Soldaten überhaupt eintrafen, bewegten sich zwei Nationalgardisten auf das Haus zu. Der Geiselnehmer schoss auf die beiden, sodass einer schwer verletzt liegen blieb. Die Nationalgardisten forderten Verstärkung an, ohne Rücksprache mit der UNFICYP. Währenddessen bargen die UN-Soldaten den Verletzten. Die türkischen Streitkräfte wurden nicht über die Geiselnahme informiert. Die UN-Soldaten räumten das Feld, als die griechisch-zypriotische Anti-Terror-Einheit eintraf. Diese stürmte das Haus und tötete den türkischen Soldaten gezielt, obwohl die Geiseln zu diesem Zeitpunkt schon geflohen und in Sicherheit waren (Ehrenberg 1991, vgl. S.3). Ehrenberg erklärte, die UNFICYP hätte eingreifen können. Ob es so klug gewesen wäre, die griechischen Zyprioten mit Androhung von Waffengewalt an der Verletzung der Pufferzone zu hindern, stellt er in Frage. Hieraus ergab sich die Konsequenz, dass die Erwartungen an die UNFICYP viel zu hoch waren, nur aufgrund der Tatsache, dass sie bewaffnet waren. Hier stellt sich die Frage, ob der Waffengebrauch die Sicherheit erhöht und dadurch die Funktion der UN-Soldaten entlastet. Außerdem konnte man beobachten, dass die UN-Friedenstruppen oftmals mindestens einer Konfliktpartei unterlegen waren. Dabei sollte kritisch hinterfragt werden, inwiefern militärische Überlegenheit die politischen und diplomatischen Absichten von Friedenstruppen fördern würde. Dies scheint fraglich, denn würde militärische Übermacht diese nicht eher zerstören (vgl. ebd. S.3ff)? FazitFestzuhalten bleibt, dass die Friedenssicherung als zentraler Auftrag der Vereinten Nationen gesehen werden kann. In direktem Zusammenhang mit der Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte, weil diese Ziele untrennbar sind und einander beeinflussen. Durch das Interventionsverbot wird eine Einmischung in innere Konflikte durch die Charta ausgeschlossen. Der Sicherheitsrat kann deshalb nicht in innerstaatliche Konflikte und Menschenrechtsverletzungen eingreifen. Daraus folgt, dass es zu aller erst zu Präventionsmaßnahmen kommt; daneben kann der Sicherheitsrat Empfehlungen zur friedlichen Streitbeilegung nach Kapitel VI der Charta geben. Es kann aber auch zu Zwangsmaßnahmen nach Kapitel VII kommen. Dementsprechend steht der Schutz der Zivilbevölkerung permanent im Vordergrund. Allgemein und in Bezug auf die Friedenssicherung gilt für die Vereinte Nationen, dass das Verhalten der Mitgliedstaaten entscheidend ist. Die Vereinten Nationen bieten zwar einen Rahmen, bei dem sich Staaten und ihre Interessen annähern können, aber die Staaten müssen diesen nutzen, um durch Lernprozesse Fortschritte zu machen. Darüber hinaus dürfen die Vereinten Nationen nicht zu viel versprechen; dies gilt gerade im Punkt der Friedenssicherung. Ihre Ankündigung ist oftmals höher als die Möglichkeiten und Aspiration der Mitgliedsstaaten. Andersherum dürfen die Erwartungen an die Vereinten Nationen nicht abwegig sein, sie sind keine Weltregierung. Dennoch bilden sie einen Rahmen für gemeinsame Lösungsansätze. Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit war es ebenfalls zu erklären, wer für die Friedenssicherung zuständig ist. Dabei wurde festgestellt, dies geschieht durch das Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), welches die Missionen plant und durchführt. Unterstützt werden sie vom Department of Political Affairs (DPA), welches sich vor allem um diplomatische Bemühungen kümmert. Durch eine Einsatzleitung (Force Commander) vor Ort gibt es noch eine ausführende Leitung der Friedensmission. Deutlich wird die Problematik, dass die Vereinten Nationen keine eigenen Streitkräfte haben. Es kam noch nie zu einem Sonderabkommen in Bezug auf die Streitkräfte. Hier wird deutlich, dass die Anforderungen der Vereinten Nationen an ihre Mitgliedsstaaten zu hoch und den praktischen Möglichkeiten voraus sind. Dafür entwickelten die Vereinten Nationen alternative Formen, wie z.B. die Blauhelme. Zusammenfassend lässt sich sagen, dass es eine Entwicklung bei der Friedenssicherung der Vereinten Nationen gab. Eine Zuständigkeit für die Friedenserhaltung wurde durch den Internationalen Gerichtshof dem Sicherheitsrat und der Generalversammlung zugesprochen. Durch die vergangenen Einsätze wurde außerdem beschlossen, dass die Friedensmissionen vom Sicherheitsrat beobachtet werden. Und die Bedeutung und Verantwortung des Generalsekretärs nahm immer mehr zu. Durch Generalsekretär Hammarskjöld sind wichtige Grundprinzipen der Notstandsgruppe in die Friedenssicherung eingegangen. Daraus folgt der Konsens der Konfliktparteien, wodurch klassische Blauhelm-Soldaten nicht gegen den Willen eines Staates eingesetzt werden dürfen. Dieser Konsens führt dazu, dass die Mitgliedstaaten ihre Truppen eher bereitstellen und die Toleranz der Blauhelme gestärkt wird. Festgestellt wurde außerdem die Wichtigkeit von einer ausgewogenen regionalen Zusammenstellung der Truppen, damit die Unparteilichkeit gewahrt werden kann. Zielsetzung der vorliegenden Arbeit war es, die Friedenssicherung anhand vom Zypern-Konflikt zu schildern, dafür wurden die die politischen Hintergründe beleuchtet. Hier kann man festhalten, es gab unheimlich viele beteiligte Parteien. Zum einen Großbritannien, weil Zypern bis 1960 eine britische Kolonie war und geostrategisch genutzt wurde. Dann Griechenland, die Türkei und die griechischen und türkischen Zyprioten. Es ist zu erkennen, dass Großbritannien die beiden Mütterländer gegeneinander ausspielte. Sie sahen den Zypern-Konflikt als nationale Frage und übten deshalb enormen Einfluss aus, dieser wurde durch den Schutz der eigenen Volksgruppe legitimiert. Durch die Unabhängigkeit Zyperns ab 1960 wurde der innerzypriotische Konflikt nicht gelöst, sondern noch mehr verschärft; dieser endete in blutigen Unruhen. Seit 1964 gibt es ein Friedensmandat der Vereinten Nationen, wodurch das Wiederaufflammen von Kämpfen verhindert werden soll. Wie dieser Blogbeitrag gezeigt hat, musste die UNFICYP darauf achten, dass lokale Befreiungsversuche nicht als Einmischungsversuche oder Provokation aufgefasst wurden. Von 1964 bis Juni 1974 war die UNFICYP ein erfolgreicher Vermittler der beiden Volksgruppen, sodass es 1973 eine Kürzung des Mandats gab. Diese Kürzung erzeugte aber ein Klima von trügerischer Sicherheit, wobei die Friedenstruppen als Friedensersatz wahrgenommen wurden, obwohl das Problem ungelöst blieb. Hier wirft man den Vereinten Nationen vor, dass es zu einem Nachlass der Friedensbemühungen kam und die Friedenseinsätze als Selbstzweck genutzt wurden. Deshalb kam es für viele überraschend, als die Griechen 1974 durch einen Putschversuch die Insel an Griechenland anbinden wollten. Man stellte fest, dass die Minimierung der Blauhelme seit 1971 bis Mitte 1974 als sicherheitspolitischer Fehler der Vereinten Nationen gesehen werden kann. Offen bleibt die Frage, ob die Vereinten Nationen den Krieg 1974 hätten verhindern können. Nach dem Krieg war eine Konsolidierung, eine Teilung der Insel der einzige Ausweg.Von Faustmann bekommt Zypern den Titel "Friedhof der Diplomatie". Festhalten lässt sich, dass es etliche Verhandlungen durch die Vereinten Nationen gab und der Konflikt bis heute nicht gelöst wurde. Auch ein Grund dafür sind die klaren Vorstellungen der beiden Parteien, so forderten die türkischen Zyprioten eine politische Gleichheit als Grundprinzip und die griechische Seite eine Berücksichtigung ihrer prozentualen Bevölkerungsmehrheit. Ein Abkommen konnte im Jahre 1977 erreicht werden und eine Erweiterung 1979, hier wurden die Grundprinzipien einer Wiedervereinigung, die High Level Agreements festgehalten. Es kam immer wieder zum Stillstand der Verhandlungen, welcher meistens erst durch die Bemühungen der Vereinten Nationen unterbrochen wurde. Die Regierungen der beiden Volksgruppen trugen auch dazu bei, dass sich die Verhandlungen so schwierig gestalteten. Erkennbar wird, wie schwer es für die Vereinten Nationen war, neutral zu bleiben und beiden Seiten gerecht zu werden. Erneute Gespräche brachen 1990 ab, weil die Republik Zypern der EU beitreten wollte. Als klar war, die EU würde Zypern auch ohne Lösung des Konflikts aufnehmen, fanden 2002 erneute Verhandlung unter der Schirmherrschaft der Vereinten Nationen statt. Es gab einen Erfolg, denn es wurden erstmals umfassende Kernpunkte eines politischen Lösungsplans erarbeitet, welcher Anfang 2004 fertiggestellt wurde, der sogenannte Annan-Plan. Im April 2004 wurde in den beiden Volksgruppen über den Wiedervereinigungsplan abgestimmt. Diese Gelegenheit verpasste man, weil die griechischen Zyprioten dagegen stimmten. Die Vereinigung Zyperns scheiterte und damit auch der Annan-Plan. Die stille Hoffnung, dass durch ein Generationenwechsel sich das Problem von selbst lösen würde, trat nicht ein. Festzuhalten ist, dass die Friedenstruppen den Zivilisten soviel Normalität wie möglich gewährleisten wollen. Die UN-Soldaten mussten in der Vergangenheit viel einstecken, sie wurden z.B. bei Demonstrationen attackiert oder in der Presse schlecht dargestellt. Insgesamt zeigt sich, wie schwierig es die Friedenstruppen haben. Sie müssen sowohl Blutvergießen verhindern als auch die Konfliktparteien auseinander halten und zum anderen ihre eigene Akzeptanz aufrechterhalten. Ebenso im Zypern-Konflikt wurde die Erlaubnis zum Gebrauch von Waffen zur Selbstverteidigung kontrovers diskutiert. Dadurch waren die Erwartungen an die UNFICYP teilweise zu hoch. Umstritten bleibt, ob der Waffengebrauch die Sicherheit erhöht und dadurch die Funktion der UN-Soldaten entlastet. Hinzu kam die Tatsache, dass die UN-Friedenstruppen oftmals mindestens einer Konfliktpartei unterlegen waren. Dabei stellt sich die Frage, inwiefern militärische Überlegenheit die politischen und diplomatischen Absichten von Friedenstruppen fördert. Die Vereinten Nationen geben den Konflikt nicht auf und führen immer noch Gespräche, nun auch mit der Beteiligung von den sogenannten Garantiemächten Griechenland, Großbritannien und der Türkei. Wünschenswert wäre eine Lösung des Konfliktes, hierfür reicht nicht allein das Engagement der Vereinten Nationen, sondern der Wille und ein Einsatz auf beiden Seiten ist notwendig. Dennoch gibt es eine Freizügigkeit trotz der Trennung. Die Trennungslinie ist keine Außengrenze, sondern hier wird die Freizügigkeit der Bürger*innen gewährleistet. Dadurch können EU-Bürger*innen und somit auch griechische und türkische Zyprioten*innen diese Linie an sieben Übergängen mit dem Personalausweis passieren. 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Łopatecki, Zabrze 2011. ; Kałamajska-Saeed M., Dom Sapieżyński, cz. II: Ikonografia, Warszawa 2008. ; Kamiński Cz., Żukowski J., Katalog monet polskich, 1697–1763: epoka saska, Warszawa 1980. ; Karpińska M., Badania dziejów kobiet w Polsce w epoce nowożytnej (wiek XVI–XVIII), [in:] Dzieje kobiet w Polsce. Dyskusje wokół przyszłej syntezy, ed. K.A. Makowski, Poznań 2014. ; Faden W., A map of the Kingdom of Poland and Grand Dutchy of Lithuania with their dismembered provinces and the Kingdom of Prussia, London 1793. ; Karpowicz M. Sztuka polska XVIII wieku, Warszawa 1985. ; Kasprzak A.J., O szkle na pańskim stole. Przyczynek do rozwoju szklanej zastawy stołowej w czasach saskich, [in:] Zastawy stołowe XVI–XX w. 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Muzeum Emeryka Hutten Czapskiego (Stańków–Kraków), Kraków 1978. ; Kola A., Archeologiczne badania wykopaliskowe na terenie ogrodu Branickich w Białymstoku w 1998 roku, "Biuletyn Konserwatorski Województwa Podlaskiego" 5 (1999). ; Kola A., Archeologiczne badania wykopaliskowe na terenie zabytkowego ogrodu Branickich w Białymstoku w 2001 roku, "Biuletyn Konserwatorski Województwa Podlaskiego" 8–9 (2003). ; Kołodziejczyk R., Kształtowanie się burżuazji w Królestwie Polskim (1815–1850), Warszawa 1957. ; Kondratiuk M., Nazwy miejscowe południowo-wschodniej Białostocczyzny, Wrocław 1974. ; Głuchowski J., Ikones książąt i królów polskich, Kraków 1605. ; Konopczyński W., Jan Klemens Branicki, [in:] Polski Słownik Biograficzny, t. II, Warszawa–Kraków–Łódź–Poznań–Wilno–Zakopane 1937.
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"Deutschlands wirtschaftliches und politisches Gewicht verpflichtet uns, im Verbund mit unseren europäischen und transatlantischen Partnern Verantwortung für die Sicherheit Europas zu übernehmen, um gemeinsam Menschenrechte, Freiheit, Demokratie, Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Völkerrecht zu verteidigen" (Angela Merkel: Bundesministerium der Verteidigung 2016, S. 6) Obwohl Angela Merkel nicht mehr Bundeskanzlerin ist, sind die Leitlinien, die im Weißbuch 2016 für die Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik Deutschlands festgelegt wurden, weiterhin elementar – oder nicht? Aber wie lässt sich ihre Aussage im Jahr 2022 verorten? Zeigt Deutschland Verantwortung für die EU, transnationale Partnerschaften und Völkerrecht? In diesem Beitrag soll das Verhältnis zwischen Deutschland und den Vereinten Nationen (VN) in den Blick genommen werden: Mit dem Wegfall des West-Ost-Konflikts, der Dekolonialisierung, dem Beitritt weiterer Staaten und der Veränderung des Krieges hin zu "Neuen Kriegen" (Hippler 2009, S. 3-8) ergeben sich neue Handlungsfelder und Herausforderungen, die die Vereinten Nationen in den Blick nehmen müssen.Je nach Ansicht fällt der größten Weltorganisation eine mehr oder weniger bedeutende Rolle in der internationalen Politik zu (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 295). Allerdings sind maßgeblich die Mitgliedsstaaten für das Gelingen der Vereinten Nationen und für die notwendigen Reformen zuständig, da sie als "klassische intergouvernementale Organisation" (ebd., S. 295) bezeichnet werden können.Die Forschungsfrage lautet daher, wie sich die deutsche Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik international, im Rahmen der VN, verortet. Die deutsche Politik formuliert hierfür Ziele, die noch genauer zu untersuchen sind. Als eine Maßnahme, um die Zielerreichung zu gewährleisten, kann der MINUSMA-Einsatz in Mali angesehen werden, unter deutscher Beteiligung und von den Vereinten Nationen geführt. Es wird herausgearbeitet, inwiefern die deutsche Partizipation als Erfolg angesehen werden kann. Hierfür wird zuerst der theoretische Rahmen der Internationalen Beziehungen - der Grundzustand der Anarchie - erklärt und weitere Prämissen der VN, des VN-Peacekeepings, der historischen Rahmung der deutschen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik sowie der Einsatz selbst beschrieben, um am Ende zu einer elaborierten Aussage kommen zu können. 1. Theoretische Rahmung – Grundzustand AnarchieGareis und Varwick (2014, S. 67) konstatieren einen allgemeinen Anforderungswunsch an die VN, die eine 'Lücke' in der Ordnung der Internationalen Beziehungen füllen sollen. Aber von welcher 'Lücke' wird hier gesprochen? In der Politikwissenschaft gibt es verschiedene Ansätze, um die Beziehungen zwischen Staaten und das Wirken von internationalen Organisationen zu beschreiben. Die Prämisse bildet der Grundzustand von Anarchie, der wie folgt definiert werden kann: "Unter Anarchie wird in diesem Zusammenhang die für Kooperationschancen folgenreiche Struktur der Herrschaftslosigkeit bzw. der Nichtexistenz einer den Staaten übergeordneten, zentralen Autorität mit Handlungskompetenz verstanden" (Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 67) Es gibt verschiedene Denkschulen, die den Grundzustand unterschiedlich gewichten und bewerten (vgl. Schimmelfennig, S. 63ff). Darunter sind zum Beispiel der Realismus, der Idealismus, der Institutionalismus und der Konstruktivismus zu nennen (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 71). Um das Verhältnis zwischen den VN und Deutschland erklären zu können, ist es hilfreich, zu überlegen, an welcher Denkschule sich die Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik Deutschlands (schwerpunkt- und situationsbezogen) orientiert. Die Ansätze sind in ihrer Gesamtheit in diesem Beitrag nicht zu würdigen, daher werden einzelne Hauptdifferenzen geklärt, um für die Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage eine Richtlinie geben zu können. Die Beschreibung erfolgt idealtypisch: Im Realismus ist der Grundzustand besonders präsent und hauptsächlich staatliche Akteure sind für die Internationalen Beziehungen verantwortlich. Die Staaten haben ein starkes Eigeninteresse, das sich aus der Unsicherheit des Grundzustandes speist, und handeln nach eigenen Machterhaltungsvorstellungen. "In dieser Sichtweise erfüllen internationale Organisationen lediglich aus der Souveränität und den Interessen ihrer Mitglieder abgeleitete Funktionen" (ebd., S. 68). Damit wären Handlungsfelder und Möglichkeiten eng an die Vorgaben der Staaten gekoppelt. Frieden wird als Sicherheit-Erhalten verstanden und bedeutet, dass die Nationalstaaten durch Machtsicherung ihre Souveränität gewährleisten können. (vgl. ebd., S. 68 & 71) Im Idealismus soll der anarchische Grundzustand durch "Kooperationsformen" (ebd., S. 68) geregelt werden. Die Friedenssicherung läuft über einen stetigen Prozess über eine "universelle Gemeinschaft" (ebd., S. 69), die für alle Vorteile bringen kann. Damit wäre das Ziel, Konflikte nicht mehr mit Gewalt lösen zu müssen, anders als im Realismus, wo Krieg als natürliche Form besteht, durch die normative Regelung des Grundzustandes möglich. Internationale Organisationen können mit ihren Regelungen die Realisierung von Frieden darstellen. Damit sind nicht nur Staaten als Akteure zu sehen und statt Machterhaltungsvorgaben ist das Handeln auf ein Gemeinwohl konzentriert. (vgl. ebd., S. 69 & 71) In der Tradition des Institutionalismus sind internationale Kooperationen deutlich wahrscheinlicher als im Realismus. Außerdem ist ihr Einfluss auf Staaten bedeutend höher einzuschätzen. Demnach helfen sie zum Beispiel, Informationen über andere Staaten zu sammeln und können so beim Aufbau von Vertrauen mitwirken. (vgl. ebd., S. 69f) Die "Interdependenz" (Schimmelfennig 2010, S. 93) zwischen den Staaten wird als hoch angesehen und bedarf internationaler Regelwerke, die die Kooperationsmöglichkeiten regulieren. In diesem Sinne sind Staaten an friedlichen Lösungen interessiert und halten Krieg für nicht gewinnbringend bzw. sehen Machtkonzentration als weniger produktiv an als das Streben nach Gewinnen. Dadurch ist der Grundzustand der Anarchie zwar nicht auflösbar, allerdings soll im Laufe der Zeit eine Zivilisierung stattfinden. (vgl. ebd., S. 90) Der Konstruktivismus sieht den Grundzustand der Anarchie nicht als gegeben, sondern als eine Konstruktion von Wirklichkeit an. Dadurch ist es möglich, diesen Zustand zu verändern / aufzuheben. Damit sind die Akteure selbst für den Grundzustand verantwortlich. (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 70) Damit lautet eine Kernhypothese des Konstruktivismus: "Je größer die Übereinstimmung der Ideen von internationalen Akteuren und je stärker damit Gemeinschaft zwischen ihnen ist, desto höher ist die Wahrscheinlichkeit von Frieden und internationaler Kooperation" (Schimmelfennig 2010, S. 185) Es wären bspw. Staaten gemeint, die eine freundschaftliche Beziehung pflegen und unabhängig von Machtkonzentration Vertrauen aufbauen. (vgl. ebd., S. 184f) In den Denkschulen sind relativ konkrete Vorstellungen gegeben, wie eine internationale Organisation Einfluss und Machtkonzentration entwickeln kann oder sollte oder bereits beinhaltet. Die Vereinten Nationen können auf einen Blick als größte Organisation im internationalen Spektrum angesehen werden, denn sie haben aktuell 193 Mitgliedsstaaten (Stand 2022) (vgl. Die Vereinten Nationen im Überblick: Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e. V., o. J.).2. Die Vereinten Nationen Bevor über die VN auf manche Aspekte schwerpunktmäßig eingegangen werden kann, ist knapp zu klären, was eine internationale Organisation wie die VN darstellt. Hierbei orientiert sich dieser Beitrag an Gareis und Varwicks (2014, S. 295) Konstruktion von einer "klassische[n] intergouvernementale[n] Organisation", deren Reformfähigkeit und Erfolge maßgeblich von den Mitgliedsstaaten abhängen – also auch von Deutschland. Es werden prinzipiell keine Souveränitätsrechte an die Organisation abgegeben, mit der Ausnahme, dass der Sicherheitsrat Zwangsmaßnahmen zur Friedenswahrung durchsetzen kann (vgl. ebd., S. 72).2.1 Grundlegende Kennzeichen der Vereinten Nationen Die Grundlagen der Vereinten Nationen können an zwei Hauptfaktoren exemplarisch aufgezeigt werden: Erstens ist der Friedensbegriff nicht nur als Abwesenheit von Krieg definiert, er schließt vielmehr das Wohlergehen der Menschen in den Staaten ein und geht somit über das Nationalstaats-Denken hinaus (positiver Friedensbegriff). Das zweite Konzept ist das System kollektiver Sicherheit, dadurch soll der erhöhte Druck, von allen Staaten bei einer Aggression automatisch angegriffen oder anderweitig verurteilt zu werden, die Friedensbedrohung reduzieren. (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 19-22 & 87-92) Dass das System der kollektiven Sicherheit nicht bedingt greift oder einigen Herausforderungen unterworfen ist, liegt bspw. an den neuen Kriegsformen (vgl. Hippler 2009, S. 3f). Gleichzeitig kann die aktuelle Invasion Russlands in die Ukraine (vgl. u.a. Russlands Angriff auf die Ukraine: Beckmann 2022) herangezogen werden, dass die Mechanismen bspw. für Supermächte weitere Schwierigkeiten in der Praxis aufzeigen (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 89f). 2.2 Generalversammlung und Sicherheitsrat – wichtigste Gremien der VN Die Vereinten Nationen sind mittlerweile zu einer undurchsichtigen Ansammlung an offiziellen und inoffiziellen Strukturen geworden und sind unter dem Begriff VN-System sehr weit zu fassen (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 21f). Allerdings sind nach wie vor zwei von sechs Hauptorganen hervorzuheben:In der Generalversammlung (GV) sitzen alle Mitgliedsstaaten und sind nach dem Prinzip der Gleichberechtigung mit jeweils einer Stimme ausgestattet. Hauptcharakteristikum ist, dass die Generalversammlung ein Forum für Gespräche bietet und somit als größtes Austauschforum auf der Welt bezeichnet werden kann. In sechs Hauptausschüssen vollzieht sich die meiste Arbeit der Generalversammlung, auf die hier nicht weiter eingegangen werden soll. Entscheidend ist der Unterschied zum Sicherheitsrat: Die GV hat keinen Sanktionskoffer parat und kann lediglich Empfehlungen aussprechen. (vgl. ebd., S. 45-47) Der Sicherheitsrat besteht aktuell aus 15 Mitgliedsstaaten, wobei zwischen ständigen und nichtständigen Mitgliedern differenziert werden muss. Die ständigen Mitglieder sind die sogenannten 'Big Five' und setzen sich aus Frankreich, Großbritannien, USA, Russland und China zusammen. Sie werden nicht wie die nichtständigen Mitgliedsstaaten von der Generalversammlung im Zwei-Jahres-Zyklus gewählt.Verkürzt dargestellt nimmt der Sicherheitsrat Aufgaben wie Friedensmissionen, Ausschüssen o. Ä. wahr. Die ständigen Mitgliedsstaaten haben historisch bedingt ein Veto-Recht, das eine große Rolle spielt und mehrfach zur Lähmung des SR führte. Der Sicherheitsrat ist das mächtigste Hauptorgan der Vereinten Nationen und ist berechtigt, zur Friedenssicherung weitreichende Sanktionen und militärische Maßnahmen zu ergreifen. (vgl. ebd., S. 47-49) 2.3 Das VN-Peacekeeping aus historischer Perspektive Die Geschichte der VN ist überaus vielschichtig und kann hier nur in den Grundzügen wiedergegeben werden. Im Jahr 1945 wurde die Charta von 51 Staaten unterzeichnet. In den ersten Jahren ihrer Arbeit (1945-1954) mussten organisatorische und strukturelle Systeme aufgebaut werden, die im West-Ost-Konflikt zugleich erste Einschränkungen erfuhren. Die erste große Herausforderung des kollektiven Sicherheitssystems betraf den Korea-Krieg: Nordkorea fiel 1950 in Südkorea ein und der Sicherheitsrat wurde durch Russland blockiert. Daraufhin entstand in der Generalversammlung die Uniting for Peace-Resolution, die Empfehlungen und militärische Interventionen beinhaltete, sollte der SR seiner Aufgabe, den Weltfrieden zu sichern, nicht nachkommen. Die erste inoffizielle Blauhelmmission stellt die UNTSO-Mission dar, die die Überwachung eines Waffenstillstandes 1948 zwischen Israel und arabischen Staaten beinhaltete. (vgl. ebd., S. 27-30 & 127) In den darauffolgenden 19 Jahren (1955-1974) verschob sich das Mächtegleichgewicht maßgeblich durch die Dekolonisation und die Entstehung unabhängiger Staaten im Süden. Hervorzuheben ist die Suez-Krise, in der der ägyptische Präsident Gamal Abdel Nasser 1956 den Suez-Kanal verstaatlichte. Großbritannien, Israel und Frankreich gingen ungeachtet der Ablehnung des SR militärisch dagegen vor, verhinderten gleichzeitig mit ihren Vetos eine Deeskalation der Lage. Auf Grundlage der Uniting for Peace-Resolution wurde wieder versucht, den Konflikt auszusetzen und einen Waffenstillstand einzufordern. Die GV beschloss daraufhin die Etablierung der United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF I), um zwischen den Konfliktparteien eine neutrale Zone aufzubauen. Die Blauhelme nahmen hier ein erweitertes Aufgabenspektrum wahr und erhielten bspw. Kontrolle über Hoheitsgebiet. "Damit wurde das wohl bedeutendste Friedenssicherungsinstrument der Vereinten Nationen, die Blauhelmeinsätze, ins Leben gerufen" (ebd., S. 31). (vgl. ebd., S. 27-30 & 128) Im "Nord-Süd-Konflikt (1975-1984)" (ebd., S. 32) versuchten die VN weiterhin, in einigen Konflikten aktiv mit Blauhelmeinsätzen zu vermitteln und zeigten sich angesichts der Invasion der Sowjetunion in Afghanistan (1979) als handlungsunfähig. (vgl. ebd., S. 32f) Die letzte Phase reicht bis heute und beginnt ab dem Jahr 1985. Die Annäherung der beiden Großmächte USA und Sowjetunion und der Zerfall der Sowjetunion ergab Handlungsspielraum im SR. Allerdings entzündete sich auch eine Reihe an neuen Konfliktherden: "Innerhalb von rund 25 Jahren stieg die Zahl der Friedensmissionen von 14 auf nunmehr 68" (ebd., S. 33). Nötige Reformen rückten zuletzt durch den USA geführten Irakkrieg und die Terroranschläge am 11. September vermehrt in den Fokus. (vgl. ebd., S. 33-35) 2.4 Typologisierung und Reformansätze Wie in der historischen Rahmung aufgezeigt, entstand das Peacekeeping, weil das kollektive Sicherheitssystem nicht funktionsfähig war. Die Blauhelmeinsätze sind praxisnahe Formen zur Sicherung des Friedens, die sich zwischen dem Souveränitätsanspruch und den Zielen der VN bewegen. Die Ausgestaltung der Friedensmissionen sind vielfältig: Die VN typologisieren die Einsätze in vier Generationen:In der ersten Generation sind Einsätze hauptsächlich "zur Beobachtung und Überwachung von bereits beschlossenen Friedens- bzw. Waffenstillstandsabkommen […]" (Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 126) gemeint. Missionen der zweiten Generationen sind durch "ein erweitertes Aufgabenspektrum" (ebd.) ausgezeichnet und meinen Einsätze nach 1988. In der dritten Generation liegt der Fokus nicht nur auf Friedenserhaltung sondern auch auf dessen Erzwingung. Zum Schluss kommen in der vierten Generation nicht-militärische administrative Funktionen hinzu.Jede Generation erforderte Anpassungen und ein mühsames Lernen, sodass die Bilanz des VN-Peacekeeping sehr gemischt ausfällt. Neuere Bestrebungen zielen daher darauf ab, aus den vergangenen Fehlern zu lernen. Zum Beispiel soll das Peacekeeping nur noch mit realistischem Mandat stattfinden und die individuelle, komplexe Konfliktsituation angemessen darstellen. Außerdem ist zu gewährleisten, dass die Blauhelme gut ausgerüstet sind und unter den Aspekten eines robusten Mandats alle neuen Perspektiven der Friedenssicherung wahrnehmen können. Diese beinhalten vereinfacht dargestellt die Konfliktvermeidung, das Konfliktmanagement und die Konfliktnachsorge. (vgl. ebd., S. 124-151) Nachfolgend ist zu klären, inwiefern sich der MINUSMA-Einsatz darin einfügt und welche Rolle Deutschland in dem Entwicklungsprozess des VN-Peacekeeping und des Einsatzes spielt.3. United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) Der MINUSMA-Einsatz der Vereinten Nationen ist als Peacekeeping-Mission der vierten Generation zu charakterisieren. 3.1 Strukturelle Rahmung des MINUSMA-Einsatzes Das Departement of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) ist für die Umsetzung und Planung der Blauhelmmissionen verantwortlich. Mit Stand 2022 sind insgesamt 15 Einsätze zu verzeichnen (DPKO: Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e.V., o. J.). Die Mission in Mali gehört zu den jüngsten Einsätzen und begann im April 2013 (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 141).Sie gründet sich auf die Resolution 2100 (vgl. Security Council Establishes Peacekeeping Force for Mali Effective 1 July: United Nations 2013) vom 25. April und die Resolution 2164 (vgl. Security Council: United Nations 2014) des Sicherheitsrates und hat multidimensional den Schutz der Zivilisten, die Gewährleistung der Menschenrechte, die Etablierung einer Staatsmacht, die Stabilisierung der Region durch den Aufbau eines Sicherheitsapparates und die Aufrechterhaltung der politischen Dialogfähigkeit und Konsultation als Aufgabe formuliert (vgl. MINUSMA Fact Sheet: United Nations 2022).Damit stehen auch militärische Interventionen zur Verfügung und es kann von einem robusten Mandat gesprochen werden, das lediglich als Ausnahme die aktive Terroristenbekämpfung ausschließt (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2022). Stand November 2021 befinden sich insgesamt 18.108 Menschen im Einsatz und davon sind 13.289 dem militärischen Personal zuzuordnen (vgl. MINUSMA Fact Sheet: United Nations 2022). Dazu kommen zivile Einsatzkräfte und bspw. Polizeiausbildende (vgl. ebd.).Die größten teilnehmenden Länder mit militärischem Personal sind mit 1440 Chad, mit 1119 Bangladesch, Ägypten mit 1072 und auf Platz 10 folgt Deutschland mit 531 Angehörigen (vgl. ebd.). Die Verluste an Menschenleben werden bisher auf 260 (Stand 2021) beziffert (vgl. ebd.). Die Finanzierung wird über die Generalversammlung jährlich geregelt und betrug zwischen 2021 und 2022 1.262.194.200 Dollar (vgl. ebd.).Neuere Zahlen der Bundeswehr (Stand Februar 2022) geben an, dass Deutschland mit über tausend Soldatinnen und Soldaten in Mali im Einsatz ist (vgl. Personalzahlen der Bundeswehr: Bundeswehr 2022). Die Zahl stellt sich als irreführend heraus, weil die Bundeswehr alle Beteiligten zusammenzählt, auch die, die bspw. in Nachbarländern an Schlüsselstellen der Infrastruktur beschäftigt sind (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2022).Die aktuelle Resolution der VN (2584) trat am 29. Juni 2021 in Kraft und ist bis zum 30. Juni 2022 gültig (vgl. Mali – MINUSMA: Bundeswehr 2022). Durch das Ablaufen des Mandats in diesem Jahr ist die Forschungsfrage darauffolgend auszuweiten, inwiefern Deutschland sich weiterhin an der Mission beteiligen wird. Zuerst sollte aber kurz auf die Situation Malis eingegangen werden, um zu klären, warum Deutschland und viele weitere Staaten überhaupt intervenieren. 3.2 Mali – eine von Gewalt geplagte Region Die gesamte Komplexität dieser Krisenregion kann hier nicht dargestellt werden. Allerdings sind einige Aspekte zu nennen, um die Verortung und die Herausforderungen des Peacekeepings zu verdeutlichen. In Nordmali begann 2012, um die politische Unabhängigkeit zu gewährleisten, ein gewaltsames Vorgehen gegen die malische Regierung. Als fragiles Bündnis kamen dschihadistische Kämpfende hinzu, die jedoch nach den ersten Eroberungen der nordmalischen Städte 2013 die Oberhand gewannen.Der Süden Malis war ebenfalls von einem Militärputsch geschwächt und die malische Regierung bat um internationale Hilfe. Frankreich folgte der Bitte und eröffnete die Operation Serval. Afrikanische Länder griffen unter der Mission AFISMA ein. Den alliierten Kräften gelang schnell die Rückeroberung der Städte im Norden. Allerdings ging daraus eine asymmetrische Kriegsführung hervor, die die vom Sicherheitsrat legitimierten Einsatztruppen besonders in den Fokus der Attacken der Dschihadisten stellt.Ein Friedensvertrag von 2015 umfasste bspw. nicht alle Konfliktparteien. Im Allgemeinen ist eine Verschlechterung der Gesamtsituation zu verzeichnen, da Dschihadisten mittlerweile versuchen, auch die Nachbarländer Niger und Burkina Faso zu destabilisieren und sich die Gewalt besonders um Zivilisten zentriert. (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2022) Im Zentrum dieses Kapitels soll die asymmetrische Kriegsführung, auch unter dem Aspekt der 'Neuen Kriege' bekannt, und somit die problematische Lage der Mission im Mittelpunkt stehen. Die Kernfrage ist bereits auf das weitere Engagement Deutschlands ausgeweitet worden und ist realitätsnah zu prüfen: In Afghanistan gelang keine Stabilisierung eines afghanischen Staates. Hier kam nach jahrzehntelangen erfolglosen Gefechten die Terrorgruppe Taliban 2021 an die Macht, als allen voran die USA den Rückzug aus der Krisenregion vollzogen (vgl. Nach 20 Jahren: bpb 2021). 4. Die deutsche Außenpolitik – Schwerpunktsetzung VN Die deutsche Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik ist sehr komplex und selbst ein kursorischer Überblick kann hier nicht geleistet werden. Durch die Darstellung diverser Aspekte ist jedoch eine Verortung möglich. 4.1 Historische Perspektive der deutschen Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik Deutschland blickt auf eine bewegte Geschichte zurück. Ab 1945 wurde die Bundesrepublik enormen Veränderungen durch die Besatzungsmächte unterworfen. Während die DDR unter der UdSSR keine wirklich eigene Außenpolitik entwickelte, gelang es Westdeutschland allmählich, politische Spielräume zurückzugewinnen und eigene Ziele zu vertreten (vgl. Gareis 2021, S. 57). In der Zeit vor der Wiedervereinigung sind einige "konstante Handlungsmuster" (ebd., S. 58) zu erkennen, die bis heute ihre Wichtigkeit beibehalten haben. Darunter sind besonders vier Punkte zu nennen:"die Westintegration, durch welche die Bundesrepublik ihren Platz in den europäischen und transatlantischen Strukturen fand und einnahm die Entspannungs- und Ostpolitik, durch die sie ihre friedens- und stabilitätspolitische Handlungsspielräume erweitern konnte die Offenheit für einen breit angelegten, globalen Multilateralismus mit dem Ziel einer verlässlichen rechtlichen Verregelung und Institutionalisierung des Internationalen Systems die selbstgewählte Kultur der Zurückhaltung in machtpolitischen, insbesondere militärischen Angelegenheiten" (ebd., S. 58) Hervorzuheben sind die anfänglichen Bemühungen der deutschen Außenpolitik, um Frankreich von ihrer skeptischen Sichtweise auf die Wiederbewaffnung und Wiederaufnahme der deutschen Souveränität nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg abzubringen. Die Bemühungen mündeten bspw. 1963 im Élysée-Vertrag, der die enge Partnerschaft merklich vorantrieb und als "deutlicher […] Motor der europäischen Integration" (ebd., S. 65) zu sehen ist.Eine Verankerung in Internationale Beziehungen vollzog sich somit bereits früh mit den Bemühungen Deutschlands, sich in Europa und in die NATO zu integrieren. In den Zeiten vor der Wiedervereinigung konnte Deutschland dennoch nicht gänzlich zu seinem Selbstvertretungsanspruch finden. Die Integration in internationale Organisationen, die die Machtkonzentration des teilnehmenden Landes einschränken können, wurde zwar innenpolitisch heftig diskutiert, kollidierte jedoch mit realen Erweiterungen der Souveränitätsansprüche Deutschlands und formte somit die Erfahrung dieser Ordnungen.Der Multilateralismus ist eine logische Konstante, weil der Wunsch nach Regeln im Internationalen System die eigene Sicherheit erhöhen soll und im Falle Deutschlands auch politische Freiheiten bedeutete. Das Engagement kann als ernsthaft beschrieben werden, weil die Bemühungen auch mit der Erreichung der eigenen Staatssouveränität bspw. in den Vereinten Nationen und dem europäischen Einigungsprozess nicht nachließ – im Gegenteil intensiviert stattfindet. (vgl. ebd., S. 57f & 61-65 & 70f) 4.2 Deutschlands Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik im 21. Jahrhundert - Verortung Im 21. Jahrhundert sind eine neue Vielzahl an nicht-staatlichen Akteuren, weitere Unwägbarkeiten und multidimensionale Problemfelder mit einer höheren Unsicherheit im Internationalen System verbunden, die die Zuverlässigkeit von internationalen Partnern einschränkt. Diese Problematik wird bspw. u. a. durch das Erstarken des Rechtspopulismus, dem Rückgang liberal-demokratischer Regierungen seit 2005, der neuen Risikobewertung und Qualität des transnationalen Terrorismus begründet. (vgl. Gareis 2021, S. 89f) Als aktuelle Referenz kann das Weißbuch 2016 die Sicherheitsinteressen Deutschlands aufzeigen. Darin sind, bedingt bspw. durch die russische Aggression gegenüber der Ukraine, wieder vermehrt nationale Interessen vertreten, die den Schutz der Bürger*innen und die Integrität der Souveränität Deutschlands ins Blickfeld nehmen. Allerdings sind auch internationale Bestrebungen zur vertiefenden Weiterarbeit in der Entwicklungspolitik, dem Völkerrecht und der partnerschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit in allen wichtigen Internationalen Organisationen wie NATO, EU und VN zu nennen. (vgl. Gareis 2021, S. 105)4.2 Deutschland und die Vereinten Nationen Ein ernsthafter Beitrag zur strategischen (Neu-)Kalibrierung der Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik, die in ihren anfänglichen vier Konstanten (s.o.) auch Diskontinuitäten erfuhr, ist die Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz im Jahr 2014 hervorzuheben, in der das Engagement für internationale Organisationsformen, die einen supranationalen Ordnungsrahmen darstellen können - wie die EU, NATO und VN - verstärkt in den Mittelpunkt gestellt worden. Die Konstante der 'Zurückhaltung' bricht also weiter auf und zeigt das "Leitmotiv der aktiven Übernahme größerer Verantwortung für Frieden und Internationale Sicherheit in einem umfassenden Ansatz […]" (Gareis 2021, S. 92) auf. (vgl. ebd., S. 91f) Für Deutschland stellen die Vereinten Nationen das Höchstmaß für Multilateralismus und Institutionalismus dar. Bestrebungen in den VN waren von der Gründung an ein wichtiges Anliegen der Bundesrepublik, um auf die internationale Bühne zurückkehren zu können. Insgesamt kann das Engagement Deutschlands in den VN als hoch angesehen werden: Aktuell ist Deutschland der viertgrößte Beitragszahler, unterhält über 30 VN-Organe im Land und ist um einen ständigen Sitz im Sicherheitsrat bemüht und mindestens durch die häufige Wiederwahl (zuletzt 2019/20 – damit zum sechsten Mal) und eindeutigen Wahlergebnissen um einen nichtständigen Sitz als international anerkannt zu bezeichnen. Das Interesse beider Akteure ist als interdependent zu bezeichnen: Die VN brauchen in diesen schwierigen Zeiten einflussreiche Staaten und Deutschland hingegen internationale Kooperationsmöglichkeiten in vielfältigen Ressorts. (vgl. ebd., S. 193f) Deutschland beteiligte sich gleich nach der Wiedervereinigung an VN-Peacekeeping-Einsätzen – allerdings mit unbewaffneten Zivilkräften. Anfang des 21. Jahrhunderts stellte Deutschland nicht nur zivile sondern auch militärische Einheiten zur Verfügung. Das Engagement kann in ihren Anfängen als bescheiden beschrieben werden. Insgesamt bevorzugt Deutschland vom VN-mandatierte Einsätze, die anschließend von der EU oder NATO ausgeführt werden. Der MINUSMA-Einsatz ist somit eine Ausnahme und der zweitgrößte Auslandseinsatz der Bundeswehr. Der afrikanische Raum ist aufgrund seiner Fluchtbewegungen zu einem wichtigen sicherheitspolitischen Raum geworden. (vgl. ebd., S. 203f) Allerdings sind die Gründe für den Einsatz in Mali weiter auszuführen, da die Argumentation möglicher Fluchtbewegungen Lücken aufweist. (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2020) 5. Deutschland und der MINUSMA-Einsatz In den vorherigen Kapiteln sind die Bezüge der deutschen Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik zu den Vereinten Nationen bereits angeschnitten worden. Als Nächstes ist der MINUSMA-Einsatz aus einer politischen Perspektive unter Einbezug der Ziele Deutschlands zu charakterisieren und ein Ausblick auf das Ergebnis dieser Intervention zu geben. Die Bewertung des Einsatzes ist entscheidend, um den deutschen Einsatz nachzuvollziehen. 5.1 Motive für die Beteiligung am MINUSMA-Einsatz Die Intervention und Beteiligung Deutschlands am MINUSMA-Einsatz scheint sich nicht auf die Bekämpfung von Fluchtursachen zu beschränken (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2020 & Kaim 2021, S. 31). Weitere Motive sind aus Kapitel 4 abzuleiten und könnten, kombiniert aus dem Wunsch humanitäre Hilfe leisten zu wollen und die Position der Vereinten Nationen - und sich selbst im Internationalen System und den Multilateralismus - zu stärken, eine Begründungslage bieten. Sie wirkt jedoch unpräzise und bedarf genauerer Beschreibungen: Wie bereits beschrieben, ist Frankreich bereits 2013 dem Hilfegesuch der malischen Regierung gefolgt und musste anhand der realen Bedingungen ihre Ziele anpassen: Deutschland sollte dem engen Bündnis- und EU-Partner unter die Arme greifen. Die Bundesregierung gab zunächst lediglich unbewaffneten Kapazitäten Platz, ehe das Mandat langsam auf aktuell 1100 Soldat*innen aufgestockt wurde.Deutschland schien dabei die Vertiefung der Kooperation von EU-Staaten wie Frankreich und den Niederlanden als geeignete Gelegenheit. Ebenfalls ließ der Friedensvertrag auf weitere Stabilität im Land hoffen. Außerhalb der Bemühungen um die Partnerschaft ist für den Autor Konopka die Bewerbung Deutschlands für den nichtständigen Sitz im Sicherheitsrat (2019/20) ausschlaggebend gewesen.Die anfängliche Konzentration auf die europäische Mission EUTM Mali ging mit einer deutlichen Ausweitung auf die VN-Peacekeeping-Mission über. Außerdem, so der Autor, wäre Deutschland in der Bringschuld gegenüber den Teilnehmenden gewesen, da die Bundesrepublik in weiteren Missionen kaum bis gar keine Präsenz vorzuweisen hatte (bspw. EUMAM RCA oder EUTM RCA). (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2020) Kaim (2021) von der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik spricht von einem typischen Muster der deutschen Auslandseinsatzbereitschaft, erst durch Bündnisanfragen Einsatzkräfte zu mobilisieren. Aus dieser Sicht ist primär der Versuch, einen "europäischen Fußabdruck" (ebd., S. 12) im internationalen System zu hinterlassen, anzusehen. Allerdings wird auch hervorgehoben, wie die Bewerbung um den nichtständigen Sitz im Sicherheitsrat eine Intensivierung der deutschen Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik in den VN und besonders im afrikanischen Raum beinhaltete. (vgl. ebd., S. 12-20) Dadurch sind sechs Hauptmotive auszumachen, davon greifen manche weniger als andere: 1. Die Bündnistreue zu Frankreich 2. Die Ausgangslage durch die Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz (2014) 3. Das erweiterte Engagement Deutschlands in den VN 4. Der Versuch, eine europäische Handlungsfähigkeit zu demonstrieren. 5. Die regionale Sicherheit in Mali zu gewährleisten 6. Terrorismusbekämpfung und die Eindämmung von Fluchtbewegungen (vgl. ebd., S. 27-31) Die Punkte 4, 5 und 6 sind als Hauptmotivlage nachrangig einzusortieren; Punkt 5 wird anhand der deutlichen Zunahme an Instabilität den MINUSMA-Einsatz generell und die deutsche Beteiligung gezielt infrage stellen. 5.2 Bewertung des Einsatzes Die bisherige Bewertung des Einsatzes ist auf Grundlage der festgestellten Motive zu leisten, die eine detaillierte Rahmengebung vorgeben. In die Bewertung fließen themenbedingt erste wichtige Aspekte für das Abschlusskapitel ein. 5.2.1 Die Bündnistreue zu Frankreich Die Unterschiede in der strategischen Bewertung des Einsatzes der beiden Länder zeigt deutlich auf: Während Frankreich mehr militärisches Engagement erwartet und die Terrorbekämpfung in den Fokus stellt, steht die Bundesregierung der Friedenssicherung unter VN-Mandat näher, die die Terroristenbekämpfung explizit ausschließt. Festzuhalten wäre, dass die unterschiedlichen Herangehensweisen in Mali zwischen Frankreich und Deutschland differente Zielvorstellungen aufweisen und das gemeinsame Handeln konterkarieren. (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 27f) Daraus ist ebenso die Frage zu stellen, ob die Bundesregierung das auslaufende Mandat (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2020) ausweiten, beibehalten oder beenden wird. 5.2.2 Die Ausgangslage durch die Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz Deutschland ist bis heute im MINUSMA-Einsatz tätig (2013-2022) und ist dem Bündnis- und langjährigen EU-Partner Frankreich nachgekommen (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2020). Das Engagement ist bis jetzt ausgeweitet worden und von einer anfänglichen Symboltruppe stehen im direkten Einsatzgebiet in Mali ca. 500 (vgl. MINUSMA Fact Sheet: United Nations 2022) und im erweiterten Einsatz ca. 1000 Soldat*innen (vgl. Personalzahlen der Bundeswehr: Bundeswehr 2022).Die Steigerung der Fachkräfte im MINUSMA-Einsatz ist als Intensivierung zu werten (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 28). Dies kann als Beleg für die vertiefende Arbeit international angesehen werden, wie es zuvor auf der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz 2014 skizziert wurde. Allerdings wären andere Erweiterungen der Tätigkeitsfelder im internationalen Raum und besonders in internationalen Organisationen denkbar und beinhalten nicht zwangsläufig die Intensivierung des MINUSMA-Einsatzes – gleichzeitig bietet das Einsatzgebiet ein robustes Mandat, also internationale Legitimierung, die für deutsche Auslandseinsätze mitentscheidend ist und einen multilateralen Raum, den die Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik favorisiert (vgl. ebd.).5.2.3 Das erweiterte Engagement Deutschlands in den VN Politisch und militärisch dürfte die Beteiligung Deutschlands am MINUSMA-Einsatz die Vereinten Nationen stärken (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 28). Bei dieser Beteiligung ist mitunter auch deutlich, dass Deutschland nicht altruistisch, sondern auch im Sinne der im Kapitel 4.2 festgelegten Interdependenzen für den Erhalt der eigenen Sicherheit im Internationalen System handelt.Die Idee eines ständigen Sitzes im Sicherheitsrat gilt als unwahrscheinlich sowie der Reformvorschlag der 'Gruppe der Vier' (mit deutscher Beteiligung), der von den vielen Vorschlägen zur Veränderung des Sicherheitsrates zwar als angemessen erscheint, aber dennoch u. a. an den Veto-Mächten bisher scheiterte (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 308-311). Somit bleibt Deutschland lediglich die Kandidatur im SR als nichtständiges Mitglied, dem die Bundesregierung mit ähnlicher Argumentation und Engagement vermutlich in der nächstmöglichen Amtszeit nachkommen wird (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 29). 5.2.4 Der Versuch, eine europäische Handlungsfähigkeit zu demonstrieren Die europäische Handlungsfähigkeit kann bereits unter Punkt 5.2.1 als inkonsequent bezeichnet werden. Außerdem sind europäische Kräfte an eigenen Missionen vor Ort gebunden und stellen im MINUSMA-Einsatz nicht die meisten Einsatzkräfte zur Verfügung (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 29 & MINUSMA Fact Sheet: United Nations 2022). Von einer geschlossenen oder klaren europäischen Einheit kann nicht gesprochen werden, jedoch von einer klaren Beteiligung Deutschlands am Einsatz. 5.2.5 Die regionale Sicherheit in Mali zu gewährleisten Seit dem Friedensabkommen 2015 hat sich die Lage stetig verschlechtert und stellt die VN-Friedensmission insgesamt infrage. (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 30) Weitere Problemfelder stellen gerade die Alleingänge der europäischen Länder an der MINUSMA-Mission dar, die bspw. auf die typischen Blauhelme und auf die VN-Farbgebung bei Fahrzeugen verzichten. Außerdem sind europäische Kräfte vornehmlich in als sicher geltende Einsätze gebunden und in anderen Stützpunkten als die restlichen Länder wie bspw. Ägypten untergebracht. (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2020) Das stellt die VN-geführte Friedensmission auch vor interne Probleme und kann die Handlungsfähigkeit sowie Moral der teilnehmenden Länder beeinträchtigen.5.2.6 Terrorismusbekämpfung und die Eindämmung von FluchtbewegungenDie Mission ist unter den Aspekten von Fluchtbewegungen bereits als vernachlässigbar (zumindest für Fluchtbewegungen nach Europa) klassifiziert worden (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 30f). Außerdem wird wegen der Destabilisierung des Landes sogar mit weiteren Flüchtenden zu rechnen sein. Weiterhin ist die dynamische Situation in Mali undurchsichtig und schwer zu charakterisieren, inwiefern der Terrorismus Deutschland bedroht (vgl. ebd.) und inwiefern Dschihadisten mittlerweile als Hauptproblem angesehen werden können, wenn die malischen Sicherheitskräfte immer mehr in den Fokus von Korruption und Destabilisierung rücken (vgl. Mali: Konopka 2020). 5.3 Ausblick – Bleibt Deutschland im MINUSMA-Einsatz? Die Motive sowie deren Zielerreichung sind größtenteils als Fehlschlag zu werten und stellen als größten Erfolg die Arbeit in der internationalen Organisation, den Vereinten Nationen, heraus. (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 31f) Dass nicht alle Ziele erreicht werden können, liegt mitunter an der multidimensionalen und dynamischen Situation vor Ort und an der Herausforderung, die den 'Neuen Kriegen' (vgl. Hippler 2009, S. 3-8) und das VN-Peacekeeping in der vierten Generation (vgl. Gareis & Varwick 2014, S. 119-127) kennzeichnen. Somit hängt das Engagement Deutschlands im MINUSMA-Einsatz von vielen Faktoren ab, die bspw. die öffentliche Meinung über Auslandseinsätze und die Beschaffenheit und Einsatzfähigkeit der Bundeswehr nach Etatkürzungen einschließen (vgl. Kaim 2021, S. 32). Wie die Einsatzkosten zeigen (s. Kapitel 3), sind das insgesamt beträchtliche Summen, die die Staatengemeinschaft – und anteilig Deutschland – aufbringen müssen.Während die Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik noch von größeren Hürden diesbezüglich ausgeht (vgl. ebd.), ist durch den Einmarsch Russlands in die Ukraine ein Paradigmenwechsel mit ungeahnter Tragweite in der deutschen Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik möglich (vgl. Mehrheit unterstützt deutschen Ukraine-Kurs: Tagesschau 2022), der die Fortführung des VN-Peacekeepings neu bewerten wird. 6. Zusammenführung und Interpretation Unter dem Aspekt des VN-Peacekeeping wurden zuerst allgemeine Aspekte umrissen und die Forschungsfrage weiter ausgeweitet. Im Kern geht es um die Frage, wie Deutschland sich im 21. Jahrhundert mit seiner Sicherheits- und Außenpolitik im Internationalen System verortet und inwiefern dies als Erfolg angesehen werden kann. Letzteres ist nur unter bestimmten, einschränkenden Aspekten zu beantworten und ist mithilfe des MINUSMA-Einsatzes zu verorten. Deutschland positioniert sich offen und ernst zu den Vereinten Nationen und folgt dabei historisch gewachsenen Paradigmen und Erfahrungswerten (s. Unterkapitel 4.1): Daraus lassen sich die Bemühungen um einen ständigen oder nichtständigen Sitz im Sicherheitsrat und weiteres internationales Engagement wie im VN-Peacekeeping und somit die Beteiligung in Mali (MINUSMA-Mission) folgerichtig begründen.Deutschland hat ein nationales sicherheitspolitisches Interesse an einer Verregelung des anarchischen Grundzustandes, um die eigene Position darin zu stärken – Unsicherheiten also abzubauen (vgl. Gareis 2021, S. 58). Damit folgt die Politik nicht einer uneingeschränkten Idealismus-Denkschule und zeigt auch zweckrationale Positionen auf. Dennoch ist der MINUSMA-Einsatz in diesem Sinne als Misserfolg zu werten und zeigt besonders in den Bemühungen um Multilateralismus und einer Institutionalisierung des Internationalen Systems, hier in Form der Vereinten Nationen zu interpretieren, erwähnenswerte Erfolge auf (s. Kapitel 5).Die deutsch-französischen Beziehungen hingegen könnten insgesamt unter dem Konstruktivismus Betrachtung finden: Obwohl die strategische Ausrichtung beider Länder nicht immer im selben Verständnis verläuft (s. Kapitel 5), ist sehr wohl ein ernstzunehmender Konflikt zwischen den beiden großen europäischen Staaten nicht anzunehmen und die außerordentliche internationale Kooperation als erwähnenswert anzusehen. Aus der Ausarbeitung tritt ein Dilemma zutage, das wie folgt zu charakterisieren ist: Deutschland als Nationalstaat hat nur begrenzt Ressourcen und Möglichkeiten, die auch interessengeleitet begründet werden müssen. Deswegen ist ein Problem für Deutschland darin zu skizzieren und zu fragen, in welche internationale Organisation sie ihren weiteren Fokus legen wird. VN-mandatierte aber von NATO und EU ausgeführte Friedensmissionen werden bspw. bevorzugt, gleichzeitig wird eine Stärkung der Vereinten Nationen als Ziel formuliert (s. Kapitel 4).Investitionen in allen internationalen Organisationen bringen Deutschland in eine prekäre Situation, wie die Motivlage und die Ausgestaltung des MINUSMA-Einsatzes aufzeigt (s. Unterkapitel 5.2.5). Als Fazit ist festzuhalten, dass der MINUSMA-Einsatz einer oftmals bloßen Rhetorik zur Stärkung multilateraler Beteiligung grundsätzlich entgegenläuft und Deutschland zukünftig als ernstzunehmenden internationalen Akteur kennzeichnen könnte (vgl. Gareis 2021, S. 216). Prinzipiell kann zudem bestätigt werden, dass Deutschland am ehesten seine Fähigkeiten einbringen kann, wenn internationale Legitimation besteht (mit Blick auf das Grundgesetz und der eigenen 'Zurückhaltungs-Konstante'), Bündnis- und beteiligte Partner mit ihren Interessen zumindest kollidieren (vgl. ebd., S. 112) und Multilateralismus als Merkmal auftritt. Daraus lässt sich die Intensivierung in internationale Organisationen ableiten, weil es nachhaltig die Souveränität Deutschlands positiv beeinflussen kann (vgl. ebd.). So kann Gareis (2021, S. 93) zugestimmt werden, wenn er schreibt: "Sicherlich kann auch im Jahr 2020 festgestellt werden, dass Deutschland an seinen Bemühungen um eine Zivilisierung der internationalen Politik durch Regime und Institutionen festhält. Auch ist es seiner Bevorzugung von friedlicher Konfliktbeilegung und Kooperation vor der Machtpolitik sowie schließlich auch seiner grundsätzlichen Bereitschaft zur Übertragung von Souveränitätsrechten weitestgehend treu geblieben – wenngleich die mit dem Zivilmachtkonzept gern verbundene 'Kultur der Zurückhaltung' Ergänzungen durch die Verfolgung stärker nationaler Interessen erfahren hat." Der Ausblick ist jedoch unter der aktuellen Prämisse (s. Unterkapitel 5.3) unter Vorbehalt zu stellen und zeigt deutlich die Unsicherheiten auf, die der Grundzustand der Anarchie treffend formuliert und exemplarisch die angerissene Reformbedürftigkeit der Vereinten Nationen sowie die Handlungsunfähigkeit des Sicherheitsrats hervorhebt. Deutschland wird in jeglichem denkbaren Szenario eine größere Rolle in den Internationalen Beziehungen spielen: "Die Anforderungen an die multilaterale deutsche Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik werden also steigen, und neben dem vielbeschworenen Willen zur Übernahme von 'Verantwortung' wird auch die Bereitschaft zum personellen und finanziellen Engagement wie auch zur Übernahme ungewohnter politischer Risiken wachsen müssen" (Gareis 2021, S. 216) 7. Literatur Beckmann, H. (26.02.2022): Russlands Angriff auf die Ukraine. Europa hat einen neuen Feind. Online: https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/europa/russland-krieg-europa-101.html [09.03.2022]. Bundesministerium der Verteidigung (2016): Weissbuch 2016. Zur Sicherheitspolitik und zur Zukunft der Bundeswehr. Online: https://www.bmvg.de/resource/blob/13708/015be272f8c0098f1537a491676bfc31/weissbuch2016-barrierefrei-data.pdf [09.03.2022].Bundeswehr (21.02.2022): Personalzahlen der Bundeswehr. Wie lauten die Einsatzzahlen. Online: https://www.bundeswehr.de/de/ueber-die-bundeswehr/zahlen-daten-fakten/personalzahlen-bundeswehr [09.03.2022].Bundeswehr (0. J.): Mali – MINUSMA. Online: https://www.bundeswehr.de/de/einsaetze-bundeswehr/mali-einsaetze/minusma-bundeswehr-un-einsatz-mali [09.03.2022]. Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (07.06.2021): Nach 20 Jahren: NATO-Truppenabzug aus Afghanistan. Online: https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/hintergrund-aktuell/334345/nach-20-jahren-nato-truppenabzug-aus-afghanistan/ [09.03.2022]. Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e. V. (o. J.): Die Vereinten Nationen im Überblick. Online: https://dgvn.de/un-im-ueberblick [09.03.22].Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e. V. (22.02.2022): Wie geht es weiter mit dem deutschen Engagement in Mali? Online: https://dgvn.de/meldung/wie-geht-es-weiter-mit-dem-deutschen-engagement-in-mali [09.03.22].Deutsche Gesellschaft für die Vereinten Nationen e. V. (o. J.): Hauptabteilung Friedenssicherungseinsätze (DPKO). Online: https://frieden-sichern.dgvn.de/friedenssicherung/organe/un-sekretariat-dpko/ [09.03.22].Gareis, S. B. (2021): Deutschlands Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik: eine Einführung. Stuttgart: UTB. Gareis, S. B. & Varwick, J. (2014): Die Vereinten Nationen. Aufgaben, Instrumente und Reformen. 5. Auflage. Bonn: Barbara Budrich, Opladen & Toronto.Hippler, J. (2009): Wie "Neue Kriege" beenden? Aus: APuZ (46/2009): Neue Kriege. Bpb, S. 3-8. Kaim, M. (2021): Die deutsche Politik im VN-Peacekeeping: eine Dienerin vieler Herren. Berlin: SWP. Konopka, T. (22.02.2022): Mali: Rückzug oder mehr Risiko? Online: https://zeitschrift-vereinte-nationen.de/suche/zvn/artikel/mali-rueckzug-oder-mehr-risiko [09.03.22]. Schimmelfennig, F. (2017): Internationale Politik. 5. Auflage. Stuttgart und Paderborn: UTB.Tagesschau (03.03.2022): Mehrheit unterstützt deutschen Ukraine-Kurs. Online: https://www.tagesschau.de/inland/deutschlandtrend/deutschlandtrend-2925.html [09.03.2022].United Nations (2013): Security Council Establishes Peacekeeping Force for Mali Effective 1 July. Unanimously Adopting Resolution 2100 (2013). Online: https://www.un.org/press/en/2013/sc10987.doc.htm [09.03.2022]. United Nations (2014): Security Council. Resolution 2164 (2014). Adopted by the Security Council at its 7210th meeting, on 25 June 2014. Online: https://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/2164(2014) [09.03.2022]. United Nations (01.03.2022): MINUSMA Fact Sheet. United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali. Online: https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/mission/minusma [09.03.2022].
1. IntroducciónEn la ponencia se abordarán las relaciones entre instituciones y desarrollo económico focalizando en el problema de la autonomía administrativa de los entes autónomos en Uruguay. El llamado "dominio industrial y comercial" del Estado era la principal herramienta de intervención estatal en la economía en las tres primeras décadas del siglo (lo siguen siendo hoy en día, aunque de una manera diferente). El proceso de construcción de dicho dominio arranca con la fundación del BROU en 1896. La intención original por la cual se dio autonomía administrativa al instituto fue separar la administración de problemas complejos, de las angustias políticas o financieras de los gobiernos. Construir institutos de intervención en la economía que no estuvieran sujetos al juego de la "política menuda" (al decir de Carlos Real de Azúa) fue uno de los propósitos orientadores en la forja de los Entes Autónomos. Este principio fue imaginado como un mecanismo que permitiría una intervención racional del Estado en la economía privilegiando los criterios técnicos de actuación sobre los políticos. Sin embargo, la autonomía administrativa presentaba un problema crucial para el andamiaje institucional del Estado: no estaban previstos en la constitución de 1830. Al momento en que se reforma la constitución (hacia 1917) el problema aparece a los legisladores como un tema de difícil resolución. El artículo 100 de la constitución que entra en vigencia en 1919 pretende dar una solución a esta anomalía. Sin embargo, la solución propuesta deja en manos de la ley la reglamentación definitiva de la autonomía administrativa de cada ente Autónomo. Esta resolución no logra corregir los problemas previos y plantea otros que deberán ser resueltos por los gobiernos sucesivos. Un elemento clave de los intentos de los gobiernos por abordar la definición de la autonomía administrativa durante los años de 1920 es que se encontrarán con la oposición de los mismos Entes Autónomos, los cuales no querrán ceder en cuanto al grado de autonomía alcanzado previamente. En éstos, y especialmente en el más antiguo que era el BROU, se había forjado una fuerte cohesión entre los Directorios y los principales funcionarios de carrera que lideraban el instituto.Los gobiernos se enfrentan a un nuevo actor, el actor burocrático que pugna por mantener la situación de autonomía, consolidada en los años previos a 1920.En el trabajo original de investigación que sustenta esta ponencia, el objetivo central era describir el primer impulso racionalizador del Estado uruguayo. En esta ponencia abordaremos un aspecto crucial de ese primer impulso que fue el surgimiento dentro de las empresas públicas de un personal jerárquico con características particulares. Nuestra principal hipótesis es que al amparo de la autonomía administrativa surgió un estamento de burócratas con una clara conciencia de su rol en la política democrática. Intentaremos mostrar cómo este grupo de "high civil servants" se percibía a sí mismo como un grupo necesario y diferente del actor político. Creemos que esta hipótesis ilumina un aspecto poco estudiado de la construcción del Estado uruguayo y sus mecanismos de intervención en la economía y la sociedad. Tradicionalmente se ha estudiado el rol de los políticos, de los empresarios, de los trabajadores y las diferentes formas de articulación de estos actores en la conformación de las estructuras del Estado uruguayo. Nosotros quisiéramos agregar un actor más, el cual creemos tiene su propia historia para contar, y que es el actor burocrático.El foco de nuestra ponencia estará en el Banco República y en la figura de su primer gerente de carrera, don Octavio Morató.A continuación, delimitaremos las dimensiones analíticas que empleamos para abordar nuestro objeto de estudio. Nos limitaremos a enunciar las principales hipótesis con las cuales interrogaremos el material empírico recolectado. El lector que así lo quiera, puede profundizar el marco teórico en el libro de próxima aparición (BAUDEAN, 2011).De la reflexión de Max Weber sobre la burocracia tomamos el énfasis que éste hace en la importancia del marco legal en la construcción de los roles que llevarán a cabo políticos y burócratas y en la definición de las características organizacionales de la burocracia. Con esta idea como guía abordaremos el marco constitucional y legal que dio forma al sistema de empresas públicas en su origen y particularmente al Banco República. Del institucionalismo de corte estructuralista, tomamos la hipótesis según la cual en el momento en que el Estado conquista cierta autonomía en el manejo de problemas específicos se convierte en arena del conflicto social (EVANS, RUESCHEMEYER, 1985). Esta hipótesis nos conducirá a precisar cuáles eran los aspectos críticos de la autonomía administrativa que generaban conflicto entre burocracia y clase política. La reflexión de Rudolph y Hoeber Rudolph (1984) nos hará profundizar en laimportancia del manejo del poder hacia el interior de la organización. En este sentido, intentaremos mostrar cuáles eran los problemas que Directores y altos burócratas del BROU veían en la posibilidad de mayores controles por parte del poder político en el manejo interno de la organización.La reflexión de Morstein Marx (1963) sobre el high civil service nos llevará a darle especial importancia al pensamiento del actor burocrático. De aquí el foco en el pensamiento de Octavio Morató. Dicho pensamiento será interpretado como un indicador de la autopercepción que los altos burócratas tenían sobre su rol en la política democrática.Por último, de la corriente neo-institucionalista (MEYER, ROWAN, 1991) nos interesará explorar la hipótesis según la cual las organizaciones son construidas y modeladas en su estructura y funcionamiento por los valores y principios institucionalizados prevalecientes en las sociedades donde están insertas. Esta hipótesis permite prever que las organizaciones que se alejan de dicho entorno de valores y principios institucionalizados encontrarán problemas en su consolidación y legitimación. En consecuencia, el trabajo de reconstrucción histórica realizado enfatiza en los conceptos institucionalizados a lo largo del siglo XIX sobre la estructura del Estado, el valor político y social de la burocracia y la organización del sistema financiero. La idea de la autonomía administrativa obtenía legitimidad de ciertos principios institucionalizados sobre las finanzas así como entraba en conflicto con otros vinculados a la relación entre los partidos y sus bases sociales. 2. El problema de investigación en su contexto históricoEl período que va desde la década de 1870 hasta la segunda década del siglo XX es el momento histórico de la consolidación y centralización del poder estatal. En el mismo se pasa desde un Estado de cuño liberala un Estado interventor en la economía. El corolario de este proceso es la institucionalización de la democracia con la constitución de 1919. Con esta reforma se inician la depuración de los procesos electorales y los arreglos institucionales que conducirán a la coparticipación de los partidos tradicionales en la administración.En las primeras décadas del siglo XX, con Batlle y Ordoñez en la presidencia (1), se consolidan las principales instituciones que mediarán en la intervención en la economía por parte del Estado: las empresas públicas o entes autónomos(2). Dichos entes eran, precisamente, autónomos en un país cuyos cimientos constitucionales prefiguraban un estado "unitario y centralista" al decir de historiadores y constitucionalistas. Dicha autonomía, implicaba que los directorios de los entes tenían potestad de "libre, franca y general administración": capacidad de designar y destituir funcionarios y de elaborar su propio presupuesto. Los directorios, a su vez, eran designados por el Ejecutivo con previa venia del Senado(3). Sin embargo, según la constitución de 1830 -en curso al momento de la creación de los primeros entes- el poder Administrador recaía en el Ejecutivo. Es así que la descentralización administrativa y la creación de una burocracia estatal autónoma comienza en Uruguay con elementos emparentados con las reformas que por la misma época (1870-1920) se implementaban en Europa y Estados Unidos (RAMOS, 2004). El elemento en común es el problema de"resolver el cómo se deberá producir la politización y despolitización simultánea que se debe operar al interior del sistema Ejecutivo de gobierno" (RAMOS, 2004). Es decir, el problema de cómo construir una burocracia meritocrática relativamente autónoma de los vicios de la política, pero al mismo tiempo capaz de servir a los gobiernos democráticamente elegidos. Sin embargo, el origen del concepto de autonomía tiene una historia que se hunde en los problemas del Estado uruguayo en el siglo XIX. En particular, el problema de generar una estructura estatal con autonomía financiera de los sectores económicamente dominantes en el país. El Banco República fue pensado –entre otros fines- para resolver este problema. En la coyuntura marcada por la crisis de 1890, uno de los problemas centrales que proponía una institución bancaria vinculada al Estado radicaba en la desconfianza que este vínculo despertaba en los sectores que dominaban el crédito a nivel local. En un sistema de patrón oro, dicho grupo tenía múltiples mecanismos para desestabilizar el normal desarrollo de una nueva institución estatal. La autonomía de la que gozará por ley el BROU (desde 1896) fue una fórmula de compromiso, fruto de la debilidad del Estado frente al capital financiero local. Dicha autonomía aseguraba a éstos últimos que la nueva institución no iba a ser manipulada para sofocar las angustias financieras de los gobiernos.Ahora bien, hay dos elementos escasamente subrayados en toda su importancia en lo que respecta a esta creación institucional (la descentralización vía la creación de entidades autónomas).En primer lugar, que esta idea se constituyó en una verdadera tradición en nuestro país. Pero lo más importante es que esta tradición de autonomía (4) fue defendida y fundamentada en conceptos de eficiencia organizacional e interés público por las mismas empresas, sus directorios y altos jerarcas (especialmente en el caso del BROU que será el foco de interés de esta ponencia). Esto es de resaltar porque –en el lenguaje teórico que emplearemos- es un indicador del temprano desarrollo de un actor burocrático con conciencia de un rol diferenciado del actor político partidarios así como de otros actores sociales.En segundo lugar, el BROU fue a la postre el modelo sobre el cual se inspiraron el resto de las empresas públicas del período. Con la fundación del BROU el concepto de autonomía administrativa aparece por primera vez en su máximo grado de expresión (Sayagues Laso, 1991, 225-253). Batlle y Ordoñez vislumbró en la formula organizacional de la autonomía una forma eficiente de administrar organismos complejos y sujetos a la sospecha de "manejo político" y la respetó, difundió y alentó. El concepto de autonomía se volvió problemático cuando se le quiso dar estatuto constitucional. La primera solución es la del artículo 100 de la constitución de 1919. La misma fue una solución incompleta. Desde la entrada en vigencia de la constitución llevó a polémicas tanto a nivel jurídico como entre las nuevas empresas y el Poder Ejecutivo. Tras varios intentos frustrados de reglamentación del artículo 100 a lo largo de la década de 1920, el mismo quedó sin reglamentar. El Consejo Nacional de Administración (5) (CNA) era quien tenía a cargo la supervisión general de los entes. En sucesivas reformas constitucionales, la tradición autonómica persiste y se desarrolla a nivel constitucional (1934, 1942 y 1952). Pero persistirá manteniendo características diferentes a las originales. En 1983, Solari y Franco escribían que las autonomías de las empresas públicas fueron altas hasta 1930 (6) y que con la constitución de 1934 comienzan a verse limitadas, cerrándose un ciclo de re-centralización hacia la constitución de 1967. Asimismo sugieren que el estudio de las autonomías a posteriori de 1967 es más complejo de lo que parece si uno se guía exclusivamente por el marco legal (7).Ahora bien, poco se sabe de los debates y tensiones que se generaron en el período histórico que va de 1920 a 1933, momento en que la autonomía de las empresas públicas es fuertemente criticada. ¿Cuáles fueron las posiciones de políticos y burócratas en torno a la autonomía?, ¿cuáles eran los grandes temas que se discutieron?, ¿qué alternativas se planteaban para dar solución a los conflictos generados? En el resto de la ponencia abordaremos dos temas que permiten responder parcialmente las preguntas planteadas. Primero, la sanción constitucional de la autonomía administrativa de los entes autónomos (1917-1919). Este es el marco legal que da pie a los encuentros y desencuentros entre el BROU y el Poder Ejecutivo durante el período de duración de la segunda constitución que tuvo el país (1919-1933). Encuentros y desencuentros que estarán pautados por la discusión del alcance que la nueva constitución daba a la autonomía del instituto (particularmente en lo referente a la elaboración y sanción de su presupuesto) y la definición del estatuto de sus funcionarios (el debate acerca de si los mismos debían ser considerados funcionarios públicos o especiales). Segundo, profundizaremos en la perspectiva burocrática sobre estos problemas. Para ello abordaremos el pensamiento de Octavio Morató, gerente del BROU entre 1921 y 1937. (8)3. La autonomía administrativa del dominio industrial del Estado y la reforma de la constituciónEl marco en el que se debatió y se procesó la reforma que culminó en la constitución de 1919 fue una coyuntura donde se superpusieron nuevos y viejos problemas. Como lo expone Benjamín Nahum (NAHUM, 1998: 53-54), dicha coyuntura estuvo marcada por la resolución de al menos tres grandes problemas.En primer lugar, la experiencia de la guerra civil había puesto de manifiesto la necesidad de superar las limitaciones que la primera constitución oponía al sufragio. En segundo lugar, los nuevos entes autónomos creados no estaban "previstos ni regulados" por la vieja Constitución.En tercer lugar, y vinculado al problema anterior, la Constitución de 1830 era excesivamente centralista y ponía en manos del Presidente de la República una suma de poder que lo convertía en figura clave en la sociedad. Esta centralización era un problema para la democracia y la reforma constitucional debía dar una respuesta.En virtud de esta agenda, la discusión de dicha constitución fue uno de los momentos ideológicos más importantes del siglo XX en Uruguay (PANIZZA: 1990). Básicamente se discutió todo el andamiaje institucional que ordenaba la vida política del país. El problema jurídico que representaba la existencia de organismos y servicios tuvo un largo proceso de discusión que derivó en la redacción del artículo 100 de la Constitución de 1919. Veremos las diferentes posiciones sobre el problema a continuación.3.1. Posiciones sostenidas a nivel parlamentario sobre el problema de la descentralización (previo a la Constituyente de 1917) Veremos un resumen de las principales posiciones sostenidas en los debates parlamentarios tal como las resume Sayagués en el "Tratado de Derecho Administrativo" (1991: 144 y 145).Básicamente se sostuvieron tres criterios diferentes frente al problema de los nuevos organismos y servicios descentralizados: Posición 1. Las Cartas Orgánicas creadas mediante la ley eran inconstitucionales cuando consagraban una descentralización amplia.El principal argumento giraba en torno a la defensa del Poder Ejecutivo como "jefe superior de la administración" y al cual la ley no podía quitar las potestades que la Constitución le atribuía expresamente (dictar reglamentos, nombrar y destituir empleados públicos) para cederlas a las autoridades de los nuevos entes. Por otra parte, se cuestionaba fuertemente el hecho de que los presupuestos de gastos de algunas organizaciones (caso del BROU) pudiesen ser sancionados por sus propios directorios o con aprobación del Poder Ejecutivo, desconociendo de esta forma la competencia del Parlamento para autorizar los gastos públicos.Posición 2. Las Cartas Orgánicas creadas por la ley eran constitucionales. Esta posición fue mantenida por quienes defendieron la creación de los entes en el Parlamento (fuertemente por el sector batllista, pero también por blancos principistas como Martín C. Martínez). Resume Sayagués Laso (1991b: 145): "Se argumentaba diciendo que el Presidente era el jefe superior de la administración general de la República, pero no de las administracionesespeciales que el legislador crease; por tanto, concluíase que la ley podía dar amplios poderes de decisión a las autoridades de esos servicios. Un razonamiento análogo los llevaba a limitar la competencia del Poder Legislativo en materia presupuestal". (énfasis original).Posición 3. Las Cartas Orgánicas creadas por la ley no eran constitucionales ni inconstitucionales, sino EXTRACONSTITUCIONALES. Esta posición fue defendida por algunos legisladores que votaron favorablemente la creación de los nuevos entes. Se argumentaba que la Constitución de 1830 no preveía la descentralización administrativa por servicios, que comenzó a desarrollarse a posteriori por la vía de los hechos y por circunstancias especiales. En consecuencia, "el texto constitucional no la había permitido ni prohibido, sino simplemente ignorado"(SAYAGUÉS LASO, 1991: 145) .Los grandes temas que dividían las opiniones se centraban en:Los poderes de decisión de los directorios de los entes y su relación con la posición institucional del Poder Ejecutivo.La autoridad de la ley para crear dichos servicios frente a la autoridad de la Constitución misma.La competencia del Parlamento frente a los presupuestos de gastos de dichos servicios.Como puede observarse, se trata de una compleja mezcla de problemas jurídicos por una parte, y otros que van directamente a la relación entre política y administración. Estaba en juego la progresiva constitución de áreas de la administración que –de seguir las pautas de desarrollo que mantenían- podrían constituirse en arenas de decisión con alta independencia de los partidos en materias económicas, financieras y sociales. El problema radicaba en la precaria situación que tenía el Parlamento frente a estos nuevos segmentos de la administración.3.2. La Convención ConstituyenteHubo coincidencia entre los constituyentes en que la nueva Constitución consagrase el principio de la autonomía y en que el proyectado Consejo Nacional de Administración (CNA) tuviese a su cargo la superintendencia de dichos organismos. Las mayores divergencias surgieron en torno a la definición de la autonomía y a la conveniencia o no de extenderse sobre la misma en el texto constitucional. Existía diversidad de situaciones en los grados de autonomía que tenían los organismos y servicios descentralizados y también en la independencia económica que podían llegar a tener frente al Ejecutivo. Esto condujo a que no prosperara entre los constituyentes la idea de Martín C. Martínez de darle un contenido preciso al concepto mismo de autonomía. Predominó la idea de que sería la ley la que fijaría la extensión de la autonomía en cada caso. En consecuencia, el reconocimiento constitucional de la descentralización se redujo a un solo artículo (artículo 100) (8), no explicitándose el alcance de la autonomía. Esto generó la necesidad de definir con mayor precisión la relación entre el CNA y los diversos entes mediante la ley. Dado que preexistían diversas opiniones a nivel político sobre el tema y que los entes tenían posición tomada en defensa de la autonomía, se generaron debates y enfrentamientos mientras duró la Constitución de 1919 que nunca llegaron a resolverse en forma coherente y unificada.Pese a estos problemas, el artículo 100 fue un logro en varios sentidos. Constitucionalizó el proceso de descentralización administrativa que se había iniciado al margen de la Constitución de 1830. Con ello consagró un amplio traspaso de poderes de administración hacia los Consejos Directivos o Directorios de los entes.3.3. Las bases legales del conflicto entre gobierno y burocraciaTeniendo en cuenta estas disposiciones constitucionales, el problema estaba en resolver qué pasaba con las previas Leyes Orgánicas de los entes y servicios descentralizados: el artículo 100, ¿derogaba o no esas leyes? En caso afirmativo: ¿en qué medida se había operado dicha derogación? (SAYAGUÉS LASO, 1991:151).El BROU (9) se amparaba en la frase "serán administrados por Consejos Autónomos" para considerar derogadas de las previas Leyes Orgánicas todo lo referente a los controles administrativos que eventualmente el Ejecutivo pudiera imponer en el gobierno del instituto. Asimismo, en la postura institucional del BROU se consideraba como taxativos todos los casos de intervención del CNA enumerados en la segunda parte del artículo 100. En general, la postura de los entes fue acompañada por la doctrina jurídica de la época, siendo la mayor discrepancia el tema de las potestades presupuestales (donde juristas como Demichelli, Ramela de Castro y Martín C. Martínez mantenían posturas diferentes) (SAYAGUÉS LASO, 1991: 152). Por su parte, el Poder Ejecutivo (fundamentalmente el CNA) y el Parlamento sostuvieron la tesis de que el artículo 100 consagraba solamente el principio de la autonomía, dejando la precisión del alcance de la misma en manos del legislador. En consecuencia, mientras no se dictase la ley reglamentaria se deberían considerar vigentes todos los artículos de las previas Leyes Orgánicas que preveían intervenciones del Ejecutivo o el Parlamento en la administración de los entes. Esta divergencia dio lugar a enfrentamientos entre los poderes y las empresas. En nuestra opinión –pese a no tener evidencia contundente al respecto- las empresas se vieron en la obligación de exagerar sus fueros autonomistas debido a que la constitución de 1919 implicaba por primera vez la coparticipación de ambos partidos tradicionales en la conducción de temas administrativos de gobierno. Es plausible que las empresas -frente a un CNA que contenía en su interior a representantes de la oposición por primera vez- buscasen separar más radicalmente su administración de las injerencias de los poderes como forma de preservar el amplio margen de maniobra al que estaban acostumbradas.(1) Más precisamente, en su 2da presidencia: 1911 – 1916.(2) Luego de 1933 y en un contexto económico y político diferente, las empresas públicas también serán usadas con fines regulatorios junto a otros andamiajes institucionales destinados a tal fin.(3) Este modelo, que es el que corresponde a la 1era Carta Orgánica del Banco de la República (1896), se repitió –con variantes que delimitaban diversos grados de autonomía- para las empresas públicas creadas durante la 2da presidencia de Batlle.(4) Tradición que tuvo tiempo de madurar y permear la conciencia de los burócratas de carrera del Banco República por lo menos a lo largo de 3 décadas (desde la fundación del instituto hasta entrada la década de los '30).(5) Según la constitución de 1919 el Poder Ejecutivo se dividía en dos organismos: Presidente y Consejo Nacional de Administración con funciones específicas y diferenciadas.(6) Una prueba tangencial de ello son los debates con los gobiernos que se verán en el cuerpo central de esta tesis.(7) "Hasta esta última fecha [1967], sin embargo, la autonomía real frente al poder ejecutivo era elevada salvo en los casos, cada vez más frecuentes, de pérdida de la autonomía financiera . Sin embargo, la cuestión de la autonomía y su disminución no es tan simple. En forma paralela a la causa financiera se va produciendo también un proceso de pérdida de la autonomía real frente a los partidos políticos. Estos cada vez recurren con más fuerza al sector empresarial estatal, como recurso político. La paradoja es que dada la estructura de los partidos, la pérdida de autonomía frente a ellos puede traducirse muy a menudo en el surgimiento de la posibilidad de afirmar la autonomía frente al poder ejecutivo, inclusive en casos de imposibilidad de autofinanciamiento". Más adelante concluyen: ".surge la interrogante sobre si lo más característico del período actual es la disminución generalizada de las autonomías, lo que en algunos aspectos parece evidente, o una compleja transformación por la cual antiguas autonomías reales han sido sustituidas por otras diferentes, pero no menos reales" (SOLARI, FRANCO, 1983: 94-95).(8) Artículo 100: "Los diversos servicios que constituyen el dominio industrial del Estado, la instrucción superior, secundaria y primaria, la asistencia y la higiene públicas serán administrados por Consejos Autónomos. Salvo que sus leyes los declaren electivos, los miembros de estos consejos serán designados por el Consejo Nacional. A este incumbe destituir a los miembros de los consejos especiales con venia del Senado, ser juez de las protestas que originen las elecciones de los miembros electivos, apreciar las rendiciones de cuentas, disponer las acciones competentes en caso de responsabilidad y entender en los recursos administrativos según las leyes".(9) Junto con el BROU, también defendían dicha posición los entes autónomos que tenían en lo previo un grado similar de autonomía. *Profesor de Fundamentos de la Investigación Social, Métodos de investigación y Taller de Monografía.Depto de Estudios InternacionalesFACS – ORT Uruguay(ma.baudean@gmail.com). BIBLIOGRAFÍAABERBACH, J.; PUTNAM, R. ; ROCKMAN, B. 1981. Bureaucrats and politicians in western democracies. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.ACEVEDO, Eduardo. 1934. Anales históricos del Uruguay. Tomo IV. Montevideo: Barreiro y Ramos.Banco de la República Oriental del Uruguay [Raúl Montero Bustamante]. (s.f.) El Banco República en su Cincuentenario. 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Part one of an interview with Julia Casey. Topics include: Julia's service as a clerk stenographer in the Civil Service Commission. Family history. Her parents came from Italy; her father was from Crenna and her mother was from Milan. The arranged marriage between her parents and their immigration to the United States. Her grandfather's work at a gas company in Italy. Her relatives worked in an embroidery business in Massachusetts. What it was like for Julia to grow up in Boston. Speaking proper Italian. What their neighborhood in Boston was like. The social club nearby. The foods people cooked and ate. The Christmas traditions of her family. How to prepare and serve polenta. Celebrations for patron saints. ; 1 LINDA: Okay. JULIA: All right. LINDA: So why don't I just start by saying this is Linda Rosenlund with the Center for Italian Culture at Fitchburg State College. It's Wednesday, November 16th, 2002. We're at the home of Julia Casey at 700 Pearl Street in Fitchburg. And Julia is just filling out the biographical information sheet, but I decided to turn the recorder on because she has some interesting anecdotes while she is writing. So she was just about to fill out the work history portion, and she began telling me that she worked for the War Department Chemical Warfare Services in Washington, DC, and you started 10 days after Pearl Harbor. JULIA: Yes. I had -- after high school, I had gone—and it's not noted here—to the stenotype school in Boston. And in the course of learning, they sent us to take a Civil Service Examination since [stenotypee] is a type, is machine shorthand. And in October, I took the [unintelligible - 00:01:13] Civil Service Examination in Boston, and then when the war broke out, I received a telegram to report to Washington by the 17th of December. And so 10 days after Pearl Harbor, I found myself at the War Department for assignment in the Civil Service Commission and the War Department. They sent me there, and then they assigned me to the Chemical Warfare Service as a clerk stenographer. LINDA: Does that mean it wasn't a choice? JULIA: No. No. There was no choice. They assigned you -- thousands of girls were pouring in from all over the country to, to man the increased offices for the War Department. The war was on, and every department in the government needed extra help, and so they took Civil Service Exams all over the country and the girls that were registered were sent telegrams to come in, and then they sent you wherever they needed you. So I worked there until I think October of 1944, and then I was transferred back to the Boston Procurement Office for the Chemical Warfare Service. LINDA: -kinds of things did you learn? 2 JULIA: It was straight stenographic work—filing, clerical, and stenographic work. I worked for a number of different people who dictated letters, and we typed them up and did general office work. LINDA: Were you ever learning anything interesting? JULIA: No. No, except the names of the various gases that they were using at the time, which was still pretty much what they had from World War I—mustard gas and things like that I haven't thought about it in years—but they had arsenals of gases all over the country. And so the correspondence mainly had to do with shipments and [unintelligible - 00:03:30] get into any of the research part at all. Men from major chemical corporations around the country came in to handle the government's program. Beyond that, we have no way of knowing. Things were either stamped secret or confidential. But the correspondence was so voluminous that things that came in, the regulations from the government had to all be filed and none of us did that and read anything like that. It was secret confidential, general -- you just filed it or you did whatever clerical work was assigned. LINDA: Obviously, war is such an uneasy time anyway. It must have been… JULIA: It was very exciting because we were young, and I eventually lived with four roommates in an apartment, and we worked almost six days a week. And because of the wartime, you didn't have as many things open to you. You couldn't visit the White House. For a long time, I never even got to see the Houses of Congress. We lived a very good life. We took care of our apartment. Each of the girls that I lived with, with whom I'm still closed friends, came from the different parts of the country except one who came from my own neighborhood. She lived with us. I lived with the girl from [unintelligible - 00:05:10], Missouri and a girl from Sunnyvale, California, and a girl that had come from Minneapolis, Minnesota, and we kept house, we shopped, we did laundry and we wanted to work in a 3 different agency and went to work with public transportation. We lived in Washington, and then we lived in Arlington, Virginia in an apartment. And we all came back to Boston together. We all arranged for transfers to various agencies in Boston. LINDA: Were you ever questioned about your Italian background? JULIA: No. I never was questioned. The questioning had to do with various organizations that you might have belonged to where they found your name. I mean, I was 18 years old when I left, so… And then I continued my Federal Civil Service until about seven months after I was married. LINDA: And that was in 1951? JULIA: 1950, yes. In April, I think I left my job, and I didn't work just for Chemical Warfare Service because after the war, they had what they call Reduction in Force, RIF. In other words, all the people that had been hired for the war were then let go, but you could go to other agencies that were getting rid of all of the stuff that the government had bought during the war, and one of the agencies I went to was the War Assets Administration in Boston. I forgot the name of the original name of the agency. They are in charge of reselling all of the machine tools that had been bought for the war plants, and New England was a very heavy industrial area for machine tools and machine and all kinds of things. So I went to work for the War Assets Administration, and then I think I put in sometime with one of the Air Force for terminal agencies here at the army base in Boston. And I was pregnant almost immediately after I was married, so I left in April of 1952. My first child was born in June of '52. LINDA: Are you okay? JULIA: Excuse me. I have a dry cough. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: [Unintelligible - 00:08:17] administration. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: I'll put CWS. That's the Chemical Warfare Service. LINDA: Okay.4 JULIA: And then War Assets Administration… and the Air Force. I still have all my papers, so I can check if we have to. And then I left in April. Our church, Catholic. That's all you want, isn't it? Or do you want… LINDA: Well, why don't you tell me where you go now? JULIA: All right. LINDA: -instead of Boston. JULIA: Okay, St. Camillus. LINDA: Okay. You have lived in Fitchburg since '68? JULIA: Yes. I've lived in Fitchburg since -- we moved here because my husband obtained the position of Director of the Library at Fitchburg State College in 1967, and he commuted about a year, and it was too much for him to commute to Boston. So, we had to sell -- we decided to sell our home, and we've lived here since March of 1968. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: Okay. Social clubs, wow. All right, I was a member, and still am, actually, of the League of Women Voters. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: Boston and Fitchburg. [Unintelligible - 00:10:07] Garden Club, where I was president for about four years. It's 1963, 1993, the June of [unintelligible - 00:10:30] Club. LINDA: I'm not familiar with that. JULIA: It's a Catholic layman's organization. I was actually the first woman admitted in the Fitchburg area. Would you mind opening the door? Letting the dog… LINDA: Oh okay. The dog is going to be [unintelligible - 00:10:48] with me now? JULIA: It's cold. She might just -- come on, sweetheart. Come, darling. Come on, Sasha. What a good [unintelligible - 00:10:59]. What a lovely dog! That would be on the tape. LINDA: That's okay. JULIA: All right. Let me…5 LINDA: What's that? JULIA: It's very cold in here because I turned down the heat, and the stove is not on. Let me just turn the heat up. Okay. Hold on. LINDA: Okay. What's the… JULIA: [Unintelligible - 00:11:24]. Ooh, my kids are [unintelligible - 00:11:29]. LINDA: Say what? JULIA: My [unintelligible - 00:11:33]. LINDA: Oh, who cares about things like that? Thanks for showing me all of the photographs. Julia just showed me the photographs that had been in her family since your mother passed away, I guess. What year was that? JULIA: My mother died in 1989 in Windsor, Vermont, because my sister owns a nursing home there and my mother went to live with her. But my mother lived alone on 11 and 13th Pompeii Street in Roxbury until she was 89 years old. My father had bought a six-family house on Pompeii Street, which originally was Lansdowne Street, and she lived in that house until she was 89 years old. Then she came to live with me for a year, and my sister took her up with her right after my son Steven's funeral in August of 1985. I treasure the artifacts, the furniture, and the pictures that I have. I have a whole collection of photographs from Italy which I'm hoping to organize before I die and so that the descendants will have some idea of who they came from. LINDA: Well, tell me a little bit about your parents. Were they born…? JULIA: My father was born in Crenna, Gallarate, C-R-E-N-N-A. It's a small town or village, and it's right above the city of Gallarate, G-A-L-L-A-R-A-T-E, which is a part of the Malpensa Airport in Milan. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: They are Lombards. My mother was born -- Lombardi is the province. My mother was born in Milan on December 5th, 1893. My father was born in Crenna, Gallarate on January 30th, 1891. And the family had lived there for a number of generations, and there are records in the church in Crenna. 6 LINDA: And their last names? Your father's last name is… JULIA: [Tomasine]. LINDA: Tomasine. JULIA: Yeah. LINDA: Mother's? JULIA: Seminario, and it was an arranged marriage. LINDA: So tell me a little bit about that. Did your mother tell you that was an arranged marriage, or…? JULIA: Most Italian women had to have the approval of their families before they married. It's a little complicated. When my father was an infant, a young girl baby was… I do not know the circumstances. She was assigned, she was asked -- no, that's wrong. She was given to my grandmother in Crenna, who was at the time nursing my papa. In other words, she was a nursing mother. And oftentimes when babies were either abandoned or the mother died or was too ill to take care of them, they were given to a nursing mother, who brought that child up along with the child she was nursing. In other words, she became a wet nurse. And if she had sufficient milk—since there were no formulas or bottles at the time—then she nursed both children. And this little girl, whose name was Carolina, she was brought up with my father until she was 18 years old. And then she was given her freedom, her choice to do whatever she wished, and at that time of course, girls, they went to work or they married. And she went to Milan to work, and she met one of my mother's uncles and married him, and as a result of this marriage, the two families were connected, not by blood, but because this girl had been raised with my father. And they have a child of their own, a little girl. And when the little girl was 9 years old, when [unintelligible - 00:17:15] was 9 years old, Carolina, her mother, died. And at the funeral, 7 which was during World War I, my mother went and my father went, because they were from the two families. My father went because she was called his sister of the milk, [foreign language - 00:17:45] de latte. That means that his mother nursed the two of them together, [unintelligible - 00:17:52] de latte. It was quite common, if there was no other way for these little babies to survive. Many women didn't have enough milk to feed their children, and my mother told me that in Milan, there were professionals wet nurses, and they used to come into the city on trams from the surrounding villages, and they wore special headdresses so they were recognized as women who were going to nurse babies in private homes. And this was their profession as long as they could. They would go to the home of somebody who could afford it and nurse a child whose mother is not able to feed a child, and they were honored. They were very respected women, recognized. They used to come in on the trolley cars into the city. And so I thought that was a very interesting thing. I have never heard of it myself. But I know I had another aunt on my father's side who went to South America and who could not nurse her first child and took her to a wet nurse in the country to nurse, to be fed. So it was not an uncommon situation at all. LINDA: So now your parents got connected at the… JULIA: They're only connected -- it's not a blood relationship. LINDA: Right. JULIA: It was marriage. And… LINDA: So you were telling me that it was arranged. JULIA: Yes. When my father came, my father came to America in 1912 with two brothers, two brothers were here, but America was a very tough place to be if you didn't speak English, and he didn't have any high skills. My father was trained as an embroiderer, because that was his father's cottage 8 industry in my [unintelligible - 00:20:23] in Crenna. But he couldn't get that kind of work in America, and so he did heavy laboring, washed dishes and did anything he could. And being the oldest son, when the family in Italy needed him, he went back, but he went back unfortunately in 1914. I think he told me that he went back in April, and in August the war broke out. And his youngest brothers were taught in the Italian army, and his two brothers in America joined the American army. So there were two brothers in the Italian army in the infantry and two boys who had a wonderful time in the American army and never was sent overseas. So when his sister of the milk died, then he met my mother at that funeral, but right after the war's conditions in Italy were very bad, he came back to America in 1919. And he felt that he was then about 26, 27 years old, and he felt that it was time to settle down, and he wrote to his mother. And his mother arranged with my mother's father and asked my mother if she would like to go to America to marry her son. And my mother agreed even though she didn't know him and had only met him at that one time, and so she came to America. LINDA: Did she come by herself? JULIA: No. Italian women did not come by themselves, unlike the Irish, who did. She came with -- by this time, the two boys, Vincent and Peter Tomasine, who were in the United States, decided that they wanted their mother to come. My grandparents were separated at that time, and so they made arrangements. One son Vincent had a girlfriend in Italy that he had more or less grown up with, and he sent for her. And then my uncle Peter and -- let's see, my grandmother came. They sent for their mother and Maria [unintelligible - 00:23:12], who married Vincent, and then my grandmother brought her youngest daughter, Mary, who was not married, and she brought her son-in-law, Angelo [unintelligible - 00:23:25], who 9 was married to my father's sister and had gone back to Italy from South America during the war. And after the war, he wanted to come to America. But the men always came first. So he came with his mother-in-law, who was my grandmother. LINDA: So your father returned in 1919. How long did he take him to save enough money to send for these? JULIA: Well, he worked very hard and the passage was very cheap, and so he sent money for them and sponsored my mother. And when she came here, they were married. There wasn't any big ceremony or anything like that. They lived with his mother and Maria [unintelligible - 00:24:24], who then married my uncle Vincent, and my father's youngest sister, Mary, Maria, and his brother-in-law until they all got settled. They lived in Roxbury in a flat. And then… LINDA: And what year was this that your mother came over JULIA: It was 1920 and '21, 1921. She arrived on October 12th in New York the same day, because she always said she came the same time as Christopher Columbus, on October 12th, 1921. By the way, I have a tape here that I -- of a family history that I wrote up in 1981, and we played it at Christmastime. And the whole story is on this tape. LINDA: Oh, interesting. JULIA: As far as I can remember—and I don't vouch for extreme accuracy in anything, because by that time, my mother was pretty well along in years in the late '70s. And she was 80. My mother and I, I went to Italy for the first time when I was 50 years old in August -- September of 1973. I went back with my mother, and I was in time to meet her brother, Raymundo Clemente, her brother, Umberto. His name was Umberto Seminario, the father of the boy who was lost in the Second World War, and his wife Osana, and my mother's half sister, Anna. And I say half sister because my mother's mother died at the age of 25 from consumption, when my mother was only four years old and her brother was two. And my grandfather, Raymundo Seminario had to remarry. He married within six 10 months so that he could keep his two children. Then there were two girls born of that marriage. LINDA: Did you mention the name Clemente? JULIA: Clemente was my grandfather, Raymundo Clemente Juliano Seminario. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: Yeah, three names. And sometimes they call him Clemente. Sometimes they call him Raymundo. But I was named for him, and my brother was named for him. LINDA: Well, that brings up an interesting point. I see that your name is spelled J-U-L-I-A, and Italian… JULIA: They Americanized it. LINDA: … didn't have J. JULIA: Yes. They don't have a J. LINDA: So when did that happen? JULIA: Probably when the birth certificate was sent into city hall. I was born at home, and the doctors who came in attendance didn't speak any Italian, and so they just put down what they heard phonetically. My brother and sister, all of us were born at home. So the records at city hall were just deplorable. They're awful. Then, of course, when we were baptized, then the names were different even on those baptismal records, which I have, because then we were baptized in the Italian churches in Boston. LINDA: So let me get back to the birth certificate. It's been my experience where the birth certificate actually has the Italian name, but it's later in school. Not yours? JULIA: No. I'd have to look it up, and you know, I'd have to look it up. But I think that the birth certificate -- it might be. LINDA: Well, it's just interesting that you [unintelligible - 00:28:52] change. JULIA: I also have my mother's, her brother's, and their half sister's report cards from their Italian elementary school in Milan, Italy, all signed by their father, my grandfather. I have it right around the corner. They're in the back.11 LINDA: Very interesting. JULIA: I went to visit the schools that they attended when I went to Milan. LINDA: So now your experience seems very different from many of the Italian Americans that I have, and their family is situated [unintelligible - 00:29:33] north. JULIA: Yes. Yes. Most of the Italian immigrants were from the central and southern part of Italy. From the north, the population there was more educated, and there was more industry, so jobs were plentiful unless, like in my grandfather's case, you had an industry where he was an embroiderer at many areas that have cottage industries. He worked out of his own home, and he was not a particularly good business man. So when the wars came along and he lost a lot of money, building an apartment house, so the boys decided that they would all come to America. LINDA: But they actually left the first time before the war. JULIA: Yes. Three of them came before the war, and my father was the only one that went back because he was the oldest son, and he must received word that things were not going well at home. And so he went back to help out for a time, but then after the -- he had to go into combat. Then when he came back after the war, things were not much better, and he joined his brothers in America again. LINDA: What did your mother's people do for…? JULIA: My grandfather started at the age of eight carrying bricks. He came from a large family in [unintelligible - 00:31:20], which is in Lombardi. It's the same town where Mother Cabrini was born. She was a modern Italian saint. And because child labor was very common, he went to school to learn to read and write, but then he got a job carrying bricks to build the gas company, and I just recently found out that the gas company in Milan was built by a French firm. 12 And so after the building was built, he got a job in the company. I don't know what he was doing, but he probably started out by shoveling coal or whatever. They made gas out of burning coal. And eventually, he worked his way up in the company until at the age of 54, he was in charge of sending out the gas to the entire city of Milan. They had huge gasometers in which they stored the prepared gas, and it's very strange because when my mother and father bought their house in Roxbury right across Massachusetts Avenue, which was the main street outside—their street connected to Massachusetts Avenue—there was a huge gasometer meter that was owned by the Boston Gas Company. And so all of my early life, I saw the same huge gasometer that my grandfather was a part of in Milan. LINDA: Interesting. JULIA: Right. It's gone now, as they put in the southeast expressway. They took it away, and they have different -- now they bring the gas in by pipeline, so they don't store it. LINDA: Did you ever have any discussions with your parents about the fact that it was an arranged marriage, or was it just so common then? JULIA: It was very common. You married people that you were introduced to, or there wasn't any of this thing of going out on dates. The expression in Northern Italy for a couple who were interested in each other was [foreign language - 00:34:04], meaning they speak to each other. That was the expression. They stayed in groups. They're amongst the families, and a gentleman, once a young man was interested in a girl, his only access was through her family. LINDA: Now, what brought your father to Boston? JULIA: Because his brothers were here and he figured he could -- he was very, very nervous. After the war, he came back in a very light post -- what do they call it? LINDA: Post-traumatic syndrome? JULIA: Post-traumatic… LINDA: Syndrome, I think.13 JULIA: They didn't call it that at the time, but he couldn't stay at home. And so, he came here and he did mostly have [unintelligible - 00:35:04] for the rest of his life. LINDA: But initially, when he came in 1912 with his brothers, what brought them to Boston? JULIA: Because they -- the Italians had started coming to America around 1890, 1888-1890, and the word got back that you could earn a living, and his brothers happened to be there. They had an aunt, their father's sister, Luisa Milani, came around 1880 or 1890, and she was married to a man who was a stonecutter, and of course, marble and granite. They have quarries in Massachusetts and Vermont, and her husband was a stonecutter. In fact, he died of silicosis. And these men were skilled laborers, and they worked in -- where they made cemetery monuments and they carved, they quarried stone for buildings. So their aunt was here, and they have to have someone to sponsor them. So my first two uncles came under her sponsorship, and so did my father under her sponsorship. Then a younger brother came around 1928. He had remained in Italy after the war. He was the youngest, and he came later than they did. And he became an automobile mechanic, a very skilled one. So that's right. And then my father, he bought these two houses for $1,700 apiece, and his brother Vincent gave him a down payment to put down so he could get settled. They bought homes almost immediately after they arrived. LINDA: Is this on Lansdowne, which later became Pompeii Street? JULIA: Yes. Well, my father did, and then his two brothers bought homes in other places. And his brother Vincent started up the same family embroidery business that he was -- that was his trade the rest of his life. He had a factory in [unintelligible - 00:37:36] where he did a great deal of 14 [wobbler], the embroidered patches that they used to distinguish outfits and military units and all types of things like that. LINDA: What's the name of that company? Do you know? JULIA: It was Vincent Tomasine Embroideries. And in fact later, after the war, long after the war, he sold it to someone else. LINDA: I'm wondering why your father didn't… JULIA: He couldn't stand it. After the way, he couldn't stand indoor work. He just couldn't. He was too nervous, and the business of course was run very differently from what his father had run in Italy, a one-man shop, whereas my uncle, all of my aunts went to work for my uncle, and they would get contracts. Say, women will embroidered slips and embroidered underwear, and the manufacturers in Boston that were making rayon, nylons, shorts would send -- they would stitch up the fronts of the slips, then they would send them by the box-loads to my uncle, who would put them on frames and do the embroideries on the front, then they went back to the factories to be re-stitched, to be stitched and completed. So he did all the embroidery, work whether it was blouses, whether it was slips, whether it was anything else that had to be done. As I said, during the war, it was military patches. LINDA: Now, about your mantle, you have a beautiful piece of embroidery. Who did that? JULIA: My mother. Because her mother had died so young from consumption, my grandfather refused to allow his daughters to work in large factories, in a factory. He didn't want them to do factory work. And so at that time, clothing was made almost custom. They didn't have huge factories that churned them all by the thousands, and fine clothing for girl who was going to be married, her [foreign language - 00:40:00] was made out of fine cloth and linen. And there were many, many -- again, it's a type of cottage industry, but small shops that were girls that were hired for this skill in stitching and 15 attaching tucking, attaching waist, and my mother worked in a place where they made shirts, and all kinds of skilled work was done by hand on single machines. And then every year for the month, they were allowed to vacation. My grandfather took them to the mountains, and that's still customary today. Every summer, most of the Italians go off to the mountains of the seashore for vacation. They believe in that. Most of them can afford to do that. If they can't, then they go away for a week or two. LINDA: So let's talk more about Boston. What was it like living on Lansdowne Street? JULIA: We loved it. It was a good street, and the same people that lived there when I was a child, the girls that grew up with me, other than one or two who have died, are still my friends. I still maintain contact even though they might have been a year or two younger or older, that contact with those families have never really been broken. There were about 60 families on two streets in a very -- they were part of [war day], but they were off of Massachusetts Avenue near the south end of Boston, although it was officially Roxbury. And all of the landlords on those two streets were Italian, and they came from all parts of Italy from the Piedmont to Lombardi down to Abruzzo down to the southern part all the way to Sicily. LINDA: Yeah. JULIA: So I grew up learning many dialects, hearing many dialects, and my mother kept in touch. She wrote letters to her family and friends in Italy and relatives until she couldn't see anymore 65 years later. So I would see my mother sitting there late at night, midnight, writing to Italy, and then the letters would come back and… LINDA: Did she save those?16 JULIA: No. I did it. She didn't. I saved quite a few. I have quite a lot, and as a matter of fact, one of my mother's girlfriends, [unintelligible - 00:43:10], I think, married a man named [unintelligible - 00:43:18], and her descendants lived in a part of Milan, and our children, which would represent the fourth generation, this lady's grandfather worked with my grandfather at the Milan Gasworks. And my mother kept in touch all those years with his daughter, with her friend, because they were neighbors. LINDA: Let me just slide you hand through here. Okay. JULIA: And my daughters and my sister's daughters had gone to Italy after college and met them and stayed with them. So there were four generations whose friendship has stood the test of time. LINDA: That's remarkable. JULIA: They came to visit two years ago, and I've been there to visit twice with my mother. LINDA: So what was it like when you went back? JULIA: It was like déjà vu. I knew everyone that my mother introduced me to. I'm very fluent in the dialect, which is very seldom spoken now anymore, because after Mussolini came in, one of the ways that he tried to unify the country of Italy was to insist that they all speak proper Italian, whereas everyone who came to America during the '20s and before spoke the dialect of their own region, or their own village. In fact, many people on Pompeii Street could not understand my parents. No one could if they spoke in the Lombard dialect, because it was so different. LINDA: How did they communicate? JULIA: Because they did have a common -- they could speak in proper Italian. Many of them had gone to school. And I mean, they could -- if they went to school in Italy, then they could read Italian, but there was a common thread. It was very difficult though, because they usually never spoke in proper Italian. But the southern Italian spoke closer to the proper language.17 LINDA: The southern? JULIA: Yeah. The southern and central ones, they spoke in a manner that was a little bit closer, closer to proper Italian. And my mother wrote in proper Italian, and most of them have had elementary school educations so that they could communicate with their families in Italy. LINDA: Did your parents learn English? JULIA: Yes, they did. My father could read the American paper. They listened to the news on the radio, and of course, we grew up and went to school in America. And my mother was forced. It was very, very difficult adjustment because she frequently misunderstood what I said in English, and it made for a great deal of friction until enough years went by that my youngest sister came along 13 years after I did. By that time, my sister came to understand the Italian because in the family, my mother and father still spoke in dialect and all of my aunts and uncles, the same dialect. So we got it through hearing it. It wasn't until I went back to Italy the first time in 1973 that we went back for three or four weeks, and it was the first time that I had what you call an immersion, where everybody spoke proper Italian and I suddenly understood. Like a person who plays the piano by ear, I understood the Italian. And then, when I went back in '76 with my mother and sister, again I was exposed to about three weeks or so, or a month, of everyone speaking proper Italian, except in mountain villages, where I visited with my mother—they still spoke dialect. And of course, I was fluent, and I still am. LINDA: So let me see though. Do I understand this correctly? Your mother spoke the dialect, but she came to… JULIA: But she could read and write proper Italian. LINDA: Right. So when she returned, and people were speaking more proper…18 JULIA: Right. But we only did family visiting. LINDA: Okay. JULIA: And so everyone she could understand because she could write and she had learned proper Italian. And my mother remembered the lyrics, the words to the songs she had learned from nursery school. She was sent to nursery school. Remember, my grandfather remarried, and his second wife had two babies. And nursery school, [foreign language - 00:49:00], it was called. [Foreign language - 00:49:04] is the proper Italian word. And they had very fine nursery school for children, and so my mother and her brother and sister were sent to nursery school, and -- my mother told me a very interesting thing. Up until she was 15 years old and went to this private Catholic school that was run by the Sisters of the Sacred Heart in Milan, even then, they had a woman who was referred to as [foreign language - 00:49:43]. And I haven't exactly known how to spell it, but a woman accompanied all these children to all their homes. The school was not far from their homes, but the children were accompanied to their homes by a lady. Even when she was 15 years old, someone accompanied all these students to their homes. LINDA: So when they walked home… JULIA: Right. Unless the parents came to get them; and if they couldn't, then somebody took them home. LINDA: Wow. So getting back to Boston, do you have all of these different regions where they are different Italians… from different regions is what I mean… JULIA: And all we young girls, all of us, we would play together, and then we would compare how our mother said things, how we would, you know, be there laughing, and then we [unintelligible - 00:50:48]. My mother said it like this. My mother said it like that. And all of us learned the different dialects, or they understood them even if they didn't try to speak them. 19 We had an awful lot of fun. We played on the street. We played street games. We learned to dance on the street. Our mothers taught us to crochet and embroider. That was another way that we passed the time. And the mothers, because this was small street, when the housework was done or the middle of the day, they came out, and when they weren't arms akimbo leaning out of their windows, they were down in the doorways, and we were watched all our lives, all of those young years. Somebody was always watching and looking out on the street, so nobody got away with anything. LINDA: Now, do the mothers socialize together? JULIA: Yes, they visited each other's little lots. As I said, I think I counted one time; there might have been 60 flats. It's still in existence, that neighborhood. But it's been bought by a developer. In fact, my brother still owns my father's house. He doesn't live there, but he still owns it. LINDA: So you had all different kinds of generations… JULIA: And all different kinds of cooking and all different generations; and when they died, they were waked in the apartments. They were not waked in funeral homes. Many children were born on the street, so we saw it all. We experienced it all. And young people died. I had two friends who were wonderful, lost a sister. Both of them lost sisters at 21 years old, and the whole street was born. It was complete support from everyone, because these girls had been -- one died in childbirth at 21 years old, and the other one died from apparently a blood clot just after some surgery. And everyone went to Boston City Hospital because we were only five minutes away from it. LINDA: Were the mourning traditions different between different regions? JULIA: They wore black. Some of them never took off that black. Even in the north end, most women who lost their husbands would wear black for the rest of their lives unless they remarried. Some of them did the same thing 20 on my street; if they lost their husbands they wore black housedresses. It was just the custom. But several children died, two of them from spinal meningitis, which at that time was fatal. And I think one was nine and one was 14. And of course, women, they mourned. They wept. They cried. That was a terrible thing. It was a part of life, and they didn't try to gloss over it. They lost a child in childbirth. You could hear them sometimes screaming from the pain even though doctor might come, an intern might come from Boston City Hospital. I remember that one of my friends' mother gave birth, and she lived on the third floor across the street. It must have been an extremely painful experience. My mother was marking the floor gray-faced, remembering her own. LINDA: So there was very little privacy. JULIA: The flat was small, and there was very little privacy. We knew who got along, who didn't get along. And some of them, even though they came from the old country, if things got too bad, they will separate. But for the most -- and the women as they got older, our parents, not my mother -- my mother went to work during the Depression when my father had an accident and broke his leg. He couldn't go to work. My mother went to work at the army base stitching uniforms. But it was only for a short time. As soon as my father was well enough to go back to work, then she had to stay home. LINDA: … in that area generally help each other? JULIA: To some extent. I will say this. When the Depression came, even though we lived in an industrial neighborhood, there were many pieces of vacant land. We have no idea who belonged to them, whether they were city owned land or belong to the neighboring factories. We had two very huge laundries which are still in existence. They were linen services. They 21 serviced hotels, restaurants. They did that kind of thing, places that used a lot of uniforms. So the girls who were brought up just ahead of me, many of them went to work in the laundry. I did too for a short time, while I went to night school after high school, and then as I said, when I passed the civil service exam, then I went to Washington. And after that, I did office work. But as the women grew older and their children were out of high school, many of them went to work either in the laundry or in a box factory. But during the Depression, every family sectioned off some small piece of these vacant lots and grew gardens. That was natural for them; even my father had an enormous garden from a piece of land that was vacant near our home. And according to my sister—this was while I was in Washington—and my mother, he just grew marvelous vegetables. Everybody grew, even in their backyards. No piece of land went to waste. So I never knew anyone who went hungry during the Depression. They would find jobs for each other. You just have to let -- they worked for private contractors, and Italian contractors were making their way up succeeding the Irish. So if my father was out of a job, he would notify the Italian men in the neighborhood and somebody would find him a job. LINDA: Now, did you notice that these people from different regions, did they kind of stick together? JULIA: Yes, they did. They [unintelligible - 00:58:30] somebody bought houses close together and lived in -- and people from the Piedmont occupied apartments kind of close together. But it was a tiny street. It was very small. So you were all -- you just grew up together. And as the women, as the families lived there longer 22 and longer, they got closer to each other, so they learned to respect each other. LINDA: What do you think the unifying factor would be, would have been? JULIA: The fact that they were all immigrants, and that they were locked into these -- they were a part of this small neighborhood. So you have to get -- men played bocce at the end of the street. Then they set up a social club. A few of the men from Abruzzo belonged to the Sons of Italy. And in the summertime, they would have a bus come to the street, and all the Italians who wanted to would bring watermelons and macaroni and meatballs and Italian bread and cheese and salami. If you want to tour, you can get on the bus and they would go to public parks where the Sons of Italy would have a big day. There would be a dance pavilion. They would dance to all this Italian music and have picnics, and the young kids would let them go [unintelligible - 01:00:15]. LINDA: Now, did people growing up here, did they begin their own social clubs depending on regions? JULIA: No. There was just one, and most of them were… I think the ones that belong to it mostly were from the Abruzzo. My father belonged to it a little while, but he wasn't really active. But there were quite a few families from the Abruzzo region of Italy and they belong. And they drank wine; they made wine in the house. The grapes would come into Charlestown, Massachusetts on the trains, and every October they would go to Charlestown and they would order a truckload of grapes. Then they would borrow grinders—my father did too—and grind the grapes. They might make a [unintelligible - 01:01:08] with boxes of grapes and make wine. So whenever you went to visit then [unintelligible - 01:01:16] you were an adult, they always offer you a glass of wine. Everybody's cooking was different because they came from different regions. My mother never learned to make what we refer to at the time as pasta [foreign language -23 01:01:33]. But today it's knows as spaghetti and meatballs. My mother had to learn after she came to America. That was not part of our Italian food culture at all. My mother came -- Milan is near a rice-growing area. So in Northern Italy, you eat cornmeal, polenta, and rice were the staples, soups. But in Southern Italy, they were used to for special occasions, they would -- it was always with tomato sauce that was the standard pasta with tomato sauce. Very seldom, they eat rice. None of us ate much meat. Meat was eaten very sparingly. In the Lombard region, the main dish which is now becoming, and again, has become very, very popular is called risotto. That was one of the staples that I grew up with. And the holidays, we had -- at that time, some of the delicacies that are important today were not important. Things like [foreign language - 01:03:10] was not important, but my mother told us about the Christmas customs in her home. She always mentioned this [foreign language - 01:03:19]. Now you can buy it anywhere. They import it, because the fly it in, and we had special things that we ate on holidays. And my mother told us about the Christmas customs of her family. LINDA: So was that a strong tradition on Christmas Eve celebration? JULIA: Christmas Eve was considered even by the Church as a day of fasting and abstinence. Christmas Eve, when I was growing up, was a non-meat day, and amongst the Italians, who were not accustomed to dairy anyway, they use cheese. But on Christmas Eve, you ate neither milk products nor meat. You ate fish. Now, the southern and central Italians would celebrate. They might cook six or seven, in some families, 12 different kinds of fish dishes. In my family, we observe Christmas Eve very quietly with no kind of celebration at all. The next day on Christmas, then we would have -- we might have polenta, which I made this Christmas, by the way. 24 LINDA: Oh, you did. JULIA: Yes. LINDA: Now, how did you serve it? JULIA: I plugged in? LINDA: You are. Just having system -- hang on. Okay. JULIA: Polenta is made—and I can assure you because I still have a package of flour there. You can buy it today under the Goya brand; it's the only place I find it. But in my father's day, you went to the various Italian markets and they would have barrels of it, and you bought course ground corn flour, cornmeal, and then you just put it into -- I still have my parents' cup of polenta pot. Everybody brought their polenta pot from Italy. It was called, in the dialect, the parieu. LINDA: How do you spell it? Do you know? JULIA: Parieu, P-A-R-I-E-U. It's how you pronounced it. That's in Lombard dialect. LINDA: And that's the polenta pot. JULIA: Right. Let's see, how did they say it in Italy? Paiolo is the proper Italian word, I think, if I can find it in here. Paiolo, P-A-I-O-L-O or P-A-I-U-O-L-O; it's a boiler, a copper, a cauldron, a kettle, that they used for polenta. LINDA: So how did your family used to serve the polenta? JULIA: The polenta was made in this copper pot that had a rounded bottom designed to hang from a crane on a fireplace. Because in Italy, they didn't have stoves, not even my mother's family, who lived in an apartment in the city, had a stove; they had small gas light burners. But if you have -- we have kitchen rangers, black iron ranges, and they would remove the round top on one section of it in the front where the fire was farthest, and boil a certain amount of water when you have much water to boil. And then you very, very slowly added the cornmeal. You added salt, maybe a little piece of garlic, and you slowly add in the cornmeal. 25 Now, one person has to hold the pot so it wouldn't tip over. And my father, that was my father's job, to stir that cornmeal until it was very thick and firm, and used an old piece of broomstick to do this, a [canalla], a piece of stick, like a piece of broomstick. Then when it was very firm, they would put down a cutting board, a piece of board on the table, cover it with a flour sack that had been -- a clean dishcloth. They used to make dishcloths out of flour sacks, the women, unbleached muslin. And my father would take that big kettle of polenta and dump it over on top of this cloth and then cover it. Then they use the string to cut it. You cut it because it would slice down with the string. And I've met many people in Fitchburg who remembered that same system of cooking polenta and cutting it with the string and dumping it over onto something. And we served it with various kinds of stew. Now, the southern and central Italians would most likely serve it with a meat ragout or Italian tomato sauce that they might use for any pasta dish. We served it with a stew that was called cassoeula, very difficult to spell, C-A-S-S-O-E-U-L-A. It was made from savoy cabbage, Italian sausages, spare ribs, and cooked with carrots and onions and garlic into light -- but no tomatoes, celery, into this wonderful stew, and I made it this Christmas. So from now on, as long as I'm alive, that's what we'll have for Christmas, and that's what we ate. Or they would make a rabbit… make a stew out of rabbit or chicken. But that's how we ate it. Then my father would eat it with gorgonzola cheese. And the next day, you sliced it and cut it and fried it with eggs for lunch or supper. I had an uncle, an old uncle, who lived with me after he was widowed, and he used to slice it the next day and layer it with milk and onions and bake it. And you can use polenta like you can use potatoes or rice with anything. It's delicious. My Irish husband loves it. Right, the kids love it. And you can make it out of a Quaker oats cornmeal too, but I don't like it as well as I 26 do the coarse meal. It has become quite popular again in upscale restaurants. LINDA: Now, when your mother would serve it on the board at the table, did… JULIA: Yeah. Put your dish there, and my father would take the string and the slice would fall on to the dish, then she'd serve the stew from the bowl or the pan. LINDA: I've also heard of people in Fitchburg, their mother would lay it out on the board, and then everyone would kind of eat it… JULIA: I have all that. Now, the first one I met since I've been here that tells me that, but I have a very close friend whose parents have 13 children, and the father made a big, long table to accommodate them. They lived in my father's, one of my father's flats, and when they made the polenta and the tomato sauce, he would lay it out on this table, and every child would have, every person would have a section and would eat with his fork or spoon, then they would put the tomato sauce over it. Right. LINDA: That's interesting. JULIA: Right. LINDA: So now, living with all these different regions or people from regions, were there different patron saints or celebrations? JULIA: A lot of them had relatives in the north end, and the north end was really the center of the Italian religious community, and so some of them would visit their relatives on feast days. Some of the Sicilian women who had relatives in the north end, they would go to the north on feast days. But we didn't do that. They would celebrate the feast days now that I think of it by cooking special foods, and a lot of them have like little [plaster] saints, and they would always keep votive candles, which was strange. They were little wicks that floated, little wicks, and you lit the wick, and they'd have like some kind of maybe a little asbestos washer, some little washer. I haven't seen those for 50-60 years. I haven't seen them. But I remembered the women used to keep -- a lot of the Southern Italian 27 women would keep votive lights. They would pray for their families and pray for good health, and they were attached to devotions to these different saints, or St. Joseph or the Virgin Mary, and they would keep little votive lights. I'm trying to think what -- they didn't have racks in them, but I don't know what the liquid was in these -- I mean, they still have the same candleholders. I got them on my dining room table right there, but they didn't have -- I don't remember the candles. I remember these little wicks./AT/jf/lk/es
UNTER DEM ROTEN KREUZ IM WELTKRIEGE Unter dem Roten Kreuz im Weltkriege ( - ) Einband ( - ) Deckblatt ( - ) [Abb.]: ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) [Widmung]: Dem Buch, das die Geschichte des Roten Kreuzes und seine Tätigkeit im Weltkrieg behandelt und in dem das amtliche Rotkreuzmaterial verwertet worden ist, wünsche ich vollen Erfolg und weite Verbreitung unter den Deutschen. Der Präsident des Deutschen Roten Kreuzes Herzog von Sachsen-Coburg und Gotha. ( - ) Vorwort: Die Herausgeber. ( - ) Inhaltsverzeichnis. ( - ) Erster Teil. Die freiwillige Krankenpflege in der Zeit vor dem Weltkriege. ( - ) I. Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege bis zum Weltkriege. (1) a) Bis zum Beginn des Deutsch-französischen Krieges 1870/71. (1) [Abb.]: Erste Hilfe auf einem Schlachtfelde 1796. (2) [Abb.]: Henri Dunant. (6) [Abb.]: Prinz Heinrich XIII. Reuß, der erste Vorsitzende des Zentralkomitees zur Pflege im Felde verwundeter und erkrankter Krieger (Preußisches Zentralkomitee). (7) [Abb.]: Freiwillige Krankenpflege 1864. (8) [Abb.]: Graf Eberhard zu Stolberg-Wernigerode, der erste Königliche Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (9) [Brief]: Berlin, den 10. November 1866. An den Kriegsminister. Wilhelm. (10) [Abb.]: Gräfin Luise von Itzenplitz, die erste Vorsitzende des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins. (11) [Abb.]: Wirklicher Geheimer Rat von Sydow, der erste Vorsitzende des Zentralkomitees der deutschen Vereine zur Pflege im Felde verwundeter und erkrankter Krieger (Deutsches Zentralkomitee). (12) [Abb.]: Fürst Heinrich XI. von Pleß, Königlicher Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege während des Krieges 1870/71. (13) b) Vom Deutsch-französischen Kriege 1870/71 bis 1914. (14) [Abb.]: Verbandmittelbereitung 1870. (15) [Abb.]: Freiwilliges Turner-Sanitätskorps Offenbach a.M. 1870/71. (16) [Abb.]: Internationales Komitee in Genf bei einer Kriegs-Sitzung. (19) [Brief]: Eine Kabinettsorder vom 3. März 1890 lautete: Wilhelm R. Auguste Viktoria R. (23) [Abb.]: Krankentransport bei einer Überschwemmung in der Altmark im Jahre 1908. (24) [Abb.]: Rote-Kreuz-Hilfeleistung im Überschwemmungsgebiet des Rheins, Eingang zur Volksküche des Roten Kreuzes in Schloß Neuwied. (25) [Abb.]: Rote-Kreuz-Hilfeleistung im Überschwemmungsgebiet des Rheins, Speisung durch Mitglieder des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz. (26) [Abb.]: Rote-Kreuz-Hilfeleistung im Überschwemmungsgebiet des Rheins, Speisung durch Mitglieder des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz. (27) [Abb.]: Rote-Kreuz-Hilfeleistung im Überschwemmungsgebiet des Rheins, Notspeisung. (29) II. Die Organisation der deutschen freiwilligen Krankenpflege vor dem Kriege. (31) [Abb.]: Sanitätskolonnen-Übung im Zentraldepot vom Roten Kreuz in Neu-Babelsberg. (33) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Zugführer und Pfleger oder Träger. (34) [2 Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Delegierter in der Uniform der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (37) Zweiter Teil. Die freiwillige Krankenpflege im Weltkriege. ([39]) I. Mobilmachung. (41) [Abb.]: Einkleiden freiwilliger Krankenträger im Zentraldepot vom Roten Kreuz in Neubabelsberg. (42) [Abb.]: Fürst zu Solms-Baruth, Kaiserlicher Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (43) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege beim Ausmarsch, Sektions-(Gruppen-)Führer. (44) [Abb.]: Lazarett in einer Doeckerschen Baracke. (45) [2 Abb.]: (1)Sammelstelle für Liebesgaben der vereinigten Männer- und Frauenvereine vom Roten Kreuz in Braunschweig. (2)Gemeinsame Pflegetätigkeit von Schwestern vom Roten Kreuz und von Diakonissen in einem Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz in Ostrowo, Provinz Posen. (46) [2 Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Arzt der freiwilligen Krankenpflege beim Ausmarsch und nach August 1916. (47) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erfrischung durchreisender Reservisten und Landwehrmänner in Pfaffenhofen a.d. Ilm. (2)Küche und Eßraum der Verpflegungsstelle des Roten Kreuzes auf dem Hauptbahnhof Mainz. (48) [2 Abb.]: (1)Verbandstation des Roten Kreuzes auf dem Venloer Bahnhof in Hamburg. (2)Verbandraum auf einem Bahnhof. (49) [Abb.]: Verband- und Erfrischungsstation Olivaer Tor des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins in Danzig. (50) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erfrischung durchreisender Truppen in Pfaffenhofen a. Ilm. (2)Verpflegung eines Truppentransportes durch das Rote Kreuz. (51) [Abb.]: Flüchtlinge in Ostpreußen. (52) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarett Burgfeld-Lübeck: Baracke im Pfingstschmuck. (2)Schlafsaal des Vereinslazaretts im Evangelischen Vereinshaus zu Mülheim an der Ruhr. (53) [2 Abb.]: (1)Reservelazarett "Neue Welt", Hasenheide in Berlin. (2)Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz im Johanniterhospital Plön, Pavillon und Liegehallen. (54) [Abb.]: Lazarettzug F2 des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Berlin, Stifterin Frau Else Dürr in Leipzig, vor der Ausfahrt. (55) [Abb.]: Entladen eines Lazarettzuges in Ingolstadt. (56) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zum Verwundetentransport eingerichteter Anhängerwagen der elektrischen Straßenbahn. (2)Vom Straßenbahnwagen in das Lazarett. (57) [2 Abb.]: (1)Einladen Verwundeter in einen Straßenbahnzug. (2)Verwundetentransport in Straßenbahnzügen. (58) [2 Abb.]: (1)Postkraftwagen zum Transport für Leichtverwundete eingerichtet. (2)Sanitätsmobil mit Anhänger. (59) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege beim Ausmarsch, Arzt, Zugführer und Zugführerstellvertreter. (60) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Zugführer. (2)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Zugführerstellvertreter. (61) [3 Abb.]: (1)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (2)Personal eines mobilen Transporttrupps beim Ausmarsch. (3)Ausmarsch eines mobilen Transportzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege aus München. (62) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schwestern vorm Ausrücken ins Feld. (2)Auf der Fahrt zur Front. (63) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ausmarsch eines mobilen Transportzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege aus München. (2)Ausmarsch eines mobilen Transportzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege aus München. (64) II. Aufbau und Arbeit. (65) 1. Der Kaiserliche Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege und der Stellvertretende Militär-Inspekteur. (65) [Abb.]: Der Kaiserliche Kommissar der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Fürst zu Solms-Baruth, bei einer Inspektionsreise in Lodz. (66) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Pfleger oder Träger. (67) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Delegiertenschreiber mit dem Range eines Zugführerstellvertreters. (2)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Sektions-(Gruppen-)Führer. (68) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Ablösungs- und Ersatztransporte. (69) [Abb.]: Die ersten Rote Kreuz-Medaillen. (70) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Delegierte (Inaktive Offiziere, Johanniterritter, Delegierter in der Uniform der freiwilligen Krankenpflege). (71) [Abb.]: Der Generaldelegierte-Ost, Fürst zu Hohenlohe-Langenburg, bei einer Inspektionsreise in Lodz. (72) [Abb.]: Im Grabe eines freiwilligen Krankenpflegers. (73) [Brief]: "Berlin, den 2.12.1918. gez. Fürst Hohenlohe-Langenburg." (73) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Ersatztransport. (74) 2. Das Zentralkomitee der Deutschen Vereine vom Roten Kreuz und die Landeskomitees. (74) [Abb.]: Der Vorsitzende des Preußischen Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz, General der Kavallerie z.D. von Pfuel. (75) [Abb.]: Sitzung des Zentralkomitees der Deutschen Vereine vom Roten Kreuz. (76) [Abb.]: Eisenbahner- und Soldatenheim in Brüssel. (77) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eisenbahnerheim Schaarbeck. (2)Soldatenheim in Löwen. (78) [2 Abb.]: (1)Genesungsheim Kaiserbad vom Roten Kreuz in Rosenheim. (2)Lesehalle im Soldatenheim Lodz. (79) [Abb.]: Zeitungsabteilung des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz, Berlin, Abgeordnetenhaus. (80) [Abb.]: Kameraden-Nachforschung durch Vermittlung des Internationalen Komitees in Genf. (81) [Abb.]: Gefangenenfürsorge, Ankunft deutscher Austauschgefangener aus Rußland in Saßnitz. (82) [Abb.]: Gefangenenfürsorge, Ankunft deutscher Austauschgefangener aus Rußland in Saßnitz. (83) [Abb.]: Ankunft der ersten Austauschgefangenen, Verpflegungsstelle des Vereins vom Roten Kreuz Aachen-Stadt. (85) [Abb.]: Sammelstelle des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz in Berlin. (88) [Abb.]: Sammelstelle des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz in Berlin. (89) 3. Die deutschen Frauenvereine vom Roten Kreuz. (90) [Abb.]: Verband- und Erfrischungsstation Olivaer Tor des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Danzig. (91) [Abb.]: Erfrischungsstation des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Altenkirchen. (92) [Abb.]: Liebesgaben aus der Heimat, Weihnachtspakete des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins. (93) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Mutterhaus und Krankenanstalt des Bayerischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz in München. (94) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug H.1 des Provinzialvereins vom Roten Kreuz für Hannover. (95) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz Orangerie Potsdam. (96) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz Orangerie Potsdam. (2)Gartenfest im Vereinslazarett Orangerie Potsdam. (97) [Abb.]: Lebensmittelsammlung des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Straßburg im Elsaß zum Geburtstag der Kaiserin 1915. (98) [Abb.]: Damen des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Braunschweig beim Ausbessern von Lazarettwäsche. (99) [Abb.]: Reservelazarett Lehrerseminar Krotoschin, Speisekammer. (100) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz Kaiserslautern-Rheinpfalz. (2)Nähstube des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Naumburg a.d. Saale. (101) [Abb.]: Kriegsfrauenhilfe in Duisburg, Ausgabe von Heimarbeit. (102) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für Angehörige von Kriegsteilnehmern, Lebensmittelverteilung durch den Nationalen Frauendienst Ostrowo. (103) [Abb.]: Fürsorge in der Heimat, Säuglingsfürsorgestelle in Hannover. (104) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Kinder auf Erholungsreise. (105) [Abb.]: Fürsorge in der Heimat, Heim für Kriegerkinder in Schneidemühl. (106) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kinderspeisung des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Ostrowo. (2)Kriegskinder bei der Mahlzeit im Wiesbadener Ferienheim. (107) [Abb.]: Fürsorge in der Heimat, Essenausgabe in einer Volksküche. (108) [Abb.]: Schuhflickwerkstätte des Badischen Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz in Karlsruhe, von Frau Luise Kautz geschaffen. (109) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rotes Kreuz Kiel, Unterricht für Kriegerfrauen. (2)Kursus in der Schuhflickwerkstätte des Badischen Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz in Karlsruhe. (110) [Abb.]: Bürgerspeisehalle des Roten Kreuzes Berlin, Moritzplatz. (111) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge in Ostpreußen. (114) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge in Ostpreußen. (115) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge, Essenausgabe in der Verband- und Erfrischungsstelle vom Roten Kreuz auf dem Ostbahnhof in Braunsberg in Ostpr. (116) [Brief]: An den Kaiserlichen Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. Neues Palais, den 24. Dezember 1916. gez. Auguste Viktoria. (117) [Gedicht]: (117) 4. Die Ritterorden. (118) [Abb.]: Johanniter-Krankenhaus Sonnenburg, Neumark. (118) [Abb.]: Johanniter-Krankenhaus Sterkrade, Rheinland. (119) [2 Abb.]: (1)Johanniter-Krankenhaus Lauenburg, Pommern. (2)Vereinslazarettzug Y des Johanniterordens, Operationswagen. (120) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Johanniter-Krankenhaus Bad Polzin, Pommern. (121) [Abb.]: Johanniter-Krankenhaus Pritzwalk, Brandenburg. (122) [Abb.]: Malteser-Krankenhaus und Mutterhaus der Borromäerinnen Kloster Trebnitz, Schlesien. (123) [Abb.]: Malteserritter in Felduniform. (124) [2 Abb.]: (1)Malteser-Krankenhaus und Mutterhaus der Borromäerinnen Kloster Trebnitz, Schlesien. (2)Apotheke des Malteser-Krankenhauses Kloster Trebnitz, Schlesien. (125) [2 Abb.]: (1)Malteser Charitas-Heim in Breslau. (2)Vereinslazarettzug R1 des Vereins der Schlesischen Malteserritter. (126) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug R1 des Vereins der Schlesischen Malteserritter. (127) [2 Abb.]: (1)Malteser-Krankenhaus St. Anna in Breslau. (2)Malteserlazarett an der Tiroler Front. (128) 5. Das Internationale Komitee des Roten Kreuzes und das Rote Kreuz der neutralen Staaten. (129) [Abb.]: Krankenzimmer in einem Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz in Markt Redwitz, Bayern. (129) [2 Abb.]: (1)Sitzung des Internationalen Komitees des Rotes Kreuzes in Genf. (2)Die Internationale Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (130) [Abb.]: Gustav Ador, Präsident des Internationalen Komitees des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (131) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Abteilung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (2)Deutsche Abteilung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf, Kartothek. (132) [Abb.]: Französische Abteilung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (133) [Abb.]: Vermißten-Nachforschung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf, Annahme mündlicher Nachfragen. (134) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Gefangenen-Liste, Deutsche Kriegsgefangene. (2)Russische Gefangenen-Liste, Deutsche Offiziere. (135) [Abb.]: Schreibmaschinen-Abteilung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (136) [Abb.]: Nachricht eines Deutschen aus französischer Kriegsgefangenschaft. (137) [Abb.]: Bücherei in einem sibirischen Gefangenenlager. (138) [Abb.]: Baracke in einem sibirischen Gefangenenlager als Kirche eingerichtet. (139) [Abb.]: Schwedische Delegierte transportieren Liebesgaben über die sibirische Steppe. (140) [Abb.]: Elsa Brandström. (141) [Abb.]: Empfang von Austauschverwundeten in der Schweiz. (142) [Abb.]: Die ersten Austausch-Invaliden aus Rußland mit Elsa Brandström, August 1915. (143) [Abb.]: Verteilung norwegischer Liebesgaben. (144) [Abb.]: Amerikanische Ambulanz in Gleiwitz. (145) [Abb.]: Amerikanische Ambulanz in Gleiwitz. (146) [Abb.]: Amerikanische Ambulanz in Gleiwitz. (147) [Abb.]: Amerikanische Ambulanz in Gleiwitz. (148) [Abb.]: Kinder auf Erholungsreise ins Ausland. (149) III. Die freiwillige Krankenpflege im Felde. (151) [Abb.]: Eintreffen von Verwundeten auf einem Hauptverbandplatz. (152) [Abb.]: Westlicher Kriegsschauplatz, Sanitätskompagnie bricht zum Absuchen eines Schlachtfeldes auf. (153) [Abb.]: Operationsbaracke in einem Feldlazarett. (154) 1. Pflegedienst. (154) a) Im Bewegungskriege. (154) [Abb.]: Etappensanitätsdepot (Schwestern des Gräfin Ritterberg-Mutterhauses vom Roten Kreuz, Berlin-Lichterfelde). (155) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. St. Johann von Baßel, den 26. August 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester S. (156) [Abb.]: Blick vom Kriegslazarett auf Laon. (157) [Abb.]: Lazarett in einer Scheune. (158) [Brief]: Liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre B.P. (158) [Brief]: Tirlemont bei Löwen (Belgien) am 26. August, 4 Uhr nachmittags. Schwester Johanna. (158) [Abb.]: Baracken, durch Mannschaften der freiwilligen Krankenpflege errichtet. (159) [Brief]: Cambrai, den 16. September 1914. Sehr geehrter Herr Professor! Schwester Käte Eggler. Schwester Hedwig Woldt. Schwester Berta Nitz. Schwester Martha Barkowski. Schwester Lucia Müller. Schwester Helene Kroll. (159) [Brief]: F., 5. September 1914. Hochverehrte Frau Oberin! (160) [Abb.]: Krankenzelte, errichtet durch Mannschaften der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (161) [Brief]: M., den 15. September 1914. Hochverehrte Frau Oberin! Ihre sehr ergebene Schwester Erika. (161) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. D.-A., 4. September 1914. Sehr verehrte liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Martha. (162) [Abb.]: Beladen eines Lazarettzuges in Frankreich. (163) [Brief]: C. (Frankreich), den 12. September 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Lena. (163) [Brief]: .(Frankreich), den 13. September 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester E. (164) [Brief]: Chimay, den 7. September 1914. Meine liebe Schwester Irene! Herzlichen Gruß für Dich und Deine Geschwister von Deiner treuen Hede. (164) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Unterm Roten Kreuz" von Emmy von Rüdgisch, Lahr in Baden 1915. (165) [Brief]: Schwesternbrief. Franziska Rieger. (166) [Abb.]: Russisches Lazarett in Suwalki nach der Einnahme der Stadt durch die Deutschen. (167) [Abb.]: Überführung nichttransportfähiger Verwundeter in das Etappenlazarett zu Nawaruska. (168) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. Sch., den 22. August 1914. (168) [Abb.]: Deutsche Sanitätssoldaten in Rußland. (169) [Brief]: Erlebnisse unter russischer Herrschaft. (169) [Brief]: Königsberg, 18. IX. 1914. S.P. (170) [Brief]: Insterburg, den 8. November 1914. Sehr geehrte Frau Oberin! (171) [Brief]: Erlebnisse der Krankenschwester Elli Weinhöfer in russischer Gefangenschaft. (171) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe der Schwester Jula Delbrück. (173) [Brief]: L. (Östlicher Kriegsschauplatz), den 10. Februar 1915. Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Helene Adrian. (173) [Brief]: Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre Schwester Sophie. (174) [Brief]: Bericht der Schwester Karla Freiin von Wangenheim aus: "Das Geschlecht der Freiherrn von Wangenheim im Weltkriege". (175) [Brief]: Briefe der Schwester Paula. Maluszyn, den 3. November 1914. Schwester Paula. (175) [Brief]: Redez-Wielki, 20. November 1914. Schwester Paula. (176) [Brief]: Schwesternbrief. Ostrowo, Ende Februar 1915. Mit herzlichen Grüßen Deine Schwester Ch. (176) b) Im Stellungskriege. (177) [Abb.]: Lazarettbaracke in Auvigny. (178) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. H. (Etappenlazarett), den 6. Oktober 1914. Liebe verehrte Frau Oberin! Schwester M. (178) [Abb.]: Truppenverbandplatz im Stellungskriege. (179) [Brief]: St.Qu. (westlicher Kriegsschauplatz), Waisenhaus, 27. Januar 1915. Schwester Käte. (180) [Brief]: Bericht des Zugführers Friedrich Engelhardt. (180) [Abb.]: Barackenbau durch Mannschaften eines Transportzuges. (181) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. C. (Belgien), Weihnachten 1914. Sehr liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester L.R. (181) [Abb.]: Vor der Kirche in Rethel. (182) [Brief]: C., den 31. Dezember 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Marie. (182) [Abb.]: Weihnachten im Lazarett in Montmedy. (183) [Brief]: (Osten), den 21. März 1915. Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Emma. (183) [Brief]: Bericht des Delegierten der Seuchenabteilung Spaethe im Generalgouvernement Warschau. (184) [Abb.]: Lazarett bei Reims, im Operationssaal. (185) [Brief]: Bericht des Delegierten bei der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung 51, von Chlapowo-Chlapowski. (185) [Abb.]: Zeltbau durch Mannschaften eines Transportzuges. (186) [Brief]: Bericht des Delegierten beim Kriegslazarettdirektor 57, Grafen Spreti. (186) [Abb.]: Entseuchungsanstalt Blanc-Misseron, der fertiggestellte Warteraum. (187) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. L., den 19. April 1915. Liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre stets dankbare Schwester Luise. (187) [Brief]: Galizien, R., den . Liebe Frau Oberin! Seien Sie herzlich gegrüßt von Ihrer Schwester Frieda. (188) [Abb.]: Grab des Sektionsführers der freiwilligen Krankenpflege Erhard in Lille. (189) [Brief]: Przemysl, den 11. Juli 1915. Sehr geehrte Frau Oberin! Seien Sie, sehr verehrte Frau Oberin, sowie alle Schwestern auf das herzlichste gegrüßt von Ihrer sehr ergebenen dankbaren Schwester Käte. (189) [Brief]: P. (östlicher Kriegsschauplatz) Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Mit den herzlichsten Grüßen Ihre ganz ergebene Schwester Hedwig. (190) [Brief]: K. (östl. Kriegsschauplatz), den . Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Frieda. (191) [Brief]: (191) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Hessischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz und des Alice-Frauenvereins über ihre gemeinsame Tätigkeit während des Krieges 1914-1918. (192) [Brief]: Die Einrichtung eines solchen Badezuges beschreibt der Kriegsberichterstatter, Hauptmann a.D. Pietsch wie folgt: (192) [Abb.]: In einer feldmäßig hergestellten Entlausungsanstalt. (193) [Brief]: Schlicht und sachlich berichtet im April 1916 der Delegierte bei der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung 123, Bertram: (194) [Abb.]: Krankenzelte im Feldlazarett und Erholungsheim Chateau Belval. (195) [Brief]: Aus dem Bericht des Delegierten von Chlapowo-Chlapowski. (195) [Brief]: Aus der Flandernschlacht des Jahres 1917 berichtet der Etappendelegierte der 4. Armee, daß zu Beginn des Jahres . (195) [Brief]: Schilderung einer Nachtwache in M. Von Schwester Dora Wieland. (196) [Brief]: So heißt es im Bericht des Etappendelegierten der Armeeabteilung C, von Normann: (196) [Abb.]: Schwestern der freiwilligen Krankenpflege erwarten zusammen mit dem Kronprinzen an der Aisnefront die Ankunft des Kaisers. (197) [2 Briefe]: (1)Bericht des Etappendelegierten der 4. Armee, Freiherrn von La Roche-Starkenfels. (2)Der Delegierte bei der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung bayer. 24, Graf von Rechberg-Elkofen, schreibt in seinem Bericht über die Tätigkeit des ihm unterstellten Trupps, es sei . (197) [Brief]: Schwesternbrief. Westen, P., den 26./27. Mai 1916. Sehr verehrte Frau Oberin! Schwester Wilhelmine. (198) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. Arbeit im Typhus-Lazarett. (198) [Abb.]: Krankentransport in Lille mit behelfsmäßig eingerichteten Straßenbahnwagen. (199) [Brief]: Silvester und Neujahrsnacht einer Nachtwache im Kriegslazarett. Schwester M.N. (200) [Brief]: Briefe aus dem Lazarett Kloster Bonsecours bei Peruwelz. (200) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser begrüßt Schwestern der freiwilligen Krankenpflege an der Aisnefront. (201) [Brief]: Briefe aus Cambrai. (202) [Abb.]: Sanitätspersonal beobachtet auf Bahnhof Barconcourt feindliche Flieger. (203) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. (204) [Brief]: Brief der Schwester Dora vom Februar 1915 aus Moorseele. (204) [Brief]: St. den 13. Februar 1915, Ref.-Feldlazarett. (204) [Abb.]: Feldlazarett in Sedan. (205) [Brief]: St., Reserve-Feldlazarett, den . (205) Nicht nur Schwestern, auch freiwillige Krankenpfleger leisteten in Feldlazaretten wertvolle Dienste. (206) [Brief]: Bericht des freiwilligen Krankenpflegers, Zugführers Gustav Augustin, des bayerischen mobilen Begleitzuges Nr. 8 der 6. Armee. (206) [Abb.]: Operation im Feldlazarett. (207) [2 Briefe]: (1)Bericht des Delegierten der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung 123, Bertram, im April 1916. (2)Bericht des Etappendelegierten der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung 123 von Norman. (208) [Abb.]: Durch Fliegerbombe zerstörtes Soldatenheim. (209) [Briefe]: Schwesternbriefe. (209) [Brief]: (209) [2 Briefe]: (1)Brief aus Bereza-Kartuska, April 1916. (2)S., Pfingsten 1916. Hochverehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Toni. (210) [Brief]: Rußland, den 24. Mai 1916. Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre dankbar ergebene Schwester Eugenie. (210) [Abb.]: Einweihung eines Denkmals für Deutsche und Franzosen auf einem Friedhof in St. Quentin. (211) [Brief]: L. (Rußland), den . Liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre dankbare Schwester Luise W. (211) [Abb.]: Militärfriedhof und Kriegslazarett in Laon. (212) [Brief]: Drohobycz, den 11. August 1916. (212) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport auf Bahnhof Douai während der Arrasschlachten April 1917. (213) [Brief]: Aus Aufzeichnungen der Schwester Jutta Freiin von Wangenheim. (213) [Abb.]: Beerdigung des bei einem Fliegerangriff gefallenen Krankenpflegers Georg Kinner (Transportzug 4). (215) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Tagebuch der Schwester Fanny von Kurowski. (215) [Abb.]: Zerstörungen durch einen Fliegerangriff im Jahre 1918. (217) [Brief]: Erlebnis der Schwester Martha Farchmin. (218) [Brief]: Aus dem Bericht einer Schwester des Mutterhauses in Düsseldorf. (218) c) In fernen Ländern. (219) Auf dem Balkan. (219) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. (220) [Brief]: Brief aus Serbien. (220) [Abb.]: Deutsches und bulgarisches Pflegepersonal im Lazarett Trnowo. (221) [Brief]: Nisch, den 12. Oktober 1916. (221) [Abb.]: Pflegetracht in einem bulgarischen Seuchenlazarett in Uesküb. (222) [Brief]: ., den 12. November 1916. (223) [Brief]: ., den 22. Januar 1917. (223) [Abb.]: Lazarettschiff "Elisabeth" auf der Donau. (224) [Brief]: "Aufzeichnungen über meine Erlebnisse in Makedonien", von Schwester Maria von Studnitz. (224) [Abb.]: Einladen Verwundeter in ein Lazarettschiff (Serbien, Donau). (225) In Vorderasien. (227) [Abb.]: Deutsche Schwestern des Auguste Viktoria-Stiftes am Ölberg in Jerusalem im Gespräch mit Djemal Pascha. (227) [Brief]: Die Hilfsabordnung des Deutschen Roten Kreuzes beim türkischen Heere. (228) [Abb.]: Apotheke des Vereinslazaretts vom Roten Kreuz in Konstantinopel. (229) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe aus der Türkei. (232) [Brief]: Konstantinopel, den 19. Mai 1917. (232) [Brief]: Damaskus, den 3. Januar 1918. (232) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser im Gespräch mit deutschen Schwestern in Konstantinopel. (233) [Brief]: Konstantinopel, am . Verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre dankbare Frieda K. (234) [Brief]: "Meine Reiseerlebnisse und Tätigkeit bei der Irak-Expedition des deutschen Roten Kreuzes Bagdad." Von Richard Burggraf, Mitglied der freiwilligen Sanitätskolonne vom Roten Kreuz in Jena. (235) In den Kolonien. (239) "Die Kriegsarbeit des Deutschen Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz für die Kolonien." Von Frau Dr. Lehr. (239) "Aus der Kriegsarbeit des Roten Kreuzes in Deutsch-Südwestafrika." Bericht des Pfarrers H. Siebold über die improvisierte Tätigkeit des Roten Kreuzes in Gibeon und Keetmanshop während des Krieges der Union mit Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Keetmanshop, den 11. Oktober 1915 (240) "Das Rote Kreuz in Ostafrika." Aus einem Vortrag, gehalten von Ihrer Exzellenz Frau Gouverneur Schnee in der Hauptversammlung des Deutschen Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz für die Kolonien. (242) 2. Transportdienst. (242) [Abb.]: Verwundete warten auf den Abtransport. (243) [Brief]: Einen allgemeinen Überblick über die Tätigkeit des Personals bei der freiwilligen Krankenpflege im Dienst einer Krankentransport-Abteilung zu Kriegsbeginn gewinnen wir aus nachstehendem Bericht des Delegierten bei der Krankentransportabteilung der 6. Armee, Generalmajors z.D. Fürer von Haimendorf: (244) [Brief]: Bericht des Delegierten bei der Krankentransport-Abteilung der Armee-Abteilung Gaede, Geheimer Hofrat Professor Dr. Fabricius. (244) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport auf Schleppkähnen in Nordfrankreich. (245) [Abb.]: Französische Verwundete auf dem Transport. (246) [Abb.]: Krankentransportstelle der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (247) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten bei der Krankentransport-Abteilung der Armee-Abteilung Strantz, Dr. Grafen von Drechsel. (247) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten bei der Krankentransport-Abteilung der 4. Armee, von Buch. (247) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport in Valenciennes (Mannesmannsche Anhänger). (248) [Brief]: Bericht des Sektionsführers Albert Klemm vom 9. badischen Begleittrupp, Etappe der 6. Armee, vom 26.3.1916. (248) [Abb.]: Sanitätskompagnie in Flandern im feindlichen Artilleriefeuer. (249) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport in Valenciennes. (250) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Etappendelegierten der 2. Armee, von Lindequist, vom Mai 1916. (250) [Brief]: Bericht des Führers der Etappen-Sanitäts-Kraftwagen-Abteilung der 6. Armee, Majors d.Ldw.-Kav. von Haidlen, vom 10.4.1916. (250) [Abb.]: Lazarettschiffe. (251) [Brief]: Berichte von Mitgliedern der freiwilligen Krankenpflege über ihre Tätigkeit im Transportdienst. (251) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport in Valenciennes. (252) [Abb.]: Abtransport Verwundeter mit Straßenbahnwagen in Cambrai. (253) [Brief]: Bericht des Zugführers von Chrustschoff über einen Verwundetentransport Anfang November 1914. (253) 3. Begleitdienst. (254) a) Verwundeten- und Krankensammelstellen; Verband-, Erfrischungs- und Verpflegungsstellen. (254) [Abb.]: An beiden Händen verwundet. (255) [Abb.]: Gräberpflege durch die freiwillige Krankenpflege in Woippy. (256) [2 Briefe]: (1)Bericht des Delegierten bei der Etappeninspektion der 2. Armee, von Lindequist. (2)Der Delegierte zur besonderen Verwendung beim Etappendelegierten 2, von Diebitsch, berichtet. (256) [Abb.]: Schuhmacherwerkstätte eines Begleitzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (257) [Abb.]: Mannschaften eines Begleitzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege beim Herstellen von Verbandschienen. (258) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. M., den 29. August 1914. (258) [Abb.]: Krankensammelstelle auf Bahnhof Douai. (259) [Brief]: Brief aus Galizien. "Rohatyn, den 9. September 1915. (259) [Brief]: Briefe aus Frankreich. (260) [2 Briefe]: (1)M., den 16. September 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! In Treue Ihre Schwester M. (2)28.9.1914. Schwester Dora. (260) [Brief]: St.S., den 3. Oktober 1914. Hochverehrte Frau Oberin! Schwester M. und L. (260) [Abb.]: Kinder im Etappengebiet, von Schwestern eines Lazarettzuges verpflegt. (261) [Brief]: Grodno, den 14. Oktober 1915. (261) [Brief]: Sarkuny, den 20. Oktober 1916. Schwester Jula Delbrück. (262) [Abb.]: Labung von Verwundeten vor dem Abtransport in einem Lazarettzuge. (263) [Brief]: Gent, den 9. November 1914. Schwester Dora. (263) [Brief]: Gent, den 14.11.1914. Schwester Mary. (263) [Brief]: Gnesen, den 16. November 1914. Schwester Bertha. (264) b) Lazarettzüge und Lazarettschiffe. (265) [Abb.]: Lazarettzug O3 Großherzogin von Hessen, Apotheke. (265) [Brief]: Auszug aus: Vereinslazarettzüge des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz, von Professor A. Kayserling, Berlin. (266) [Abb.]: Lazarettzug O3 Großherzogin von Hessen, Weißzeugvorräte. (267) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des Herrn Wilhelm Weicher, damaligen Rechnungsführers des Vereinslazarettzuges "Kronprinzessin Cecilie" (Vlz. L.) (267) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug D2 Siemensstadt, Offizierkrankenwagen. (269) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug B IV Julius von Waldhausen des Zweigvereins vom Roten Kreuz Essen, Operationswagen. (270) [Brief]: auszüge aus Berichten über die Fahrten des württembergischen Lazarettzuges H. (270) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug Q2 Hamburg und Posen. (271) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Vortrag des leitenden Arztes des Vereinslazarettzuges S 3 "von Hindenburg", Dr. Landsberg. (272) [Abb.]: Schlepper, von Mannschaften der freiwilligen Krankenpflege zu Lazarettschiffen umgewandelt. (273) [Brief]: Auszug aus: "Ein Verwundetentransport mit einem außerordentlichen Hilfslazarettzug" (274) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarettzug D2 Siemensstadt, Krankenwagen. (2)Vereinslazarettzug D 2 Siemensstadt, Verbandwagen. (275) [Brief]: Bericht einer Schwester des Clementinenhauses in Hannover. (276) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarettzug D2 Siemensstadt, Verbandkiepen und Sterilisierapparat im Verbandwagen. (2)Vereinslazarettzug D2 Siemensstadt, Magazinwagen. (277) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Delegiertenbericht des Atappendelegierten der 2. Armee, Fürsten Castell Castell. (278) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Die Tätigkeit der freiwilligen Krankenpflege in Elsaß-Lothringen im ersten Kriegsjahre". (278) [Abb.]: Einladen von Verwundeten in einen zum Lazarettschiff umgewandelten Lastkahn an der Westfront. (279) 4. Fürsorgedienst. (279) a) Soldatenheime, Soldaten- und Schwestern-Erholungsheime. (279) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim Trilon (Nordfrankreich) des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Posen. (280) [Brief]: Sehr eindrucksvoll veranschaulicht ein Vortrag der Gattin des Regierungspräsidenten Gramsch aus Königsberg in Preußen über die "Tätigkeit der Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereine in den Soldatenheimen", wie die Errichtung und der wirtschaftliche Betrieb in den Heimen vor sich ging: (280) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim Conflans. (281) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim in Blankenberghe. (282) [Abb.]: Andacht im Soldatenheim. (283) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Bericht eines Frontsoldaten über das Soldatenheim in Warschau" von Kanonier Anton Kaup. (283) [Abb.]: Eisenbahner- und Soldatenheim in Brüssel, Lesezimmer. (284) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim Dunje des Zweigvereins Neidenburg vom Roten Kreuz in Mazedonien. (285) [Brief]: Brief der Leiterin des Soldatenheimes Oesel. (Aus einem Vortrag der Gattin des Regierungspräsidenten Gramsch.) (285) [Abb.]: Garten des Erholungsheims in Rostow am Don. (286) [Abb.]: Krankenbaracken eines Genesungsheimes an der Westfront. (287) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit der freiwilligen Krankenpfleger des 1. Zuges im Begleittrupp der Krankentransport-Abteilung der 4. Armee in der Leichtkrankenabteilung Kloster St. Andreas-Lophem". Zugführer Max Niehaus. (287) [Abb.]: Sonnenbad in einem Erholungsheim an der Westfront. (288) [Abb.]: In einem Erholungsheim des Marinekorps. (289) [Brief]: "Erinnerungen aus dem Offiziersgenesungsheim Joeuf von 1916 bis 1918" von Schwester Julie von Goßler (Auszug). (289) [Abb.]: Krankenzelte in einem Erholungsheim an der Westfront. (290) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für die Einwohner des besetzten Gebietes, Schutzpockenimpfung in Wilna. (291) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug R1 des Vereins der Schlesischen Malteserritter, Speisung bettelnder Kinder an der Ostfront. (292) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Etappendelegierten der 4. Armee. (292) [2 Briefe]: (1)Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten des Liebesgabendepots der 8. Armee. (2)Im Schwestern-Erholungsheim der .Armee. Osten. (293) b) Liebesgaben- und Depotdienst. (293) [Abb.]: Liebesgabenversandstelle auf dem Hauptbahnhof in Hamburg. (294) [Abb.]: Sammelstelle vom Roten Kreuz in Düsseldorf. (295) [Abb.]: Verladen von Sammelanforderungen in Posen. (296) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Tätigkeitsbericht des Delegierten beim Etappendepottrupp der 9. Armee, Dr. Reier. (296) [Abb.]: Etappendepot der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (297) [Abb.]: Ausladen von Liebesgaben auf dem Bahnhof von Bialystok. (298) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Liebesgabendepots Generalgouvernement Warschau seit seiner Errichtung bis zum Juni 1916", Delegierter Michaelis. (298) [Abb.]: Zelt für Liebesgaben am Bahnhof Bialystok. (299) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Leihbücherei. (300) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten beim Liebesgabendepot der 9. Armee, Dr. Reier. (300) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Leihbücherei. (301) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Leihbücherei. (302) [Brief]: Über die Erlebnisse auf dem Transport nach Ostpreußen schreibt Amtsgerichtsrat Dr. Paul Liebmann wie folgt: (302) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Speicherräume. (303) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Speicherräume. (305) [Register]: Der Provinzialverein der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein entsandte vom August 1914 bis zum April 1919 an Liebesgaben 1206 Eisenbahnwagen und 1300 Stückgutsendungen, und zwar: (305) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim in Blankenberghe, Bücherei. (307) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten beim Liebesgabendepot der 8. Armee. Lesehallen für Armee und Marine. (307) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für die Front, Feldbuchhandlung und Lesehalle in Wolhynien. (308) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten beim Liebesgabendepot der Etappeninspektion der 3. Armee. (308) [Abb.]: Bücherausgabe an der Front. (309) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Tätigkeitsbericht des Provinzialvereins vom Roten Kreuz für die Provinz Westfalen über die Kriegstätigkeit vom 1. August 1914 bis 31. März 1921. Verteilung von Lesestoff im Felde und in den Lazaretten. (309) [3 Briefe]: (1)Auszug aus dem Bericht über die "Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Roten Kreuzes, 1914-1919". (2)Auszug aus dem Bericht des Mobilmachungsausschusses vom Roten Kreuz für die Provinz Sachsen. (3)Auszug aus "Die Kriegsarbeit des Württembergischen Roten Kreuzes" von Theodor Bickes. (310) [Abb.]: Bücherkiste des Marineheims. (311) [2 Briefe]: (1)Auszug aus dem Bericht des Roten Kreuzes zu Jena. E. v. E., Generalleutnant und Kommandeur der x.ten Reservedivision. (2)Ein anderes, uns vom Kommandeur des Reserve-Regiments, welches vorwiegend die Bücherei benutzt, zugegangenes Schreiben lautet: (311) [Abb.]: Kriegsfrauenhilfe in Duisburg, Ausgabe von Heimarbeit. (312) [Brief]: "Auf besondere Anregung Ihrer Majestät der Kaiserin hat das Zentralkomitee vom Roten Kreuz in Übereinstimmung mit den Wünschen des Kriegsministeriums einen Kriegsausschuß für warme Unterkleidung eingesetzt, mit dessen Leitung das Mitglied des Zentralkomitees, Geheimrat Professor Dr. Pannwitz, betraut ist. Die Aufgabe des Kriegsausschusses lautet: (312) [Abb.]: Der erste Tag der Reichswollwoche in Berlin. (313) [Abb.]: Vaterländischer Frauen-Verein in Sigmaringen, Vorbereitung von Heimarbeiten. (315) [Brief]: Über die Leistungen der Wollversorgung finden sich in dem schon wiederholt angeführten Bericht des Kriegsausschusses nachstehende Angaben: (316) IV. Die freiwillige Krankenpflege in der Heimat. (317) [Abb.]: Verwundete Franzosen auf der Fahrt. (318) 1. Begleit- und Transportdienst. (318) a) Verband- und Erfrischungsstellen; Verpflegungs-, Übernachtungs- und Krankensammelstellen. (318) [Brief]: "Die Verband- und Erfrischungsstelle vom Roten Kreuz in Königsberg i.Pr. (Produktenbahnhof)." Vortrag von Frau Margarete Samter. (Auszug). (319) [Abb.]: Übernachtungsstation des Roten Kreuzes in Hamburg. (321) [Abb.]: Verband- und Erfrischungsstelle des Zweigvereins Chemnitz vom Roten Kreuz auf dem Hauptbahnhof in Chemnitz. (322) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Kölner Roten Kreuzes vom November 1914. (322) [Abb.]: Erfrischung Schwerverwundeter in Braunschweig. (323) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Liniendelegierten Karlsruhe, Herrn Fabrikanten Himmelheber. (323) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht über "Die Tätigkeit der freiwilligen Krankenpflege in Elsaß-Lothringen im ersten Kriegsjahre". "Bahnhofserfrischungsstellen". (324) [Abb.]: Verbandwechsel auf dem Verbandplatz am Soesttor des Ortsvereins vom Roten Kreuz Lippstadt. (325) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht von Frau M. Model über die Tätigkeit des Roten Kreuzes in Thorn. (325) [Abb.]: Übernachtungsräume des Roten Kreuzes auf dem Hauptbahnhof Mainz. (327) b) Abtransport in die Lazarette. (327) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Badischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz. 1914-1918. (328) [Abb.]: Ankunft Verwundeter auf dem Venloer Bahnhof in Hamburg. (329) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten, Kommerzienrats B. Knoblauch, Berlin. (329) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die in Dresden bestehenden Einrichtungen zur Beförderung der in Lazarett- und Krankenzügen eintreffenden Verwundeten und Kranken in die Lazarette" des Reservelazarettdelegierten, Generalmajors a.D. Freiherrn von dem Bussche-Ippenburg. (330) [Abb.]: Schnee-Kippkarren für Verwundetentransport eingerichtet. (331) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Aachener Roten Kreuzes. (331) [Brief]: Sanitätskolonne vom Roten Kreuz Marggrabowa. Aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit der Organisation vom Roten Kreuz in der Provinz Ostpreußen während des Weltkrieges 1914 bis 1919". (331) [Abb.]: Fahrgestell für Krankentragen zum Verwundetentransport. (332) [Abb.]: Ausladen eines Lazarettzuges in der neuen Zollhalle München. (333) [Abb.]: Sanitätsauto für acht liegende und sechzehn sitzende Kranke, Spende der Frau Konsul Flora Fränkel, Berlin. (334) 2. Pflegedienst. (334) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Vilshofen in Bayern, Arztvisite. (335) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt. (336) [Brief]: Drei Monate Arbeit im Vereinslazarett Kaiserpalast Straßburg i. Els. Dr. Steidl, Arzt am Kaiserlazarett. (336) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Krankensaal mit 140 Betten. (337) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Elektrische Küche. (338) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Reservelazarett-Delegierten, Kommerzienrat B. Knoblauch. (Vom Juli 1920). (338) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Röntgenzimmer. (339) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Tagesraum. (340) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht über "Die Tätigkeit des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz Ortsgruppe Siegburg während des Krieges". Von Frau Clara Hansen. (340) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Ausladerampe mit Vereinslazarettzug D 2 Siemensstadt. (341) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des Dr. lange-Hermstädt über das Seuchenlazarett Karlsruhe. (342) [Abb.]: Aus einem Vereinslazarett vom Roten kreuz in Braunschweig. (343) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Ankunft eines Verwundeten-Transportes. (344) [Zeitungsartikel]: Wie ein neutraler Ausländer, durch den Widerstreit der Meinungen, über die Organisation der deutschen Lazarette und über die Behandlung verwundeter feindlicher Gefangener urteilt, zeigt nachtstehender Artikel der "Basler Nachrichten" von Dr. rer.pol. A. Erb aus Bern, der im Oktober 1914 zusammen mit mehreren anderen Schweizer Bürgern die deutschen Lazarette in Freiburg besuchte: (344) [Abb.]: Weihnachtsfeier in einem Vereinslazarett des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Lichtenberg. (345) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Heide in Holstein, Speiseraum. (346) 3. Fürsorge. (346) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Forst i.d. Lausitz, Tagesraum. (347) a) Fürsorge für Verwundete und Kriegsbeschädigte. (347) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Verwundete auf einer Spazierfahrt. (348) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Beim Ringspiel. (349) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit der Kriegsstelle der Kaiser-Wilhelms-Universität Straßburg". (349) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Lazarettpfleglinge bei der Gartenarbeit im Vereinslazarett Gummersbach. (350) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Beschäftigung mit Korbflechten. (351) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Rotes Kreuz Stadt Posen (Mobilmachungsausschuß) 1915-1916". Fürsorge für Lazarettinsassen. Unterhaltungsspiele. (351) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Ausstellung von Handarbeiten der Verwundeten. (352) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Unterrichtsveranstaltungen für Offiziere und Mannschaften im Bezirk des Reservelazarettdelegierten F. Schlecker, Charlottenburg". (352) [2 Briefe]: (1)Bericht des Roten Kreuzes in Jena. (2)Der folgende Bericht des Württembergischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz zeigt, wie eine derartige Rechtsauskunftsstelle aus dem Bedürfnis heraus entstanden ist: (354) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Kriegsbeschädigte bei der Gartenarbeit in der Lazarettschule Hannover. (355) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Rote Kreuz in Jena vom 1.8.1915 bis 31. Dezember 1916" (355) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Reservelazarett-Delegierten im Bezirk des Lazarettdirektors Köpenick-Berlin, Herrn Lüdke. (355) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Kriegsbeschädigte bei der Herstellung von Prothesen in der Lazarettschule in Hannover. (356) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Rote Kreuz von Berlin im Weltkriege 1914 bis 1919" (356) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Hessischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz, Teilbericht der Abteilung für Unterricht und berufliche Fürsorge für Kriegsbeschädigte. (356) [Abb.]: Verwundeten-Fürsorge, Reservelazarett Bielefeld, Maschinenschreiben. (357) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Beschäftigung Kriegsbeschädigter in einem landwirtschaftlichen Betriebe. (358) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des Direktors Dr. Teichert. Kurse für Kriegsbeschädigte an der Milchwirtschaftlichen Lehr- und Forschungsanstalt Wangen im Allgäu. (358) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Kriegsbeschädigte bei der Lazarettbeschäftigung im Helenenstift Altona. (359) [Abb.]: Verwundeten-Fürsorge, Reservelazarett Bielefeld, Technische Rund- und Kunstschrift. (360) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Rote Kreuz Stadt Posten 1915/1916" Fürsorge für Kriegsbeschädigte. (361) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Kriegsblinde mit Führerhunden. (362) b) Fürsorge für Urlauber. (363) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz 1914-1919" (363) c) Fürsorge für Kriegsgefangene. (364) [Abb.]: I.M. die Kaiserin Auguste Viktoria in Saßnitz die Einfahrt eines Lazarettschiffes erwartend. (365) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des Territorialdelegierten für das Königreich Württemberg. Juni 1915. (365) [Abb.]: Empfang von Austauschverwundeten in Hamburg. (367) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Hamburgischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz im Zusammenwirken mit dem Vaterländischen Frauen-Hilfsverein zu Hamburg, der Genossenschaft freiwilliger Krankenpfleger im Kriege vom Roten Kreuz, Verband Hamburg, und der Hamburger Kolonne vom Roten Kreuz für das Kriegsjahr 1916" (367) [Brief]: Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Ausschusses für Deutsche Kriegsgefangene der Vereine vom Roten Kreuz, Aachen. (368) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Skizzen aus russischer Kriegsgefangenen-Fürsorgearbeit von Oberin Elisabeth von Gagern". (369) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht der Schwester Anne-Marie Wenzel über ihre Tätigkeit in der Kriegsgefangenenfürsorge in Rußland. (372) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Die Vereine vom Roten Kreuz Aachen-Stadt im Weltkriege 1914/1915" (374) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Reservelazarettdelegierten für Oberbaden, B. Welsch. (374) [Abb.]: Der Großherzog von Baden im Gespräch mit Austauschgefangenen. (375) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz 1914 bis 1919" (375) d) Fürsorge für Flüchtlinge und Vertriebene. (377) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Die Kriegstätigkeit der Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereine in Ostpreußen". (377) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge, Unterbringung ostpreußischer Flüchtlinge im Landgestüt zu Braunsberg i. Ostpr. (379) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Die Fürsorge des Badischen Roten Kreuzes für die aus Frankreich geflohenen Deutschen". (379) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge, Unterbringung ostpreußischer Flüchtlinge im Landgestüt Braunsberg i. Ostpr. (381) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht der Jugendhilfe vom Roten Kreuz". (381) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Zentralkomitee der Deutschen Vereine vom Roten Kreuz und die Rückwandererhilfe". (384) e) Fürsorge für Angehörige und Hinterbliebene von Kriegsteilnehmern. (385) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für Angehörige von Kriegsteilnehmern, Säuglingsfürsorgestelle des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Hannover-Stadt. (385) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Der bayerische Frauenverein vom Roten Kreuz im Kriege 1914 bis 1919". (386) [Brief]: Die Friedensarbeit des Frauenvereins während des 4. Kriegsjahres. (387) [Abb.]: Kriegskomitee vom Roten Kreuz Wiesbaden, Kleider- und Möbel-Sammelstelle. (387) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Mecklenburgischen Marien-Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz während des Krieges 1914-1919", bearbeitet von Gymnasial-Oberlehrer Karl Reuter. Abteilung Landaufenthalt für Stadtkinder. (388) [Abb.]: Kriegswaisenhaus des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz in Saasa bei Eisenberg, Sachsen-Altenburg, bei der Morgenwäsche. (389) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht über "Die Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Frauenvereins. 1914-1919". Kinder- und Säuglingsfürsorge. (390) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz 1914-1919". Kriegswohlfahrtspflege. (390) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für Angehörige von Kriegsteilnehmern, Städtische Mütterberatungsstelle Duisburg. (391) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über Entstehung und Tätigkeit des Kriegsausschusses für warme Unterkleidung". Die Tätigkeit der Wollkommission vom 1.10.1915 bis 31.12.1917. (392) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Rote Kreuz in Jena" Kriegsjahr 1914/15. (393) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht "Rotes Kreuz Stadt Posen (Mobilmachungsausschuß) 1915/1916". Volksernährung. Gulaschkanonen und Kriegsküche. (394) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Kriegs-Chronik des Württembergischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz. Bezirk Heilbronn". Unterstützung der Familien von Ausmarschierten. (394) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht des Mobilmachungsausschusses vom Roten Kreuz für die Provinz Sachsen vom August 1914 bis 25. Juni 1919" (395) [Abb.]: Schwesternerholungsheim des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz in Saasa bei Eisenberg, Sachsen-Altenburg, Schwesternzimmer. (396) [Zeitungsartikel]: Hinweis in dem Zentralorgan "Das Rote Kreuz" vom 20. April 1919: (396) f) Fürsorge für Angehörige der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (397) [Abb.]: Eleonoren-Haus, das neue Schwesternheim des Alice-Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz Darmstadt. (397) [Brief]: Bericht vom Geheimrat Dr. Kahl nach Abschluß der Reise zum Besuch der Lazarette von Köln aus nach Gent, Thourout, Roulers, Iseghem, Lille mit Séclin, Douai mit Montigny, Cambrai mit Le Cateau, St. Quentin, Rethel, Sedan und Stenay. (397) [Abb.]: Schwesternerholungsheim Anschar-Strandhaus bei Heiligenhafen. (398) [Brief]: In diesen vertrauensvollen Aussprachen wurden alle Sorgen und Wünsche der Schwestern angehört und konnten meist auch gleich berücksichtigt werden. Denn im Grunde genommen waren es nur kleine Sorgen, und so konnte die Kommission nach ihrer Rückkehr auch berichten: (398) [Abb.]: Eleonoren-Haus, das neue Schwesternheim des Alice-Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz Darmstadt. (399) [Zeitschriftenartikel]: Auszug aus dem Artikel in "Das Rote Kreuz", Jahrgang 1918. (399) [Abb.]: Schwesternheim in Saasa bei Eisenberg. (400) [Abb.]: Schwesternheim in Saasa bei Eisenberg. (401) [Abb.]: Agnesheim, Schwesternheim des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz in Liebenstein. (402) [Abb.]: Schwestern-Kriegsheim des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins, Hauptvereins in Berlin, Tiergartenstraße. (403) V. Demobilmachung. (405) [2 Briefe]: (1)Ihren Majestäten dem Kaiser und der Kaiserin. Schloß Graf Bentinck, Amerongen (Holland). General von der Pfuel. Gräfin von der Groeben. (2)Exzellenz von Pfuel. Ihnen und Gräfin Groeben unsere herzlichsten Grüße. Auguste Viktoria. (406) [Brief]: Wir glauben diesem Buche keinen würdigeren und besseren Abschluß geben zu können als mit dem Worten, die General von Pfuel auf jenem denkwürdigen Abschiedsfest von Versammelten zurief. Sie waren ein Dank für das im Kriege Geleistete, sie waren zugleich ein Hinweis auf die neuen umfangreichen und schweren Aufgaben des kommenden Friedens: (407) Anlagen. ([409]) Anlage 1 Die Organisationen vom Roten Kreuz im Deutschen Reich. (410) [Register]: Landes-(Männer)-Vereine vom Roten Kreuz. (410) [Register]: Landes-Frauen-Vereine vom Roten Kreuz. (411) [Tabelle]: Anlage 2 Die Delegierten in der Etappe. (412) [Tabelle]: Anlage 3 Die Territorial- und Korpsbezirksdelegierten der freiwilligen Krankenpflege sowie die Delegierten zur besonderen Verwendung bei den Territorialdelegierten. (420) [Tabelle]: Anlage 4 Die Delegierten in den Reservelazaretten. (425) [Tabelle]: Anlage 5 Die Delegierten in den Festungslazaretten. (437) [Tabelle]: Anlage 6 Die Delegierten bei den Linienkommandanturen. (438) [Tabelle]: Anlage 7 Die Delegierten bei den Abnahmestellen. (440) Anlage 8 Die Delegierten bei der Marine. (442) I. Im Heimatsgebiet. II. Etappengebiet. (442) [Tabelle]: Anlage 9 Die während des Krieges aufgestellten Vereinslazarettzüge. (443) Anlage 10 Die Persönlichkeiten, die bei der Dienststelle des Kaiserlichen Kommissars und Militär-Inspekteurs der freiwilligen Krankenpflege im Großen Hauptquartier tätig waren. (448) Anlage 11 Die Persönlichkeiten, die zunächst bei der Dienststelle des Kaiserl. Kommissars, später bei der des Stellvertretenden Militär-Inspekteurs der freiwilligen Krankenpflege tätig waren. (449) Beirat. Leitung des Büros. (449) Ehrenamtlich b.d. Dienststelle tätige Personen. (450) Zentraldepot für Liebesgaben des Stellv. Milit.-Inspekteurs. Delegierte z. bes. Verwendung d. Stellv. Milit.-Inspekteurs. (451) Die Persönlichkeiten, die bei der Dienststelle des Generaldelegierten beim Oberbefehlshaber Ost tätig waren. (452) [Karte]: Operationsgebiet. Etappengebiet. Generalgouvernement. Heimatsgebiet. (453) Die Bilder wurden freundlichst zur Verfügung gestellt vom: ([uncounted]) Einband ([uncounted]) Einband ([uncounted])
Issue 24.5 of the Review for Religious, 1965. ; Constitutiofl,on the Church by Vhtican Council H Toward a Theology of Community by: Sister Helen Mqrie, O.S.F. Virgi:~al Moth~'rhood ' by Thomas Dub.ay, S.M. Community Life: Witness to Christ by Robert. J, Kruse, C.S.C. o The Word of God and" "Literary Embellishment" by Dennis J. McCarthy, S.J. A Community of Service by WilliamlF. Hogan, C.S.C. The Sleep of Peace by,.i ince, t;P. M.cCorry, S.J. Cordmunity Retreats 0 Andre Auw;. C.P. Survey of Rq"man Documents V.iewsi News, Previews Questions and Answers i~ Book'Reviews 665 735 744 760 771 785 ¯ 791 797 803 807 809 813 VOLUrCm 24 NU~mER 5 September 1965 VATICAN COUNCIL II Dogmatic Constitution on the Church PAUL, BISHOP THE SERVANT OF THE SERVANTS OF GOD TOGETHER WITH THE FATHERS OF THE COUNCIL ¯ FOR A PERPETUAL RECORD OF THE MATTER CHAPTER I THE MYSTERY OF THE CHURCH 1. The light of the nations* being Christ, this Council met together in the Holy Spirit strongly desires, by the proclamation of the gospel to every creature (see Mk 16: 15), to enlighten all men with that radiant splendor of His which shines forth upon the countenance of the Church. Since, however, the Church is in Christ like a sacrament, that !s, like a sign and instrument of the closest kind of union with God and of the unity of the whole human race, shb interids to provide the faithful and the entire world with an accurate description of her nature and of her worldwide mission while keeping at the same time close to the thought of preceding Councils. The circum-stances of the present time make this undertaking of the Church a matter of greater urgency on the grounds that all men, being closely linked today by various social, technical, and cultural bonds, should also achieve a full unity in Christ. 2. By a peHectly free and a mysterious decision of His wisdom and goodness, the eternal Father created the en- Translation Copyright (~) 1965 P~vmw voR RE~Jcxous. * This is a translation of the official Latin text, entitled Lumen gentium, as given in Acta .4postolicae Sedis, v. 57 (1965), pp. 5-71. ÷ ÷ ÷ VOLUME 24~ 1965' Faticah Council II REV|EWFOR RELIGIOUS 666 tire universe, chose to elevate men to a share of the divine life,, and did not abandon them when they had fallen in Adam but rather always offered them the means of salva-tion in view of the Redeemer Christ "who is the exact expression of the invisible God, engendered before every creature". (Col 1:15). Before the ages began, the Father "foreknew" the elect and "destined them to bear the likeness of his Son so that he might be the eldest of many brothers" (Rom 8:29). It was His plan, moreover, that those who believe in Christ should be assembled in that holy Church which, already foreshadowed from the ori-gin of the world, prepared for in a remarkable way in the history of the people of Israel and in the old covenant,1 and established in a new era of time, was manifested by the outpouring of the Spirit and which at the end of time will achieve its glorious consummation. As we read in all the fathers, it will be then that all the just from Adam on, "from Abel the just to the last of the elect" 2 will be assembled before the Father in the Church universal. 3. The Son, therefore, came, having been sent by the Father who chose us in Him before the foundation of the world and destined us for adoption as His own children because it pleased Him to restore all things in His Son (see Eph 1:4-5 and 10). In order to carry out the will of the Father, Christ inaugurated the kingdom of heaven on earth, revealed to us the mystery of Himself, and by His obedience effected our redemption. The Church, that is, the kingdom of Christ now present in mystery, grows visibly in the world through the power of God. This be-ginning and growth are symbolized by the blood and water flowing from the opened side of the crucified Jesus (see Jn 19:34) and are foretold in the words of the Lord spoken about His death on the cross: "As for me, if I be lifted up from the earth, I will draw all men to me" (Jn 12:32 according to the Greek text). As often as the sacri-fice of the cross by which "our Passover lamb~Christ-- was immolated" (1 Cor 5:7) is enacted on the altar, the work of our redemption is continued. By the sacrament of the Eucharistic bread, at one and the same' t'ime there is r~presented and effected the unity o~ihe faithfuLwho form one bo~y in Chri~t~ (see 1 Cor 10:17). All men are c'alled to this union with Christ who is the light of the world from whom we come forth, through whom we live, and to whom we are tending. tSee St. Cyprian, Epist., 64, 4: P.L., 3, 1017 (C.S.E.L. [Hartel], III B, p. 720); St. Hilary of Poitiers, In Matth., 23, 6: P.L., 9, 1047; St. Augustine,-passim; and St. Cyril of Alexandria, Glaph. in Gen., 2, 10: P.G., 69, 110 A. 2See St. Gregory the Great, Horn. in Evang., 19, 1: P.L., 76, 1154 B; St. Augustine, Serm., 341, 9, 11: P.L., $9, 1499 f.; St. John of Damascus, Adv. iconocL, 11: P.G., 96, 1357. 4. When the work which the Father gave the Son to do on earth (see Jn 17:4) was completed, the Holy Spirit was sent on the day of Pentecost that He might always make the Church holy and that in this way the faithful might have access through Christ in the one Spirit to the Father (see Eph 2:18). He is the Spirit of life, that is, the'spring of water welling up into eternal life (see Jn 4:14; 7:38-9), through whom the Father gives life to men dead through sin until He raises up their mortal bodies in Christ (see Rom 8:10-1). The Spirit dwells in the Church and in the hearts of the faithful as in a temple (see 1 Cor 3:16; 6:19), prays in them, and gives witness to the adoption of sons (see Gal 4:6; Rom 8:15-6 and 26). The Church, which He leads to everything that is true (see Jn 16:13) and which He unifies in a communion of service, is equipped and directed 'by Him through His various hierarchical and charismatic gifts; she is made beautiful by His fruits (see Eph 4:11-2;1 Cor 12:4; Gal 5:22). Through the power of the gospel, He keeps the Church young, continually re-news her; and'leads her to perfect union with her Bride- ~oom.3 For the Spirit and the Bride both call out to the Lord Jesus: "Comel" (see Ap 22~17). Thus it is that the entire Church appears "as a ~people ¯ made one with the unity of the Father and' the .Son. and the H01y Spirit." 4 : 5. The mystery of the Church is made manifest at its very foundation. For the Lord Jesus began His. Church by preaching the good news of the arrival of that king-dom of God promised for centuries in Scripture: "The moment has come, and the kingdom of God has ar-rived" (Mk 1:15; see Mt 4:17). Moreover, this kingdom began to shine forth for men in the words, deeds, and presence of Christ. The word of the Lord is compared to seed that is sown in a field (Mk 4:14); whoever hear it with faith and are included in the little flock of Christ (Lk 12:32) have received the kingdom itself; thereafter the seed by its own powei germinates and grows until the time of. the harvest (see Mk 4:26-9). The miracles, too, of Jesus show that the kingdom is already present on earth: "If it is by the finger of God that I am expelling the demons, then the kingdom of God has already swept over you" (Lk 11:20; see Mt 12:28). B~it more than in any other way, ~the ~kingdom is manifested in the Person of Christ, Son of God and Son of Man~ who came "to serve and to give his life to set many others free" (Mk .10:45). When, however~ Jesus arose afte~ suffering death On the o 8See St. Irenaeus, Adv.°haer;, III, 24, 1: P.G., 7, 966 B (Harvey, 2, 131; ed. Sagnard, Sources chr., p. 398). ' St. Cyprian, De orat. Dora., 23: P.L., 4, 553. (H~rtel, III A, p. 285); St. Augustine, Serra., 71, 20, 33: P.L., 38, 463 f.; and St. John.of Damascus, )ldv. iconocl., 12: P.G., 96, 1358 D. The Church: . VOLUME 24,: 1965 : 667 ÷ Vatican Council II REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 668 cross for men, He appeared as the Lord and as the Mes-siah and Priest constituted for all eternity (see Acts 2:36; Heb 5:6; 7:17-21); and He poured out on His disciples the Spirit promised by the Father (see Acts 2:33). It is because of all this that the Church, equipped with the gifts of her Founder and faithfully preserving His pre-cepts concerning love, humility, and abnegation, receives the mission of proclaiming the kingdom of Christ and of God and of founding it in all nations and that she con-stitutes on earth the seed and the 15eginning.~of this king: dom. And while she slowly grows during her allotted time, she longs for the kingdom in its completed form and with all her strength hopes and desires to be joined in glory .with her King. 6. Just as in the Old Testament the revelation of the" kingdom is often presented in figuratiye language, so also now the intimate nature of the Church is made known to us by a variform imagery which whether taken from shepherd life or agriculture, from building, or from fam-ily life and bet]:othal is prepared for in the books of the prophets. For the Church is a sheepfold of which Christ is the one and indispensable entrance (Jn 1:1-10). She is also a flock of which God Himself foretold that He would be the shepherd (see Is 40:11; Ez 34:11 ft.); and her sheep, though ruled by human pastors, are nevertheless cease-lessly led and nourished by Christ Himself, the Good Shepherd and the Prince of pastors (see Jn 10:11; 1 Pt 5:4) who gave His life for His sheep (see Jn I0:1 I-5). The Church is also the plantation or the field of God (1 Cor 3:9) in which grows the ancient olive tree the holy roots of which were the patriarchs and in which the reconcilation of Jew and Gentile has been and will be brought about (Rom 11:13-26). The Church has been planted by the divine Husbandman as a choice vineyard (Mt 21:33-43 and parallels; see Is 5:1 ft.). The true vine is Christ who gives life and fecundity to. the branches, that is, to us, who through the Church abide in Christ without whom we can do nothing (Jn 15:1-5). Often, too, the Church is called the edifice of God (1 Cor 3:9). It was actually the Lord who compared Him-self to a stone which the builders rejected but which be-came the cornerstone (Mr 21:42 and parallels; sde Acts 4:11; 1 Pt 2:7; Ps 117:22). On this foundation the Church is built up by the Apostles (see 1 Cor 3:11) and from it derives its strength and indivisibility. This edifice is given various names: the house of God (1 Tim 3:15) in which there lives His family; the habitation of God in the Spirit (Eph 2:19-22); the dwelling place of God with men (Ap 21:3); and especially the holy temple which, symbolically represented by our churches of stone, is praised by the fathers and is rightfully compared in the liturgy to the holy city, the new Jerusalem.5 We are being built up in it here on earth like so many living stones (I Pt 2:5). It is this holy city that John contemplates coming down out of heaven from God at the renewal of the world, looking like a bride dressed in beauty for her husband (Ap 21:1 The Church, which is called "the Jerusalem that is above" and "the mother of us all" (Gal 4:26; see Ap 12:17), is also described as the spotless bride of the spot-less Lamb (Ap 19:7; 21:2 and 9; 22:17) whom Christ "loved and for whom He gave himself that he might make her holy" (Eph 5:26), whom He joined to Himself by an unbreakable covenant, whom He continually "nourishes and cherishes" (Eph 5:29), whom, being cleansed, He wants joined to Himself in a 'subjection of love and faithfulness (see Eph 5:24), and on whom, fi-nally, He has lavished His heavenly gifts to last for all eternity so that we might grasp that love of God and Christ for us that surpasses all our comprehension (see Eph 3:19). But as long as the Church pilgrimages on earth away from the Lord (see2 Cor 5:6), she is like an exile seeking and foretasting the things that are above where Christ sits at the right hand of God and where the life of the Church is hidden with Christ in God until the time when she appears in glory with her Spouse (see Col 3:1-4). 7. By overcoming death through His own death and resurrection in the human nature that was united to Him, the Son of God redeemed man and transmuted him into a new creation (see Gal 6:15; 2 Cor 5:17); for, by communicating His Spirit, He mystically constituted His brothers, called together from all peoples, as His own Body. In that Body the life of Christ is imparted to believers who through the sacraments are united~in a mysterious but real way to Christ who suffered and was glori~fie~.6 For through baptism we are formed into the likeness of Christ: "For we were all baptized in one Spirit to form one body" (1 Cor 12:13). By this sacred rite our union with the death and resurrection of Christ is made present and effected: "Through baptism we have been buried ~See Origen, In Matth., 16, 21: P.G., 13, 1443 C; and Tertullian, Adv. Marc., 3, 7: P.L., 2, 357 C (C.S.E.L., 47, 3, p. 386). For liturgical documents, see Sacramentariurn gregorianum: P.L., 78, 160 B or C. Mohlberg, Liber sacramentorum Romanae Ecclesiae (Rome, 1960), p. 111, XC: "Deus, qui ex omni coaptatione sanctorum aeternum tibi condis habitaculum . " ["O God, who by the formation of all your saints are preparing for Yourself an eternal habitation. "]; and the hymns Urbs lerusalem beata in the Monastic Breviary and Coelestis urbs Ierusalem in the Roman Breviary. ~ See St. Thomas, Summa theologiae, 3, q.62, a.5, ad 1. 4- 4- 4- The Church VOLUME 24, 1965 669 ÷÷ Vatica~t Co~ncil'll REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS With him in death"; and if "we have grown into union with him. by undergoing a death like his, then we will also share his resurrection'-' (Rom 6:4-5). Keally partak-ing of. the Body of the Lord in the breaking of the Eucharistic bread, we are raised up into ~ communion with Him and among ourselves: "Because the bread is one, we, many though, we are, are one body since we par-take of that one bread" (1 Cot 10:17). In this way all of us:are made members ~f His Body (see 1 Cor 12:27), "each and every one being members of one another" (Rom 12:5). Just as the parts of the human body, though they are m~iriy~ still form but a single body, so also do the faithful in Christ (see 1 Cot 12:12).'Similarly, in the building'up of the Body of Christ there is a diversity of members and of functions. There is only one Spirit who, "in. accord with His own riches and the needs of the ministry, distributes the variety of His gifts for the welfare "of the Church (see 1 Cot 12:1-11). A~m.ong these gifts there stands out .fl~_e~ grace of the Apostles to whose authority the Spiii~ Himself tias subjected even those, endowed with charis-matic gifts (see 1 Cor 14).:This same Spirit, who gi~s unity' to the Body through Himself and His power and through the internal orgai~ic union of the members, pro-duces love among the faithful and presses it on. Hence, if one member suffers anything, all the. other members suffer it with ~him; or if one member is honored, all the members share the joy (see 1 Cor 12:26). The Head of the Body is Christ who is the likeness of the invisible God and in whom all things were made. He exists prior to all creatures, and all things are sustained in Him. He is the Head of the Body that is the Church. He is the beginning and is the firstborn from among the dead that He might possess first place in everything (see Col 1:15-8). By the greatness of His power, He rules the things in heaven and on earth; while by His surpassing perfection and way of acting, He fills the entire Body with the riches of His glory (see Eph 1:18-23).7 All the members must be fashioned to His likeness until Christ is formed in them (see Gal 4:19); hence We.are taken up intothe mysteries of His life to the ex-tent that, being shaped to His likeness and having died and risen With Him, we will reign °with Him (see phil 3:21; 2 Tim 2:11;. Eph 2:6; Col 2.:12~ .and.so forth). VVhile we pilgrimage .here on earth and closely follow His path through tribulation and persecution, we are united to His sufferings as the Body to its Head, suffering with Him that we might be glorified with Him (see l~om 8:17). See the encyclical of Plus XII. Mystici~ Corporis, June 29, 1943: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, ~. 35 (1943), p. 208. " " It is from Him that "the entire body through its liga-ments and muscles is governed and built up and grows as God intends" (Col 2:19). In His Body, that is, in the Church, He cgntinually distributes the gifts of His minis-tries by which through His power we serve each-other unto salvation so that, holding firmly to the truth in love, we might grow up in every way into Christ who is our Head (see Eph 4:11-6 according to the Greek text). In order, however, that we might be unceasingly re-made in Him (see Eph ~.23); He has shared ~i~h--fis-His Spirit who, being identically the same in Head and mem-ber, vivifies, unites, and moves the entire Body in such a way that His work could be compared by the fathers to the function which the life principle, that is, the soul, per-forms in the human body.s Moreover, Christ loves the Church as His Bride, having become the perfect example of the man who loves his wife as his own body (see Eph 5:25-8), while the Church herself is subject to her Head (Eph 5:23-~). "Since it is in him that all the fullness of God's nature lives embodied" (Col 2:9), He fills the Church, which is His Body and His plenitude, with His divine gifts (see Eph 1:22-3) so that she may grow and reach all the fullness of God (see Eph 3:19). 8. Christ, our one mediator, established and continu-ally sustains9 His holy Church, the community here on earth of faith, hope and love, as a visible structu.re through which He pours, forth truth and grace on all. B~Utlie~6ciety with its hierarchically structured organs and the spiritual community, the earthly Church and the Church enriched by heavenly gifts should not be re-garded as two realities but as a single complex reality composed of a human and a divine element.10 It is for this reason that;-by'a~cornparison that is not meaningless, 8 See the encyclical of Leo XIII, Divinum illud, May 9, 1897: Acta Sanctae Sedis, v. 29 (1896-7), p. 650; the encyclical of Pius XII, Mystici Corporis: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 35 (1943), pp. 219-20 (Denz. 2288 [3808]); St. Augustine, Serm., 268, 2: P.L., 38, 1232, and in other of his w6rks; St. John Chrysostoxn, In Eph. Horn., 9, 3: P.G., 62, 72; Didymus of Alexandria, Trin., 2, 1: P.G., 39, 449 f.; and St. Thomas, In Col., 1, 18, lect. 5 (ed. Marietti, II, n. 46): "Sicut constituitur unum corpus ex unitate animae, ita Ecclesia ex unitate Spiritus." [As one body is constituted by the unity o[ the soul, sothe Church by the unity of the Spirit . "]. ~ The encyclical of Leo XIII, Sapientiae christianae, January 10, 1890: Acta Sanctae Sedis, v. 22 (1889-90), p. 392; the same Pontiff's encyclical, Saris cognitum, June 29, 1896: Acta Sanctae Sedis, v. 28 (1895-6), pp. 710 and 724 ft.; and the encyclical of Plus XII, Mystici Corporis: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 35 (1943), pp. 199-200. x8 See the encyclical ol~ Pius XII, Mystici Corporis: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 35 (1943), pp. 221 ff.; and the same Pontiff's encyclical, Humani generis, August 12, 1950: dcta dpostolicae Sedis, v. 42 (1950), p. 571. ÷ ÷ ÷ The Church VOLUME 24, 1965 4. 4. ,4, Vatican Counci! I1 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS she is likened to the mystery of the incarnate Word. Just as the nature assumed by Him serves the divine Word as a living instrument of salvation that is insepa-rably united to Him, so in a way that is not dissimilar the social structure of the Church serves the Spirit of Christ, who vivifies it, for the growth of the Body (see Eph 4:16).xx This is the one and only Church of Christ which we profess12 in the Creed to be one, holy, catholic, and apos-tolic, the Church which, after His Resurrection, the Savior entrusted to Peter's shepherding (Jn 21:17), which He committed t,o him and the other Apostles for the purpose of extending and ruling it (see Mt 28:18 ft.), and which He erected as a perpetual "pillar and founda-tion of the truth" (1 Tim 3:15). This Church, constituted and organized in this world as a society, subsists in the Catholic Church governed by the successor of Peter and by the bishops in communion with him,za although even 9utside her visible structure there are found many ele-ments of holiness and truth which as gifts properly belonging to the Church of Christ are forces that lead on to Catholic unity. Just as Christ carried out the work of redemption in poverty and persecution, so also the Church is called to follow the same path in order that she may communi-cate the effects of salvation to men. Christ Jesus, "though he was God by nature., stripped himself to take on the nature of a slave" (Phil 2:6) and for our sake "became poor, though he was rich" (2 Cor 8:9); in the same way the Church, though she needs human resources for the carrying out of her mission, is not established for the quest of earthly glory but for the proclamation, even by her own example, of humility and abnegation. Christ was sent by the Father "to preach the good news to the poor., to heal the contrite of heart" (Lk 4:18), "to search for and. to save what was lost" (Lk 19:10); simi-larly, thb Church encompasses with her love all those ~ttticted by human suffering. Even more, in the poor and the suffering she perceives the likeness of her poor and suffering Founder and makes it her earnest concern to relieve their need, thus striving to serve Christ in them. But while Christ, "holy, faultless, unstained" (Heb 7:26), ax The encyclical of Leo XlII, Satis cognitura: Acta Sanctae Sedis, v. 28 (1895-6), p. 713. ~See the Apostles' Creed: Denz., 6-9 (10-13); the Niceno-Con-stantinopolitan Creed: Denz., 86 (150); and the Tridentine Profession of Faith: Denz., 994 and 999 (1862 and 1868). ~It is called "Sancta (catholica, apostolica) Romana Ecclesia" ["the holy (catholic, apostolic) Church"] in the Tridentine Pro-fession of Faith (as cited in the preceding footnote) and in Vatican Council I, Session 3, the dogmatic constitution De lide cath.: Denz. 1782 (3001). "knew nothing of sin" (2 Cor 5:21) but came to make propitiation only for the sins of the people (see Heb 2:17), the Church, since she includes sinners within her-self, is at the same time holy and always in need of puri-fication and ceaselessly practices.p~n,ance and seeks for r~_en~e.vzal. The Church, "like a person in a foreign land, advances amid the persecutions of the world and the consolations of God," 14 proclaiming the cross and the death of the Lord until He comes back (see 1 Cor 11:26). She is strength-ened, however, by the power of her risen Lord so that by patience and love she may overcome her afflictions and diffficulties--internal as well as external--and that she may reveal to the world, darkly but faithfully, the mys-tery of her Lord until in the end it will be 'manifested in full light. CHAPTEK II THE PEOPLE OF GOD 9. At all times and among every nation the man who reverences Him and does what is right has been accept-able to God (see Acts 10:35). Nevertheless, it was not God's plan to sanctify and save men as individuals with no relationship of any kind with each o.t_her; rather, He intended to make them a people that would acknowledge Him in truth and would serve Him in holiness. Accord-ingly, He chose the Israelites as His own people with whom He made a compact and whom He gradually educated by manifesting Himself and the purpose of His will in their history and by making them holy in His sight. All of this, however, took place to prepare and pre-figure the new and. perfect compact to be made by Christ and the fuller revelation to be given by the Word made flesh. "A day comes, says the Lord, when I make a fresh compact with the house of-Israel and with the house of Judah . I will put my law within them, writing it on their hearts; and I will be their God, and they shall be my people . For all shall know me from the least of them to the greatest, says the Lord" (Jer 31:31-4). It was Christ who made this new compact, the new covenant in His own Blood (see 1 Cor 11:25), summoning from both Jew and Gentile a people that would be unifie.d.n_ot through natural means but in the Spirit and that would by the new People of God. Believing in Christ, having been reborn not from a perishable principle of life but, through the word of the living God, from an imperish-able one (see 1 Pt 1:23), not from flesh but from water and the Holy Spirit (see Jn 3:5-6), they are finally established St. Augustine, Cir. Dei, XVIII, 51, 2: P.L., 41,614. ÷ ÷ ÷ Th~ ~hurch VOLUME 24, 1965 6'73 Vatican Council 11 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS as ':his chosen generation, his royal priesthood, his holy na-tion, his own people by acquisition., formerly not a people at all but now the people of God" (1 Pt 2:9-10). This messianic people possesses as its Head Christ "who was handed over to death because of our sins and was raised to secure our justification" (Rom 4:25) and who, having won the name that is above all names, gloriously rules in heaven. This people is in the state of the dignity and freedom of the children of God in whose hearts the Holy Spirit dwells as in His temple. The law of this people is the new commandment of loving as Chris~ loved us (see Jn 13:34). And its goal is the kingdom o[ God, begun on earth by God Himself and to be ex-tended until at the end of time i.t__w_il.l.be brought tp_per-fection by Him when Christ our life will appear (see Col 3:4) and "the whole of creation will be freed from the tyranny of decay and have the magnificent freedom of the children of God" (Rom 8:21). Accordingly, this messianic people, though it does not actually include all men and at times appears to be a small flock, is nevertheless the indestructible source of unity, hope, and salvation for the entire human race. Established by Christ as a mutual sharing in life, love, and truth, it is also used by Him as the instrument for the redemption of all and is sent out by Him to the entire world as the light of the world and the salt of the earth (see Mt 5:13-6). Just as Israel according to the flesh was already called the Church of God as it wandered about in the desert (2 Ezr 13:1; see Nm 20:4; Dt 23:1 ft.), so the new Israel which, while living in the present age, seeks a future and an abiding city (see Heb 13:14) is also called the Church of Christ (see Mt 16:18) since He won it at the price of His own life (see Acts 20:28), filled it with His Spirit, and provided it with the characteristic ele-ments of a visible and social union. God gathered to-gether all those who by their faith look to Jesus as the author of salvation and the principle of unity and peace .and established them as the Church, the purpose of ,which is to be for one and all the visible sacrament of this saving unity.15 In order that it might be extended into all the regions of the earth, it becomes a part of the history of mankind," even though it transcends the ages and goals of the peoples of the world. As it advances through trials and tribulations, it is strengthened by the power of the grace of God that was promised to it in order that it might not waver from perfect fidelity be-cause of the weakness of the flesh but would remain the Bride worthy of her Lord, never ceasing under the im-a~ See St. Cyprian, Epist., 69, 6: P.L., 3, 1142 B (Hartel, III B, p. 754): "inseparabile unitatis sacramentum" ["the unbreakable sacra-ment of unity"]. pulse of the Holy Spirit to renew herself until through the cross she arrives ai the light that knows no setting. 10. Christ the Lord, the High Priest .chosen from among men (see Heb 5:1-5), made this new people "a kingdom .of priests for God, his Father" (Ap.l:6; see 5:9~-10). For throughthe ,regeneration and anointing .of the Holy Spirit the baptized are.consecrated as a spiritual house and a holy priesthood so thatin all their actions as Christians they may offer spiritual sacrifices and proclaim the power of Him. who called them out of darkness into His amazing light (see 1 Pt 2:4-10). Accordingly, all the followers of Christ, devoting themselves to prayer and the praise of God (see Acts 2:42-7), should offer, them-selves as a living sacrifice holy and acceptable to God (see Rom 12:1); and everywhere' on.earth they should give witness to Christ, and t6 hll that ask they should give the reasons for the hope of eternal life that is within them (see 1 Pt 3:15). The general priesthood of the faithful and the minis-terial or hierarchical priesthood, though they differ in kind and not merely in degree, are nevertheless inter-connected; each of them in its own special way is a shar-ing of the one priesthood.of Christ.16 By the sacred, power he possesses, .the ministerial, priest directs and rules the priestly people; and, acting in the .person of Christ, he effects the Eucharistic sacrifice and offers it to God in the name of the entire People of God. On the other hand, the faithful join in the offering of the Eucharist by reason of their royal priesthood;17 and they exercise their priest-hood by receiving the sacraments, by prayer and thanks-giving, by the witness of a holy life, by self-denial, and by an active charity. 11. The sacred and organically structured character of the priestly community is brought into ope.ration through the sacraments and through virtuous action. Incorporated into the Church through baptism, the faithful by. its character are destined for .the worship of the Christian religion; and, having been reborn as children of God, they should confess before men the faith that they have received from God through the Church.is By the sacra-ment of confirmation their bond to the Church is. made more perfect; and they are endowed with a special strength of the Holy Spirit so that they are more stiictly ~ ~n See the aIIocution of Pius XII, Magnillcate Dominum, November 2, 1954: dcta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 46 (1954); p. 669; and the same Pontiff's encyclical Mediator Dei, November 20, 1947: Acta Apo~to-licae Sedis, v. 39 (1947), p. 555. " " ". ." ~ See the encyclidal of Pius.XI, Miserentissimus Redemptor, May 8, 1928: dcta Apostolicae Sediso v. 20 (1928), pp. 171 f.; and the allo-cution of Pi~s XII, Vous nous avez, September 22, 1956: Acta dpostolicae Sedis, ~. 48 (1956), p. 714. ~s See St. Thomas, Summa theologiae, 3, q.63, a.2. 4, ÷ The Church " VOLUME 24, 1965 675 ÷ ÷ ÷ ~atican Council II REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 676 obliged to spread and defend the faith by word and ac-tion as true witnesses to Christ.19 When they take part in the Eucharistic sacrifice, the source as well as the crown of the entire Christian life, they offer God the divine Victim and themselves with Him.2° Hence, through the offering and through Holy Communion all take part in the liturgical action--not, however, with no distinction of participation but each in his own proper way. Nour-ished during the sacred service by the Body of Christ, they then manifest in a concrete way the unity.of the People of God that is symbolized and wond~erfully ef-fected by this most sacred sacrament. "When they approach the sacrament of penance, they obtain pardon from the mercy of God for their offences against Him and at the same time are reconciled with the Church which they wounded by their sins and which by her love, example, and prayers labors for their con-version. By the sacred anointing of the sick and the prayers of her priests the entire Church commends the sick to the suffering and glorified Lord, asking that He might ease and heal them (see Jas 5:14-6); moreover, she exhorts them to freely unite themselves with the passion and death of Christ (see Rom 8:17; Col 1:24; 2 Tim 2:11-2; 1 Pt 4:13) and thereby contribute to the well-being of the People of God. Those of the faithful who are consecrated by holy orders are appointed to nourish the Church in Christ's name with the word and grace of God. Finally, by the strength of the sacrament of matrimony through which they signify and share in the mystery of the unity and fruitful love that exist be-tween Christ and the Church (see Eph 5:32), Christian spouses help each other to achieve holiness in their mar-ried lives and in the rearing and education of their chil-dren; accordingly, in their gtate and rank of life, they have their own special gift (see 1 Cor 7:7).2x For from such mar-riage comes the family in which are born new citizens of human society who through the grace of the Holy Spirit in baptism are made children of God to assure the per-petuation of the People of God throughout the course of the centuries. In this "Church in the home," as we may call it, the parents by their words and deeds are the first 1°See St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech., 17, De Spiritu Sancto, II, 35-7: P.G., 33, 1009-12; Nic. Cabasilas, De vita in Christo, bk. III, De utilitate chrismatis: P.G., 150, 569-80; and St. Thomas, Summa theologiae, 3, q.65, a.3 and q.72, a.l and 5. ~ See the encyclical of Pius XII, Mediator Dei, November 20, 1947: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 39 (1947), especially pp. 552 f. ~ 1 Cor 7:7: "Everyon.e has his own particular gift [idion char-isma] from God, some one thing and some another." See St. Augustine, De dono persev., 14, 37: PAL., 45, 1015 f.: "It is not just continence that is a gift of God--so also is the chastity of the married." preachers of the faith to their children; and they should foster the vocation proper to each of their children, tak-ing special care with regard to vocations to a sacred state. Strengthened by so many powerful means of salvation, all the faithful of whatever condition and state are called, each in his own way, to that perfect holiness whereby the Father Himself is perfect. 12. The holy People of God also share in the prophetic o~ice of Christ by spreading abroad a living witness to Him especially through a life of faith and charity and by offering to God a sacrifice of praise, the utterance of lips that glorify His name (see Heb 13:15). The entire body of the faithful, since they have been anointed by the Holy One (see Jn 2:20 and 27), cannot err in their be-liefs; and this special quality--deriving from the entire people's supernatural discernment of the faith--is made manifest when "from the bishops down to the last of the faithful" ~2 the people show their universal agreement in matters of faith and morals. It is through this discern-ment of the faith, which is begun and sustained by the Spirit of truth, that the People of God cling steadfastly to the faith committed once ahd for all to the saints (see Jude 3), doing this under the guidance of the sacred teaching authority by faithful obedience to which they receive not a merely human message but, what it really is, the message of God (see 1 Th 2:13); and it is through this same discernment that the people achieve a true understanding of the faith and give it a fuller applica-tion to life. Moreover, it is not only through the sacraments and the ministries that this same Holy Spirit sanctifies and leads the People of God and endows it with virtues; by "distributing" His gifts "to individuals as He wishes" (I Cor 12:11), He also confers on the faithful of every rank special graces by which He makes them ready and fit for undertaking various tasks and duties for the re-newal and building up of the Church according to the text: "The manifestation of the Spirit is given to each one for the common good" (1 Cor 12:7). These charisms --whether they be unusually remarkable or the simpler and more widely diffused ones--should be accepted with gratitude and an attitude of encouragement, since they are carefully proportioned to and useful for the needs of the Church. However, extraordinary gifts should not be rashly-sought after; nor should one presume to attain through them what comes as the result of apostolic labor. Moreover, judgment about their genuinity and their or-derly use belongs to those in authority in the Church "~Scc St. Augustine, De praed, sanct., 14, 27: P.L., 44,980. + Tlw Churrh VOLUME 24, 1965 677 4. 4. 4. Vatican Council II REVIEW FOR;RELIGIOUS who have been given the. special competence not to stifle the Spirit but to test all things and retain what is good (see 1 Th 5:12 and 19-21). 13. All men are called to join themselves to the new People of God. Therefore, this people, while remaining one and ~only one, is to be spread throughout the entire world and .throughout all ages of time in order that there may be carried out the decree of the will of that God who. at the beginning made human nature one and who has determined to bring together into unity all His scattered children (see Jn 11:52). It was for this that God sent His Son whom He appointed as His heir to all things (see Heb 1:2) so that He might be the teacher, king, and priest of all men--the Head of the new and worldwide people of the sons of God: And, finally, it was for this that God sent the Spirit of His Son, the Lord and the Giyer of Life who for the Church as a whole as wellas for each and every one of the faithful is the prin-ciple of their societal unity in the teaching and fellow-ship of the Apostles, in the breaking of bread, and in prayers (see Acts 2:42 according to the Greek text). Hence in all the peoples of the world there is present the one People of God which takes its citizens from_.all nations, making them citizens of a kingdom that is not earthly but heavenly ir~ nature. All the faithful, spread though they are throughout the world, are in communion with each other in the Holy Spirit; accordingly, "a person who lives, in-Rome knows that the people of India are his members."-% Since the kingdom of Christ is ~not of this world (see Jn 18:36), the Church, that is, the People of God, in establishing that kingdom takes nothing away from the temporal well-being of any people; on the con-trary, she fosters and uses the abilities, resources, and traditions of the v~rious peoples insofar as they are good; and in so doing, she purifies, strengthens, and elevates them. For she is mindful that she must be a conserver of things along with that King of hers to whom the nations have been given as His inheritance .(see Ps 2:8) and to whose city the nations bring their gifts and offerings (see Ps 71 [72]:10; Is 60:4-7; Ap 21:24). This characteristic of. universality which is the.,glory, of the People of God is a gift from the Lord Himself by reason of which the Cath-olic Church is always making effective efforts to bring all humanity and all its possessions to the headship of Christ in the unity of His Spirit34 By reason of this. catholicity each individual part makes its own special contribution to the other parts .and ¯ ~.~ee St. John Chrysostom, In Io., Horn. 65, 1: P.G., 59, 361. ~See St. Irenaeus, Adv. haer., III, 16, 6; III, 22, 1-3: P.G., 7, 925 C-926 A and 955 C-958 A (Harvey, 2, 87 f. and 120-3; Sagnard, pp. 290-2 and 372 ft.). ~ ¯ to the Church as a whole so that the whole and each part grow as a result of this mutual sharing and common effort to attain to fullness in unity. Hence, the People of God i-~'not only assembled from various peoples; but within itself it is composed of various levels. For among its mem-bers there is diversity either by reason of duties as is true in the case of those who exercise the sacred ministry for the good of their brethren or by reason of their con-dition and kind of life as is true in the case of those many persons in the religious state who, striving for holiness by a narrower path, stimulate their brethren by their ex. ample. Furthermore, within the Church's communion there rightly exist articular churches which possess their own special traditions without pre]-udice to the primacy of the Chair of Peter which presides over the entire as-sembly of charity,25 protecting legitimate differences while assuring that these differences do not harm unity but rather aid it. It follows, then, from all this that among the various parts of the Church there are bonds of close union with regard to spiritual riches, apo.stolic workers, and temporal resources. For the members of the People of God are ~alled to share their possessions; and the words of the Apostle apply to each of the churches: "Serve one another with the particular gifts God has given each of you, as faithful dispensers of the multiform grace of God" (1 Pt 4:10). All men are called to belong to this catholic unity of the People of God which anticipates and fosters uni-versal peace; and, in different ways, there belong to ~r are oriented towards_t_hi_s_unity_bo_th the Catho_ljc_ f.ait~h_ful and all who believe in Christ__as.well as all men in general si~ce~they are called by ~he ga-ace of God to salvation. "14. It is to the Catholic faithful that this Council wishes to first turn its attention. Basing itself on Sacred Scripture and tradition, it teaches that this Church, a pilgrim in exile, is necessary for salvation. For Christ alone is the Mediator and the Way to salvation; and He is present to us in His Body which is the Church. He, however, by explicitly affirming the necessity of faith and of baptism (see Mk 16:16; Jn 3:5), also affirmed the necessity of the Church which men enter by the door that is baptism. Hence, those men could not be saved who, knowing that the Catholic Church was established by God through Jesus Christ as a necessary means, neverthe-less, would refuse to enter the Church or to persevere in her. ' Pers~ms~ who are fully incorporated into the society of the Church are those who, having the Spirit of Christ, ~See St. Ignatius of Antioch, ,¢d Rom., Praef.: ed. Funk, I, p. + 4. + The Church VOLUME 24, 1965 679 accept her entire system and all the means of salvation found in her and who~-by the bonds of profession of faith, of the sacraments, and of ecclesiastical government and communion--are joined through her visible struc-ture to Christ who rules her through the supreme pontiff and the bishops. A person, however, is not saved who, even though he is incorporated into the Church, does not persevere in charity but remains in the bosom of the Church only "bodily," as it were, and not with full-hearted allegiance ["corpore" quidem, sed non "corde"].2~ All the children of the Church, however, should be mindful that their exalted status is not to be attributed to their own merits but to the special grace of Christ and that if they do not respond to this grace by their thoughts, words, and deeds, they will not only not be saved but will be judged all the more severely.2~ Catechumens who, under the impulse of the Holy Spirit and by an explicit decision, seek to be incorporated into the Church are joined to her by that very desire; and Mother Church already embraces them as her own with love and solicitude. 15. The Church recognizes that she is linked for many reasons with baptized persons who are honored with the name of Christian but who do not profess the faith in its entirety or do not preserve unity of communion ur~der the successor of Peter.2s For there are many who honor Sacred Scripture as a norm of faith and life, who mani-fest a sincere, religious zeal, who lovingly believe in God the Father almighty and in the Christ the Son of God and the Savior,29 who are signed with baptism and are thereby joined to Christ, and who 'even acknowledge and receive other of the sacraments in their churches or ecclesiastical communities. Many of them also possess episcopacy, celebrate the Holy Eucharist, and are devoted to the Virgin Mother of God.a° Added to this is a mutual ÷ 4- ÷ Vatican Cmtncil H REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS -~See St. Augustine, Bapt. c. Donat., V, 28, 39: P.L., 43, 197: "It is certainly clear that when we speak of 'within' and 'without' with regard to the Church, our consideration must be directed to what is in the heart, not to what is in the body." See also in the same work, III, 19, 26: P.L., 43, 152; V, 18, 24: P.L., 43, 189; and t~ae same author's In ]o., tr. 61, 2: PJ~., $5, 1800, as well as many texts in other of his works. ~See Lk 12:48: "Much will be expected from the one who has been given much." See also Mt 5:19-20; 7:21-2; 25:41-6; Jas 2:14. ~s See the apostolic epistle of Leo XIII, Praeclara gratulationis, June 20, 1894: .4cta Sancta Sedis, v. 26 (1893-4), p. 707. ~See the encyclical of Leo XIII, saris cognitum, June 29, 1896: ,4cta Sanctae Sedis, v. 28 (1895-6), p. 738; the same Pontiff's encycli-cal, Caritatis studium, July 25, 1898: ,,lcta Sanctae Sedis, v. 31 (1898- 9), p. 11; and the radio message of Pius XII, Nell'alba, December 24, 1941: .4cta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 34 (1942), p. 21. ~ See the encyclical of Pius XI, Return Orientalium, September 8, 1928: ,'Icta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 20 (1928), p. 287; and the encyclical sharing of prayers and of other spiritual benefits; indeed, there is a real kind of being joined together in the Holy Spirit since by His gifts and graces He is also active among them with His power and strengthens some of them even to the shedding of blood. In all the followers of Christ the Spirit arouses desire and action that all be peacefully united in one flock under one shepherd in the way deter-mined by Christ.31 The Church our Mother never ceases to' pray, hope, ~n'd work that this may come about; and she exhorts her children to such a purification and ~hat the sign of Christ may shine forth more brightly on the face of the Church. , 16~ Finally, those who have not yet accepted the gospel are oriented in various ways to the People of God.3z This is true, first of all, with regard to that people to whom the covenants and promises were given and from whom Christ was born according to the flesh (see Rom 9:4-5); this people remains most dear to God in accord with their election on account of their fathers; for God does not repent of His gifts and His call (see Rom 11:28-9). But the plan of salvation also embraces those who acknowledge the Creator. In the fi~st place among these are the Muslim who profess to hold the faith of Abraham and who adore with us the one merciful God who on the last day will be the judge of men. Nor is God far distant from those who in shadows and images seek the unknown God, since it is He who gives all men life and breath and everything else (see Acts 17:25-8) and since the purpose of the Savior is that all men should be saved (see 1 Tim 2:4). Those who are ignorant of Christ's ggspel and of His Church through no fault of their own but who seek God in sincerity of heart and try with the help of grace to carry out in their actions His will as known to them by the dictates of their conscience can attain salvation.8~ The helps necessary for salvation ~'re not denied by divine providence to those who without blame on their part have not yet come to an explicit acknowledgement of God and who strive with the aid of divine grace to lead an upright life. Whatever goodness and truth is found among them is regarded by the Church as a preparation for the gospels4 given by Him who enlightens every man in order that he may finally possess life. But often men, deceived by the Evil One, of Pius XII, Orientalis Ecclesiae, April 9, 1944: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 36 (1944), p. 137. at See the Instruction of the Holy Office, December 20, 1949: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 42 (1950), p. 142. ~ See St. Thomas, Summa theologiae, 3, q.8, a.3, ad 1. ~SSee the Letter of the Holy Office to the Archbishop of Boston: DenT. 3869-72. ~ See Eusebius of Caesarea, Praeparatio evangelica, 1, 1: P.G., 21, 28 AB. + The Church VOLUME 24, 1965 68! 4- 4- have indulged in fatuous argumentations and have ex-changed the truth of God for the lie, serving what is ¯ created rather than the Creator (see Kom 1:21 and 25); and, living and dying in this world without God, expose themselves to final despair. Hence, mindful of the com-mand of the Lord: "Proclaim the gospel to every crea-ture'~ (Mk 16:16), the Church takes great care to foster the missions for the glory of God and for the salvation of all such men. 17. As the Son was sent by the Father, so He sent the Apostles (see Jn 20:21), saying: "You, then, are to go and make disciples of all the nations and baptize them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit; teach them to carry out everything I have com-manded to you and remember that I am with you always ---even to the end of the world" (Mr 28:18-20). This solemn command of Christ to proclaim the truth of salvation was received from the Apostles by the Church as something to be carried out even to the ends of the world (see Acts 1:8). Accordingly, she makes her own the words of the Apostle: "I am ruined., if I do not preach the gospelI" (1 Cor 9:16) and ceaselessly continues to send forth gospel heralds until new churches are fully estab-lished and themselves continue the work of evangeliza-tion. For she is under the compulsion of the Holy Spirit to see to it that there be put into effect the plan of God who m~de Christ the 'source of salvation for the entire world. By preaching the gospel, the Church draws those who hear her to a profession of faith, prepares them for baptism, rescues them from the slavery of sin, and in-corporates them into Christ so that through their love for Him they might grow t_o_~c0~mplete fullness. In her work she sees to it that every seed of good fo~fid in the ~heart and mind of men and in the practices and cultures ( of peoples is not only saved from destruction but that it is , healed, elevated, and perfected for the glory of God, the _confusion of the devil, and the happiness of man. The obligation of spreading the faith according to one's abil-ity lies on every follower of Christ.35 B~_u~t d~ough anyone can baptize those who bel~iev~e, it is the work of the priest tr"~___~o~mpl._e~te the building up of the Body through the Eucharistic sacrifice by fulfilling the.words of God spoken through the prophet: "From the rising of the sun to the setting thereof, my name is great among the nations; and in every place there is sacrificed and offered to my name Vatican Council II REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 682 m See the apostolic epistle of Benedict XV, Maximum illud: ,,lcta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 11 (1919), p. 440 and especially pp. 451 ft.; the encyclical of Pius XI, Rerum Ecclesiae: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 18 (1926), pp. 68-9; and the encyclical of Pius XII, Fidei donum, April 21, 1957: dcta dpostolicae Sedis, v. 49 (1957), pp. 236--7, a clean oblation" (Mal 1:11).86 In this way theChurch both prays and labors that .the world in its entirety may ¯ enter-into the People of God, the Body of the Lord and the Temple of the Holy Spirit, and that in Christ, the Head of all, all honor and glory may be given to the Creator and Father of the universe. CHAPTER III THE HIERARCHICAL STRUCTURE "OF THE CHURCH ESPECIALLY THE EPISCOPATE 18. For the nurturing and constant growth of the People of God, Christ the Lord instituted in His Church a number of ministries, the purpose of whidi is the good of. the entire Body. For the ministers who possess sacred. power serve their brothers for the purpose that all who belong to the People of God and hence possess the true dignity of Christians may achieve salvation by working together for their common goal in a free and orderly fashion. Following the indications ,given by the First Vatican Council, this Council teaches and declares with it that Jesus Christ, the eternal Shepherd, established His holy Church, having sent forth His Apostles as He Himself had been sent by the Father (see Jn 20:21); and He willed that their successors, namely, the bishops, should be pastors in His Church even to the end of the world. In order, however, that the episcopate should itself be one and undivided, He placed the blessed Peter over the other Apostles and established in him a permanent and visible principle and foundation of unity of faith and of communion,s7 This Council again proposes to all the faithful as a matter of firm belief the doctrine of the institution, perpetuity, force, and meaning of the sacred primacy of the Roman pontiff as well as the doctrine of his infallible teaching authority; and, continuing what has already, been begun, it has decided to set forth and declare before all men the doctrine concerning the bishops, the successors of the Apostles, who together, with the successor of Peter, the vicar of Christas and the visible head of the entire Church, govern the house of the living God. aSee the Didache, 14: ed. Funk, I, p. 32; St. Justin, Dial., 41: P.G., 6, 564; St. Irenaeus; Adv. haer., IV, 17, 5: P.G., 7, 1023 (Harvey, 2, p. 199 f.); and the Council of Trent, Session 22, chapter 1: Denz. 939 (1742). ~See Vatican Council I, Session 4, the dogmatic constitution Pastor aeternus: Denz 1821 (8050 f.). ' ~ See the Council of Florence, Decretum pro Graecis: Denz. 694 (1807); and Vatican Council I as cited in the preceding footnote: Denz. 1826 (8059). 4. 4. ÷ The Church VOLUME 24, 1965 '. 683 4. Vatican Council I1 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 19. After praying to His Father, the Lord Jesus called to Himself those whom He wished and appointed them as the Twelve who would be with with Him and whom He would send to preach the kingdom of God (see Mk 3:13-9; Mt 10:1-42); and He formed these Apostles (see Lk 6:13) into a kind of college, that is, a stable group, over which He placed Peter chosen from among them (see Jn 21:15-7). He first sent them to the children of Israel and then to all the nations (see Rom 1:16) in order that they, sharing as they did His own power, might make all peoples His disciples, that they might sanctify and govern them (see Mt 28:16-20; Mk 16:15; Lk 24:45-8; Jn 20:21-3), and that in this way they might spread the Church and, through their ministry under the guidance of the Lord, might shepherd it for all time to the end of the world (see Mt 28:20). On the day of Pentecost they were confirmed in this mission (see Acts 2:1-26) according to the promise of the Lord: "You will be given power when the Holy Spirit comes upon you, and you will be witnesses to me in Jerusalem and throughout Judaea and Samaria and to the very ends of the earth" (Acts 1:8). And the Apostles, by everywhere preaching the gospel (see Mk 16:20) which was accepted by their hearers through the working of the Holy Spirit, gathered together the worldwide Church which the Lord had established in the Apostles and had built on blessed Peter, their chief, Christ Jesus being the actual corner stone (see Ap 21:14; Mt 16:18; Eph 2:20).39 20. This divine mission entrusted by Christ to the Apostles is to last until the end of the world (see Mt 28:20), since the gospel given to them is to be at all times the source of all vitality for the Church. Therefore, the Apostles took care to establish successors in this society of hierarchical structure. For not only did they have helpers of variot~s kinds in their ministry;40 but, in order that the mission en-trusted to them might continue after their death, they also gave to their immediate successors, as it were in the form of a will, the office of completing and strengthening the work begun by themselves?1 recommending to them ~ See the Liber sacramentorum of St. Gregory, Praef. in natali S. Matthiae et S. Thomae: P.L., 78, 51 and 152-~compare Cod. Vat. lat. 3548, f. 18; St. Hilary, In Ps. 67, 10: P.L., 9, 450 (C.S.E.L., 22, p. 286); St. Jerome, Adv. Iovin., 1, 26: P.L., 23, 247 A; St. Augustine, In Ps. 86, 4: P.L., 37, 1103; St. Gregory the Great, Mot. in lob, XXVIII, V: P.L., 76, 455--6; Primasius, Comm. in Apoc., V: P.L., 68, 924 BC; and Paschasius Radbertus, In Matth., bk. VIII, c. 16: P.L., 120,561 C. And see also the epistle of Leo XIII, Et sane, December 17, 1888: Acta Sanctae Sedis, v. 21 (1888), p. 321. °See Acts 6:2-6; 11:30; 13:1; 14:23; 20:17; 1 Th 5:12; Phil 1:I; and Col 4:11 and passim. ,1 See Acts 20:25-7; 2 Tim 4:6 L taken together with 1 Tim 5:22; that they take care of the entire flock in which the Holy Spirit placed them to act as shepherds for the Church of God (see Acts 20:28). Hence, they appointed such men and afterwards gave them directions that when they should have died other approved men would take up their ministry.~2 Among the various ministries exercised in the Church from early times, the principal place was held, as tradition testifies, by those who, having been appointed to the episcopate, possess, through a successive series starting from the beginning,~3 the vine branches coming from the seed of the Apostles.~* In this way, as St. Irenaeus testifies, through those who were appointed by the Apostles as bishops and through their successors down to our own times, the apostolic tradition is mani-fested45 and preserved~8 in the entire world. Bishops, therefore, with the help of priests and dea-cons, have taken up the service of the community,~7 pre-siding in the place of God .over the flockis of which they are the pastors, being teachers with regard to doc-trine, priests with regard to sacred worship, and ministers with regard to the work of ruling,g9 And just as the office given by the Lord individually to Peter, the first of the Apostles, is a permanent one to be transmitted to suc-cessors, so also the Apostles' office of shepherding the Church is a permanent one to be constantly exercised by the sacred order of bishops.5° Accordingly, this Council teaches that by divine institution bishops have succeeded to the place of the Apostles~x as pastors of the Church and 2 Tim 2:2; Tit 1:5; and St. Clement of Rome, Ad Cor., 44, 3: ed. Funk, I, p. 156. ~ St. Clement of Rome, Ad Cor., 44, 2: ed. Funk, I, p. 154 f. d8 See Tertullian. Praescr. haer., 32: P.L., 2, 52 f.; and St. Ignatius of Antioch, passim. "See Tertullian, Praescr. haer., 32: P.L., 2, 53. ~rSee St. Irenaeus, Adv. haer., III, 3, 1: P.G., 7, 848 A (Harvey, 2, 8; Sagnard, p. 100 f.): "manifestatam" ["having been made mani-fest"]. *°See Irenaeus, .4dr. haer., III, 2, 2: P.G., 7, 847 (Harvey, 2, 7; Sagnard, p. 100): "custoditur" ["is guarded"]. And see also St. Irenaeus, Adv. haer., IV, 26, 2: P.G., 7, 1053 (Harvey, 2, 236); IV, 33, 8: P.G., 7, 1077 (Harvey, 2, 262). ~7 St. Ignatius of Antioch, Ad Philad., Praef.: ed. Funk, I, p. 264. ~St. Ignatius of Antioch, Ad Philad., 1, 1; Ad Magn., 6, 1: ed. Funk, I, pp. 264 and 234. ~St. Clement of Rome, Ad Cor., 42, 3-4; 44, 3-4; 57, I-2: ed. Funk, I, 152, 159, 171 f.; St. Ignatius of Antioch, Ad Philad., 2; Ad Smyrn., 8; lid Magn., 3; Ad Trail., 7: ed. Funk, I, pp. 265 f., 282, 232, 246 f. and so forth; St. Justin, Apol., 1, 65: P.G., 6, 428; and St. Cyprian, Epist., passim. ~OSee the encyclical of Leo XIII, Saris cognitum, June 29, 1896: Acta Sanctae Sedis, v. 28 (1895--6), p. 732. ~ See the Council of Trent, Session 23, the decree De sacr. Ordinis, c. 4: Denzo 960 (1768); Vatican Council I, Session 4, the first dogmatic constitution De Ecclesia Christi, c. 3: Denz. 1828 (3061); the encyclical of Pius XII, Mystici Corporis, June 29, 1943; Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 4- + +. The Church VOLUME 24, 1965 685 4. Vatican Council H REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS that the person who hears them hears Christ, while the one who rejects them rejects Christ and the One who sent Christ (see Lk 10:16).~2 21. In the bishops, therefore, to whom priests give their assistance, there .is present, in the midst of the faithful the Lord Jesus Christ, our High Priest. Though Christ sits at the right handof God the Father, Heis not absent from the gathering of His pontiffs;53 rather, it is especially through their devoted service that He preaches the word of. God to all .nations, through their fatherly work (see 1 Cor 4:15) incorporates new members into His Body by supernatural rebirth, and by their wisdom and prudence directs and guides the people of the New Testament in their march towards eternal happiness. These pastors, who have been chosen to shepherd the flock of the Lord, are ministers of Christ and dispensers of the mysteries of God (see 1 Cot 4:1) to whom have been. assigned the bearing of witness to the gospel of the grace of God (see Rom 15:16; Acts 20:24) and the min-xstration of the Spirit and of justice in glory (see 2 Cor 3:8-9). For the.accomplishment of such great tasks, the Apos-tles were given' by Christ. a special outpouring of the Holy Spirit who.came upon them (see Acts 1:8; 2:4; Jn 20:22-3); and they passed on this spiritual gift to their helpers by the imposition of hands (see 1 Tim 4:14; 2 Tim 1:6-7), a practice which has been continued down to our own times in the consecration of bishops.5~ More-over,, this Synod teaches that by episcopal consecration there is conferred the fullness of the sacrament of orders which in the liturgical practice of the Church and in the terminology of the fathers is called the high priesthood, the highest point of the sacred ministry.~S Along with the office of sanctifying, episcopal consecration also confers v. 35 (1943), pp. 209 and ~12; and the Code of Canon Law, c~ 32~, : ~See the epistle of Leo XIII, Et sane, December 17, 1888: Acta Sanctae Sedis, v. 21 (1888), pp. 321 f. ~ St. Leo the Great, Serra., 5, 3: PAL., 54, 154. ~ The Council of Trent, Session 23, c. 3, cites the words of 2 Tim 1:6-7 to show that orders is a true sacrament: Denz. 959 (1766). rz In the Apostolic Tradition, 3, ed. Botte, Sources chr., pp. 27-30, ther~ is attributed to the bishop "primatus sacerdotii" ["primacy of priesthood"]. See the Sacramentarium Leonianura, ed. C. Mohl-berg, Sacramentarium. Fernonense (Rome, 1955), p. 119: ~'.ad summi sacerdotii ministerium . Comple in sacerdotibus tuis mysterii tui summam." [".to the ministry of the highpriest. ¯ . Fill up in.Your. priests, the highest point of Your mystery. "]; and the same editor's Liber sacramentoruin "Romanae E(clesiae (Rome, 1960); pp. 121-2: "Tribuas eis, Domine, cathedram episco-palem ad regendam Ecclesiam tuam et pleb'em universam" ["Give them, Lord, the episcopal see to rule Your Church and Your entire people"]¯ See PAL., 78, 224. the offices o[ teaching and governing which, however, their very nature cannot be exercised except in hier~archi-cal communion with the head and members of the col-lege. For it is clear from tradition--which is expressed especially in the liturgical ceremonies and in the practice of both the Eastern and Western Church--that by the imposition of hands and the words of consecration the grace of the Holy Spirit is so conferred5e and the sacred character so imprinted57 that the bishops in an eminent and clearly visible way carry out the work of ChriSt Him-self as teacher, shepherd, and pontiff and that they act in His personPe It pertains to bishops to admit newly se-lected candidates into the episcopal body through the sacrament of orders. 22. Just as--in accord with the Lord's determination-- St. Peter and the other Apostles constitute a single apos-tolic college, so in a like way the Roman pontiff, the successor of Peter, and the bishops, the successors of the Apostles, are mutually interrelated. The collegial charac-ter and nature of the episcopal order was already mani-fested by the very ancient practice by which bishops in residence throughout the entire world communicated with each other and with the bishop of Rome in the bond of unity, charity, and peace~ and by the conciliar gather° ings6° at which more important matters were settled in common61 after the opinions of many individuals had been considered by the gathering;e2 and the same thing is clearly shown in the course of time by the ecumenical ~ Apostolic Tradition, 2: ed. Botte, p. 27. ~ The Council of Trent, Session 23, c. 4, teaches that the sacra-ment of orders imprints an indelible character: Denz. 960 (1767). See the allocution of John XXIII, Jubilate Deo, May 8, 1960; Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 52 (1960), p. 466; and the homily of Paul VI in St. Peter's Basilica, October 20, 1963: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 55 (1963), p. 1014. ~St. Cyprian, Epist., 63, 14: P.L., 4, 386 (Hartel, III B, p. 713): "Sacerdos vice Christi vere fungitur" ["The priest truly acts in the place of Christ"]; St. John Chrysostom, In 2 Tim., Horn. 2, 4: P.G., 62, 612: The priest is the "symbolon" of Christ; St. Ambrose, In Ps. 38, 25-6: P.L., 14, 1051-2 (C.S.E.L., 64, 203-4); Ambrosiaster, In 1 Tim, 5, 19: P.L., 17, 479 C and In Eph., 4, 11-2: P.L., 17, 387 C; Theodore of Mopsuestia, Horn. Catech.o XV, 21 and 24: ed. Tonneau, pp. 497 and 503; and Hesychius of Jerusalem, In Lev.,2, 9, 23: P.G., 93, 894 B. 5~ See Eusebius of Caesarea, Hist. Eccl., V, 24, 10: G.C.S., II, 1, p. 495 (ed. Bardy, Sources chr., II, p. 69); and Dionysius as given in Eusebius of Caesarea, Hist. Eccl., VII, 5, 2: G.C.S., II, pp. 638 f. (ed. Bardy, II, pp. 168 f.). ® See for the ancient councils Eusebius o[ Caesarea, Hist. Eccl., V, 23-4: G.C.S., II, I, pp. 488 ft. [ed. Bardy, II, p. 66 ff.] and passim; and the Council of Nicaea, can. 5: Conc. Oec. Decr., p. 7. ~ Tertullian, De ieiunio, 13: P.L., 2, 972 B (C.S.E.L., 20, p. 292, lines 13-6). ~S. Cyprian, Epist., 56, 3: Hartel, III B, p. 650 (ed. Bayard, p. ~4). + + 4- The Church VOLUME 24, 1965' + Vatican Council II REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS councils that have been held. The same character was already implied in the practice~introduced in ancient times--of summoning a number of bishops to take part in the elevation of the ones who had been newly chosen to the ministry of the high priesthood. A person is con-stituted as a member of the episcopal, body by the power of sacramental consecration and by hierarchical commun-ion with the head and members of the college. But the college or body of bishops does not possess authority except insofar as it is envisioned together with its head, the Roman pontiff, the successor of Peter, whose power of primacy over all--both pastors and faithful remains full and complete. For by reason of his office as the vicar of Christ and the shepherd of the en-tire Church, the Roman pontiff possesses full, supreme, and universal power over the Church, a power which he can always freely exercise. However, taken together with its head, the Roman pontiff, and never without this head, the order of bishops, which succeeds to the college of the Apostles in the matter of teaching power and pastoral rule and in which the apostolic body continues in permanency, exists as the subject also of supreme and full power over the entire Church6~ though this is to be exercised, of course, only with the consent of the Roman pontiff. For it was only Simon whom the Lord made the bedrock foundation and the keybearer of the Church (see Mt 16:18-9) and whom He appointed as shepherd of His entire flock (see Jn 21:15 if.); but it is clear that the office o~ binding and loosing that was given to Peter (Mt 16:19) was also conferred on the college of the Apostles joined to their head (Mt 18:18; 28:16-20).~ Insofar as it is composed of many members, this college expresses the variety and universality of the People of God; on the other fheasntsd t,h ien.s oufnaitry a osf i tC ihsr iassts'se mflobclekd. Tuhned beris ohnope sh iena tdh,i sit c molalengi-e, while loyally recognizing the primacy and preeminence of their head, exercise their own proper power for the good of their faithful as well as for the good of the entire Church whose organic structure and harmony is continu-ally strengthened by .the Holy Spirit. The supreme power over the entire Church which this college possesses is exercised in a solemn way in the ecumenical councils. A council is never ecumenical unless it is confirmed or at least accepted as such by the successor of Peter; and it eaSee the official remarks of Zinelli during Vatican Council I: Mansi, 52, 1109 C. e~ See Vatican Council I, Schema for the second dogmatic con-stitution De Ecclesia Christi, c. 4: Mansi, 53, 310. See also the re-marks of Kleutgen on the revised Schema: Mansi, 53, 321 B-322 B; and the state~ment by Zinelli: Mansi, 52, 1110 A. And see too St. Leo the Great, Serm., 4, 3: P.L., 54, 151 A. is the prerogative of the Roman pontiff to convoke such councils, to preside over them, and to confirm them.e" This same collegiate power can be exercised in' union with the Pope by the bishops living in different parts of the earth provided that the head of the college calls them to collegiate action or at least approves or freely accepts the united action of the bishops throughout the world and thus makes it a truly collegiate act. 23. Collegiate union is also apparent in the mutual re-lations of the individual bishop with individual churches and with the universal Church. The Roman pontiff as the successor of Peter is the enduring and visible principle and foundation of the unity both of the bishops and of the entire body of the faithful.~ But the individual bishops are the visible principle and foundation of unity in their own individual churches~7 which are structured after the model of the universal Church; and it is in and from these churches that the one and only Catholic Church exists.6s Hence, individual bishops represent their own churches, while all of them together with the pope represent the entire Church in the bond of peace, love, and unity. Individual bishops who are placed in charge of particu-lar churches exercise their pastoral rule over that portion of the People of God entrusted,to them and not over the other churches nor over the universal Church. But as members of the episcopal college and as the legitimate successors of the Apostles, each of them is bounda9 by Christ's institution and command to that care for the whole Church which, even though it is not exercised by an act of jurisdiction, nevertheless contributes in a very marked degree to the welfare of the universal Church. For all the bishops should foster and protect the unity of faith and the common discipline of the entire Church; they should thoroughly train their faithful to a love of the entire Mystical Body of Christ, especially of those members who are poor and suffering and of those who are enduring persecution for the cause of goodness (see Mt 5:10); and, finally, they should encourage every form of activity that is the common work of the Church, espe- ~ See the Code of Canon Law, c. 227. ~0 See Vatican Council I, the dogmatic constitution, Ptutor aeter-nus: Denz. 1821 (3050 f.). ~ See St. Cyprian, Epist., 66, 8: Hartel, III B, p. 733: "Episcopus in Ecclesia et Ecclesia in episcopo" ["The bishop is in the Church and the Church in the bishop"]. ~ See St. Cyprian, Epist., 55: 24: Hartel, llI B, p. 642, line 13: "Una Ecclesia per totum mundum in multa membra divisa". ["The one Church divided throughout the entire world into many members"]; and Epist., 36, 4: Haxtel, III B, p. 575, lines 20-1. ~ See the encyclical of Pius XII, Fidei donum, April 21, 1957: ~lcta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 49 (1957), p. 237. Th~ Church VOLUME 24, 1965 689 cially that which is directed to the growth of the faith and the rising upon all men of the light of the fullness of truth. Moreover, it is to be held as certain that by ruling their own .church as a part of the universal Church, they contribute in an effective way to the good of the entire Mystical Body which is also the body of the churches.70. The work of proclaiming the gospel everywhere on earth is a matter that pertains to the body of pastors to all of whom in common Christ gave His command by as-signing them a common task a point that Pope Celes-tine already in his day recommended to the attention of the fathers of the Council of Ephesus.71 Hence, as far as the performance of their office permits it, individual bishops are obliged to engage in a common undertaking of work among themselves and with the successor of Peter to whom in a special way the task of spreading Christian-ity tias been entrusted.~2 Accordingly, by their own per-sonal efforts and by arousing the zealous cooperation of the faithful, they must energetically provide the missions with an abundant supply of workers for the harvest and with plentiful spiritual and material helps. Finally, in accord with the admirable example of ancient times the bishops, in their universal fellowship of love, should ex-tend their brotherly help to other churches, especially those that are closer and more needy. In the course of time under the working of divine providence it has come about that various churches in-stituted in various places by the Apostles and their successors have formed a number of organically united groups which, while preserving the unity of the faith and the unique divine constitution of'the universal Church, possess their own discipline, their own liturgical usage, and their own theological and spiritual heritage. Among these there are some, particularly the ancient patriarchal churches, who were like parent-stocks of the faith and brought forth daughter churches to whom even today they are joined by a close bond of love in their sacramen-tal life and in their regard for each other as shown in Vatican Council 11 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS (;90 ~ See St. Hilary of Poitiers, In Ps. 14, 3: P.L., 9, 206 (C.S.E.L., 22, p. 86); St. Gregory the Great, Moral., IV, 7, 12: P.L., 75, 643; and Pseudo-Basil, In ls., 15, 296: P.G., 30, 637 C. rxSt. Celestine, Epist., 18, 1-2 to the Council of Ephesus: P.L.', 50/505 AB (Schwart.z, Acta Conc. Oec., I, 1, 1, p. 22). And see the apostolic epistle of Benedict XV, Maximum illud: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 11 (1919), p. 440; the encyclical of Pius IX, Rerum Ecclesiae, February 28, 1926: .4cta .4postolicae Sedis, v. 18 (1926, p. 69; and the encyclical o[ Pius XII, Fidei donum, April 21, 1957: Acta Apostolicae v. 49 (1957)', p. 237. ~ The encyclical of Lco XIII, Grande munus, S~ptember 30, 1880: Acta Sahctae Sedis, v. 13 (1880), p. 145. And see the Code of Canon Law, c. 1327; c. 1350, § 2. their respective rights and dutiesY8 By this actual achievement of unity this variety' of local Churches is a striking manifestation of the cathblicity of the undivided Church~ Similarly and in a numbei of effecti,ie ways, the episcopal conferences of today can contribufe what is necessary in order that the sense of collegiality may be put into¯ practical effect. 24. Since they are the successors of the Apostles, the bishops have received from the Lord to whom was given all power in heaven and On earth the mission of teaching all nations and of preaching the gospel to every creature so that all men might attain salvation through'faith, baptismi and. the fulfillment of the commandments (see Mt 28:18; Mk 16:15-6; Acts 26:17 f.).'In order that this., gomm~ssi0n might be carried out, Christ our Lord promised the Apostles the Holy Spirit; and on the day 0f Pentecost He sent the Spirit so that by His stiength and even to the ends of the earth they migh.t be Witnesses testifying to Him before nations ~nd peoples and rulers (see Acts 1:8; 2:1 f[.; 9:15). The, office which the Lord entrusted to these shepherds of His people i~ genuinely a kind of service which in Sacred Scripture is meaningly referred to as a. diakonia, a ministering to (see Acts1:17 and 25; 21:19; Rom 11~I~; 1 Tim 1:12). The canonical mission of bishops can be conferred by legitimate customs that have not been revoked by the supreme and universal power of the ChurCh, or by laws made or recognized by that sa'me authority, or d~re~fly by the successor of Peter; ~and if the lattei denies 0i: re-fuses apostolic communion, those so ~efused cannot be placed in ¯office as bish0p~3t 25. Among the principal, duties of bishops, the preach: ing of the gospel occupies a special placeY~ For bishops are the heralds of the faith who bring new disciples to Christ; they are authentic teachers who are endowed with the authority of Christ and who preach to the peo-pl~ entrusted to them the faith that is to be believed and put into practice; under the light of the Holy Spirit they explain the faith; by bringing forth new things .and old (see Mt 13:52) from the treasury of revelation, they make it bear. fruit; and.the~ vigilantly.ward Off. eri0rs ~3n th~ Hghts of pati:iarchal sees, see the Council of Nicaea, canon 6 on Alexandria and Antioch, canon 7 on Jerusalem: Conc. Oec. Decr., p. 8; Laterkn Council IV in the year 1215, Constitution V: De dignitate Patriarcharum: Conc. Oec. Decr., p. 212; and the Council of Ferrara-Florence: Conc. Oec. Decr., p. 504. ~ See the Code of Law for the Eastern Churches, cc. 216-314: de P~itriarchis; cc.324-39: de Archiepiscopis maioribus; cc. 362-91: de aliis dignitariis; and in particular, cc. 238, § 3; 216; 240; 251; 255: de Episcopis a Patriarcha nominandis. '~ See the Council of Trent, Decree on reform, Session 5, c. 2, n. 9; and Session 24, can. 4: Conc. Oec. Decr., pp. 645 and 739. 4. 4, + Tl~ ~hurch 691 Vatican Council II REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 692 that threaten their flock (see 2 Tim 4:1-4). Bishops, while teaching in communion'with the Roman pontiff, should be respected by all as witnesses of divine and Catholic truth; moreover, when their bishop makes a judgment on faith and morals in the name of Christ, the faithful should accept it and adhere to it with an atti'tude of religious allegiance. This religious allegiance of the will and intellect should be given in an entirely special way to the authentic teaching power of the Roman-pontiff even when he is not speaking cathedratically; this should be done.in such a. way that his supreme teaching power is respectfully acknowledged while the judgments given by him are.since~?ely adhered to ac-cording to his manifest intention and desire as this is made known by the nature" of his documents or by his frequent repetition of the same judgment or by his way of speaking. Individual bishops do not possess the prerogative of infall!bility. Nevertheless, as long as they preserve the bond of communion among themselves and with the successor of Peter, the bishops, even though they are in residence in different parts of the earth, propose the doctrine of Christ in an infallible manner when in their authoritative teaching on matters of faith and morals they agree on a position as being the one to be held in a definitive way.r6 This is even more manifest when they are gathered in an ecumenical council and act as the teachers and judges of faith and morals for the entire Church whose decisions are to be adhered to with the submission of faith.77 This infallibility with which our divine Redeemer wanted His Church to be endowed in the matter of defining doctrine concerning faith and morals extends as far as does the deposit of that divine revelation which is to be carefully, guarded and faithfully expounded. By reason of his office the Roman pontiff, the head of the college of bishops, possesses this infallibility When, as the supreme shepherd and teacher of all the faithful who con-firms his brethren in the faith (see Lk 22:32), he pro-claims a doctrine of faith or morals in a definitive act.rs Hence his definitions are rightly said to be irreformable of themselves and not from the consent of the Church, since they are made with that assistance of the Holy To See Vatican Council I, the dogmatic constitution, Dei Filius, 3: Denz. 1712 (3011). And see the note (taken from St. Robert Bel-larmine) adjoined to Schema I de Ecclesia: Mansi, 51, 579 C; as well as the revised Schema for the second constitution De Ecclesia Christi with the commentary of Kleutgem Mansi, 53,313 AB. See also the epistle of Pius IX, Tuas libenter: Denz. 1683 (2879). ~ See the Code of Canon Law, co. 1322-3; r~See Vatican Council I, the dogmatic constitution, Pastor aeternus: Denz. 1839 (3074). Spirit that was promised to him in the person of St. Peter and therefore need no approbation from other persons and do not allow appeal to another judgment. For in this case the Roman pontiff does not give his de-cision acting as a private person; rather, he expounds or protects a doctrine of the Catholic faith acting as the supreme teacher of the entire Church in whom is present in a special way the charism of infallibility of the Church herself.TM The infallibility promised to the Church is.also present in the body of the bishops when it exercises the supreme teaching office together with the successor of Peter. The assent of the Church can never be lacking in the case of these definitions since there exists that action of the Holy Spirit' by which the entire flock of Christ is preserved in the unity of faith and grows in it.s° But when either the Roman pontiff or the body of bishops together with him makes a definitive judgment, they make it in accord with revelation itself which all are bound to abide by and be in conformity with, which is transmitted in its entirety through the legitimate succession of bishops and especially by the supervision of the Roman pontiff himself, and which under the guid-ing light of the Spirit of truth is religiously preserved and faithfully expounded in the Church.sl In accordance with their office and the seriousness of the matter, the Roman pontiff and the bishops are diligent in their efforts to investigate this revelation in a correct way and to give it an apt expression;s2 but they do not accept any new public revelation as pertaining .to the divine deposit of faith,sa 26. Since he is characterized by the fullness of the sacrament of orders, a bishop is ."the steward of the grace of the high priesthood," s4 especially in the Eucharist which he offers or causes to be offereds5 and by which the Church continually lives and grows. This Church of Christ is truly present in all legitimate local congrega-tions of the faithful which united to their pastors are themselves called churches in the New Testament.s6 For in their own localities these are the new People of God who have been called by God in a great fullness of the ~ See the explanation of Gasser at Vatican Council I: Mansi, 52, 1213 AC. ~o Gasser, Vatican Council I: Mansi, 52, 1214 A. sa Gasser, Vatican Council I: Mansi, 52, 1215 CD, 1216-7 A. s~ Gasser, Vatican Council I, Mansi, 52, 1213. ~*Vatican Council I, the dogmatic constitution, Pastor aeternus, 4: Denz. 1836 (3070). s4 The Oration of the episcopal consecration in the Byzantine rite: Euchologion to mega (Rome, 1873), p. 139. ~See St. Ignatius of Antioch, Ad Smyrn., 8, I: ed. Funk, I, p. 282. ~ See Acts 8:1; 14:22-3; 20:17; and passim. + + + VOLUME 241 1965 693 Fati~an Cou~l II REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Holy Spirit (see 1 Th 1:5). In. them the faithful are ¯ gathered together b)~ the .preaching of ChriSt's gospel, and the mystery of the ¯Lord's Supper is celebrated "so that the entire brotheihood may be bonded together by the food and blood of the Lord's Body." s7 In every com-munity gathered ;iround the altar under the sacred min-istry of the bishop,as there is manifested the symbol of that love and "unity of the Mystical Body without which there can be no salvation." so In these communities ---even though they are small and poor or living in the 'diaspora--there is the presence of Christ by whose power is formed the one, holy, catholic, and apostolic Church.°0 For "the partaking of the Body and Blood of Christ effects nothing else than our transformation into what ~we cohsume." 91 Every lawful celebration of the Eucharist is under the dii:ection of the bishop to whom the duty has been ¯ entrusted of offering to the divine majesty the worship of the Christian religion and of regulating it according to the Lord's precepts and the laws of the Church as further articulated for his diocese by hi~ own particular judgment. So it is that bishops, by praying and' working for their people, cause' a great and abundant outpouring from the fullness of the holiness of Christ. By the ministry of the word they communicate the power of God that effects salvation in those who believe (see Rom 1:16); and through the sacraments, the regular and fruitful adminis-tration of which they regulateby their authority,°2 they sanctify the .faithful. It is they who direct the conferring of baptism by which there is granted a sharing in the royal priesthood of Christ. It' is they who are the 'original ministers of confirmation, the dispensers of sacred orders, and the supervisors of the practice of penance; and it is they who conscientiously exhort and instruct their people so that in the .liturgy and especially in the sacred sacrifice of the Mass the latter can perform their roles with faith and reverence. Finally, by the ex-ample of their conduct they must be a good influence on those they are ~in charge of, keeping evil out of their lives by directing them as far as possible with the help of God to what is good so that, together with the flock entrusted to them, they may attain eternal Iife.0a s~ The Mozarabic Oration: P.L., 96, 759 B. ~ See St. Ignatius of 2(ntioch, Ad Smyrn., 8, 1: ed. Funk, I, p. 282. ~* St. Thomas, Summa theologiae, 3, q.73, a.3. ¯ ~See St. Augustine, C. Fausti~m, 12, 20: P.L., 42, 265; Serm., 57, 7: P.L., 38, 389; and elsewhere. ,~ St. Leo the Great, Serm., 63, 7:P.L., 54, 357 C. ,a The Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus, 2-3: ed. Botte, pp. 26- 30. n See the text of the Examen at the beginning of the consecration 27. As vicars and emissaries of Christ?* bishops govern the particular churches entrusted to them by counsel, exhortation, and example but also by their authority and sacred power which they use, however, only for the building up of their flock in truth and holiness, mindful that the one who is greater should be as the lesser and that the one who is the head should be like the servant (see Lk 22:26-7). This power, which they personally exercise in the name o~ Christ, is proper, ordinary, and immediate, although its exercise is ultimately regulated by the supreme authority of the Church and, for the sake of the welfare of the Church or of the faithful, can be kept by it within definite limits. By reason of this power, bishops have the right and duty before God to make laws for their subjects, to judge matters, and to direct every-thing that pertains to the right ordering of worship and the apostolate. The pastoral office, that is, the habitual and daily care of their sheep, is fully committed to them; and they are not to be regarded as vicars of the Roman pontiffs since they exercise an authority that is proper to them and in a very true sense are said to be presiding officers [Antistites] of the people they govern.°5 Hencd, their power is not destroyed by the supreme and universal power but on the contrary is affirmed, strengthened, and defended by ito5 since the Holy Spirit unfailingly pre-serves the form of government established by Christ our Lord in His Church. Since He is sent by the Father to govern His family, a bishop should keep before his eyes the example of the Good Shepherd who came not to be served but to serve (see Mt 20:28; Mk 10:45) and to give His life for His sheep (see Jn 10:11). Having been chosen from among men and being subject to weakness, he can sympathize with the ignorant and the erring (see Heb 5:1-9). He of a bishop and the Oration at the end of the Mass of the same con-secration after the Te Deum. ~ The brief of Benedict XlV, Romana Ecclesia, October 5, 1752, § 1: Bullarium Benedicti XIV, t. IV (Rome, 1758), 21: "Episcopus Christi typum gerit, Eiusque munere fungitur" ["The bishop is an image of Christ and performs His work"]; and the encyclical of Pius XlI, Mystici Corporis, June 29, 1943: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 35 (1943), p. 211: "Assignatos sibi greges singuli singulos Christi nomine pascunt et regunt" ["In the name of Christ each one takes care of and rules the individual flock assigned to him"]. ' rathe encyclical of Leo XIII, Saris cognitum, June 29, 1896: ,,lcta Sanctae Sedis, v. 28 (1895-6), p. 732; the same Pontiff's.epistle, Officio sanctissimo, December 22, 1887: Acta Sanctae Sedis, v. 20 (1887), p. 264; the apostolic letter of Pius IX to the bishops of Germany, March 12, 1875, and his consistorial allocution of March 15, 1875: Denz. 3112-7 (only in the new edition). ~Vatican Council I, the dogmatic constitution, Pastor aeternus, 3: Denz. 1828 0061). See the remarks of Zinelli: Mansi, 52, 1114 D. + + + The Church ,VOLUME 241 1965 695 4. Vatican Council H REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 696 should not refuse to listen to his subjects whom he cherishes as his true sons and whom he exhorts to a ready cooperation with himself. Since he will one day render an account to God for their souls (see Heb 13:17), he sees to it that by prayer, preaching, and every kind of charity he takes care both of his subjects and also of those whom, though they are not yet of the one flock, he considers to have been entrusted to him in the Lord. Since, like the Apostle Paul he owes a debt to all, he should be eager to preach the gospel to all (see Rom 1:14-~5) and to urge his faithful to apostolic and missionary activity. The [aitldul, moreover, should cling to their bishop as the Church does to Jesus Christ and as Jesus Christ does to the Father so that all things may be in harmonious unity07 and redound to the glory of God (see 2 Cor 4:15). 28. Christ, whom the Father sanctified and sent into the world (Jn 10:36), has through His Apostles made their successors the bishops sharers in His consecration and His mission;98 and they, as is appropriate, have en-trusted in varying degrees the work of their ministry to various individuals in the Church. So it is that the divinely established ecclesiastical ministry is exercised on different levels by those who f~om ancient times were referred to as bishops, priests, and deacons.9~ Although priests do not. possess the highest degree of priesthood and are dependent on the bishops in the exercise of their power, nevertheless they are united to the bishops in sacerdotal dignity;1°° and by reason of the sacrament of orders1°1 and according to the model of Christ ,the eternal High Priest (Heb 5:1-10; 7:24; 9:11-28), they are consecrated as true priests of the New Testament for the preaching of the gospel, the shepherding of the faithful, and the celebration of divine worship.l?2 As sharers in the work of Christ our sole Mediator (1 Tim 2:5) on their own level of the ministry, they proclaim the divine message to all men. They exercise their sacred office in the highest way ~ See St. Ignatius of Antioch, ,4d Ephes., 5, 1: ed. Funk, I, p. 216. 0s See St. Ignatius of Antioch, ~ d Ephes., 6, I: ed. Funk, I, p. 2 ~ See the Council of Trent,. Session 23, De sacr. Ordinis, c. 2: Denz. 958 (1765); and can. 6: Denz. 966 (1776). 1°°See Innocent I, Epist. ad Decentiurn: P.L., 20, 554 A (Mansi, 3, 1029; Denz. 98 [215]: "Presbyteri, licet secundi sint sacerdotes, pon-tificatus tamen apicern non habent" ["The presbyters, though they are priests of the second grade, do not possess the. crown of being pontiffs"]); and St. Cyprian, Epist., 61, 3: ed. Hartel, III B, p. 696. ~x See the Council of Trent as cited in footnote 99, Denz. 956a- 968 (1763--78) and in particular can. 7: Denz. 967 (1777); and the apostolic constitution of Pius.XII, Sacramentum Ordinis: Denz. 2301 (3857-61). m See Innocent I as cited in footnote 100; St. Gregory Nazianzen, Apol., II, 22: P.G., 35, 432 B; and pseudo-Dionysius, Eccl. Hier., 1, 2: P.G., 3, 372 D. in the eucharistic worship or synaxis in which, acting in the person of Christ10s and proclaiming His mystery, they unite the prayers of the faithful to the sacrifice of their Head and make present and apply in the sacrifice of the Mass until the coming of the Lord (see 1 Cor 11:26) the only sacrifice of the New Testament, that, namely, of Christ offering Himself once and for all to His Father as a spotless victim (see Heb 9:11-28).TM For those of the faith-ful who are repentant or sick, they perform the important ministry of reconciliation and alleviation; and they pre-sent the needs and prayers of the faithful to God the Father (see Heb 5:1-~). According to their share of authority, they exercise the ot~ice of Christ as Shepherd and Head,105 gather together the family of God as a brother-hood of one mind and heart,TM and lead them through Christ in the Spirit to God the Father. In the midst of their flock they adore God in spirit and in truth (see Jn 4:24). Finally, they labor at preaching and teaching (see 1 Tim 5:17), believing what they have read and re-flected upon in the law of the Lord, teaching what they have believed, and practicing what they have taughtA07 Since priests have been called to serve the People of God as solicitous cooperators,x0s helpers, and instruments of the episcopal order, they constitute with their bishop a unified priestly group [presbyterium]10~ with a variety of duties to be performed. Since they are united to their bishop in a spirit of trust and generosity, they make him present in a sense in the individual local congregations of the faithful; and they take a share of his duties and responsibilities, carefully discharging these day by day. Under the authority of the bishop they sanctify and govern the portion of the Lord's flock assigned to them, make the universal Church visible in their locality, and make an important contribution to the building up of the entire Body of Christ (see Eph 4:12). Since they are always deeply concerned for the welfare of the children of God, they should strive to contribute their efforts to the pastoral work of the whole diocese and indeed of 1°*See the Council of Trent, Session 22: Denz. 940 (1743); and the encyclical of Pius XII, Mediator Dei, November 20, 1947: Acta ~Ipostolicae Sedis, v. 39 (1947), p. 553 (Denz. 2300 [3850]). m See the Council of Trent, Session 22: Denz. 938 (1739-40); and Vatican Council II, Constitution on the Liturgy, nn. 7 and 47. m See the encyclical of Plus XII, Mediator Dei, as cited in foot-note 103. 1~See St. Cyprian, Epist., 11, 3: PAL., 4, 242 B (Hartel, Ill B, p. 497). lo~ Ceremony of priestly ordination, at the imposition of the vest-ments. ~0s Ceremony of priestly ordination, the Preface. m See St. Ignatius of Antioch, ~ld Philad., 4: ed. Funk, I, p. 266; and St. Cornelius I as given in St. Cyprian, Epist., 48, 2: Hartel, III B, p. 610. + Th~ Church VOLUME 24~ 1965 697 Vatican Council H the whole Church. Because of this sharing in priesthood and mission, priests should sincerely look upon their bishop as their father and should respectfully obey him. And the bishop should consider priests, his co-workers, as his sons and friends just as Christ calls His disciples now not servants but friends (see Jn 15:15). By reason of orders and ministry all priests, both diocesan and religious, are joined to the body of bishops and according to their voca-tion and grace serve the good of the entire Church. By reason of their common sacred ordination and their mission, all priests are bound together in intimate broth-erhood which should naturally and freely manifest itself in mutual help, both spiritual and material, pastoral as well as personal, in their meetings and in their commu-nion of life, labor, and charity. Acting as fathers in Christ, priests should take care of the faithful whom they have spiritually begotten through baptism and teaching (see 1 Cor 4:15; 1 Pt 1:23). Having become in all sincerity an example for the flock (see 1 Pt 5:3), they should direct and serve their local community in such a .way that it can be fittingly called by that name by which the one and entire People of God is designated--the Church of God (see 1 Cor 1:2; 2 Cot 1:1; and passim). They should remember to show a genuinely priestly and pastoral spirit by their daily lives and by their solicitude for believers and unbelievers, for Catholics and non-C~tholics; they should also remem-ber their obligation to give all men a witness to truth and life and as good shepherds to seek out also those (see Lk 15:4-7) who, though baptized in the Catholic. Church, have fallen away from the use of the sacraments or even from the faith itself. Since more and more today the human race is growing into a civil, economic, and social unity, it is all the more necessary that priests by their combined effort under the direction of the bishops and the supreme pontiff should eradicate every trace of divisiveness so that the entire hu, man race may be led into the unity of the family of God. 29. On a lower level of the hierarchy are the deacons upon whom hands are imposed "not unto the priesthood but unto an office of service." 110 Strengthened by their sacramental grace and in union with the bishop and his group of priests, they minister to the People of God in a service of the liturgy, of the word, and of love. It is the work of the deacon--insofar as it will have been assigned him by competent authority--to administer baptism solemnly, to be the custodian and dispenser of the REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS aao Constitutiones Ecclesiac aegyptiacae, III, 2: ed. Funk, Dida-scalia, II, p. 103; and Statuta Ecclesiae antiquae, 37-41: Mansi, 3, 698 954. Eucharist, to assist at and bless marriages in the name of the Church, to take Viaticum to the dying, to read Sacred Scripture to the faithful, to instruct and exhort the faithful, to preside over the worship and prayer of the faithful, to administer sacramentals, and to officiate at funerals and burials. Since they are dedicated to duties of charity and of administration, deacons should be mindful of the admonition of St. Polycarp: "Be merciful and diligent and walk according to the truth of the Lord who was made the servant of all." 11x Since in many regions in the present discipline of the Latin Church of today these duties, which are very neces-sary for the life of the Church, can be fulfilled only with difficulty, the diaconate can be restored in the future as a proper and permanent rank of the hierarchy. It pertains to the different kinds of territoriM groupings of bishop.s with the approbation of the supreme pontiff to decide whether and where it is opportune for deacons of this kind to be established for the care of souls. With the consent of the Roman pontiff this diaconate can be conferred on men of more mature age including those living.in the ma¢ried state as well as upon suitable young men in whose ca~e, however, the law of celibacy mustremain in foice. CHAPTER IV THE LAITY 30. Having set forth the functions of the hierarchy, this Council gladly turns its attention now to the state of those of the faithful who are called the laity. Although everything that has been said'Concerning the People of God is equally directed to the laity, to religious, and to clerics, certain matters pertain in a special way to the laity, both men and women, by reason of their condition and mission9; and because of the special cff~mstances of 6ur day the foundations of these matters deserve greater consideration. Their pastors are well aware of how much the laity contribute to the good of the entire Church. For the pastors know that they themselves were not es-tablished by Christ to undertake by their own efforts alone the salvation mission of the Church to the world; rather they recognize that theirs is the exalted duty of shepherding the faithful and of acknowledging the lat-ter's ministrations and charisms in such a way that all may work together with one mind toward the common welfare, each in his own way. For it is necessary that reSt. Polycarp, Ad Phil., 5, 2: ed. Funk, I, p. 300: Christ is said "to have become the deacon of all." See Didache, 15, 1: ed. Funk, I, p. 32; St. Ignatius of Antioch, Ad Trall., 2, 3: ed. Funk, I, p. 242; and Constitutiones ~lpostolorum, 8, 28, 4: ed. Funk, Didascalia, I, p. 530. + + + The Chuwh VOLUME 241-1965 ' 699 ÷ ÷ ÷ Vatican Council II REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~00 "holding to the truth lovingly, we should grow into per-fect union with him who is the head--Christ. For it is by reason of the head that the entire body, as a harmonious structure held' together by the joints with which it is provided, grows by the proper functioning of each indi-vidual part to its full maturity in love" (Eph 4:15-6). 31. The term "laity" is understood here to mean all the faithful except those members who are in holy orders or in the religious state approved by the Church; in other words, they are those of the faithful who, having been incorporated by baptism into Christ and placed among the People of God with their own way of sharing in the priestly, prophetic, and royal office of Christ, in accord with their role carry out in the Church and in the world the mission of the entire Christian people. The quality of being involved in the world is t!ie proper and specific characteristic of the laity. Although those in holy orders can at times be engaged in secular pursuits and even exercise a secular profession, still by reason of their special vocation they are principally and professedly ordained for the sacred ministry; and reli-gious by their state give splendid and striking witness that the world cannot be transfigured and offered to God without the spirit of the beatitudes. But it is the_proper vocation of the laity to seek the king~-6m of God by_in-vo~ ing themselves in temporal affairs and ordering them in-'aEcord with God. They live in the ~orldith-a~-is, in each and every profession and occupation of the world and in the ordinary conditions of family and social life, from all of which their existence, as it were, is composed. They are called there by God in order that by exercising their proper function in the spirit of the gospel they might like yeast contribute to the sanctification of the world from within and thus manifest Christ to others especially by the witness of their lives and their resplend-ence of faith, hope, and charity. Since the laity are s6 closely connected with temporal matters, it is their par-ticular task to illuminate and order all these matters in such a way that they always begin, grow, and exist in accord with Christ and for the praise of our Creator and our Redeemer. 32. By divine institution the Church is organized and directed with a remarkable diversity. '.'For just as there are many parts in our human bodies and these parts do not all have the same function, so we, though many in number, compose one body in Christ, all of us individ-ually being parts of one another" (Rom 12:4-5). The chosen People of God, then, are one: "one Lord, one faith, one baptism" (Eph 4:5); the members have a common dignity by reason of their regeneration in Christ; there is the same grace of sonship and the same vocation to perfection; there is only one salvation, one hope, and one undivided charity. In Christ and in the Church, therefore, there is no inequality based on race, nationality, social condition, or sex, because "there is no distinction between Jew and Greek, slave and free man, male and female, for you are all one person in Christ Jesus" (Gal 3:28 according to the Greek text; see Col 3:11). If, therefore, all in the Church do not walk along the same path, still all are called to holiness; and through the justice of God they have all been given the same faith (see 2 Pt 1:1). And if some of them have been established by the will of Christ as teachers, dispensers of the mys-teries, and pastors of others, nevertheless equality in dig-nity exists among all of them as well as equality with regard to the activity common to all the faithful~that of building up the Body of Christ. For the distinction that the Lord made between the sacred ministers and the rest of the People of God involves a union among them since the pastors and the rest of the faithful are bound to-gether by a necessary common relationship; the pastors of the Church, following the example of our Lord, should minister to themselves and to the rest of the faithful, while the latter should readily collaborate with their pastors and teachers. Thus, in their differences all bear witness to the remarkable unity to be found in the Body of Christ; for the very variety of graces, ministrations, and activities gathers the children of God into unity since "it is one and the same Spirit who effects all these things" (1 Cor 12:11). Therefore, just as by reason of God's graciousness the laity have as their brother Christ who, though the Lord of all, came not to be served but to serve (see Mt 20:28), so also they have for their brothers those in the sacred ministry who teach, sanctify, and rule the family of God and thereby shepherd it in such a way that the new com-mandment of charity may be fulfilled by all. On this point St. Augustine puts the matter beautifully when he says: "When I am terrified by what I am with regard to you, then I am consoled by what I am together with you. With regard to you I am your bishop; together with you I am a Christian. The former is the name of an office while the latter is that of a grace; the former is the name of a danger but the latter is that of salvation." 112 33. Since they are gathered together in the People of God and established in the Body of Christ under one head, the laity without exception are called as living members to exert every bit of their strength--received from the goodness of their Creator and the grace of their St. Augustine, Serm., 340, 1: P.L., 38, 1483. 4- 4- The Church VOLUME 24, 1965 Vatican Council H REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Redeemerwthat the Church might grow and be con-stantly sanctified. The apostolate of the laity is a sharing in the Church's own. salvation mission, and through baptism and confir-mation all are assigned to this apostolate by the Lord Himself. By the sacraments, especially by the Holy Eucharist, there is communicated and nourished that charity toward God and men which is the soul of the en-tire apostolate. Moreover, the laity are especially called to make the Church present and effective in those places and circumstances where it is only through them that she can become the salt of the earth.11a In this way every layman by reason of the gifts bestowed on him is both a witness and living instrument of the Church's mission "according to the measure of Christ's giving" (Eph 4:7). - Over and beyond this apostolate which pert.ains to every.member of the faithful, the laity can be called in addition to a more immediate collaboration in various ways with the apostolate of the hierarchyn4 in imitation of those men and women who assisted St. Paul in the work of the gospel and achieved, a great deal by their labor in the Lord (see Phil 4:3; Rom 16:3 ft.). Moreover, they have the capacity to be employed by the hierarchy in certain ecclesiastical functions to be performed for a spiritual purpose. On all the laity, therefore, there rests the exalted dut, y of, working to bring it about that God's plan of salvation be more and more extended to all men of all times and places. Hence, every kind of opportunity should be given them to share wholeheartedly in the salvation work of the Church in accord with their abilities and the needs of the time. 34. Since it is also through the laity that Christ Jesus, our supreme and eternal Priest, wishes to continue His testimony and His work of service, He vivifies them by His Spirit and constantly urges them on to every good and perfect work. Since He has intimately joined them to His own life and mission, He has also given them a share in His priestly work in order that they might perform a spiritual worship for' the glory of God and the salvation of men. Accordingly, since they are consecrated to Christ and anointed by the Holy Spirit, the laity are called and given the means to bring forth in themselves in an ever greater degree the fruits of the Spirit. For all their works, m See the encyclical of Pius XI, Quadragesirno anno, May 15, 1931: ,4cta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 25 (1931), pp. 221 f.; and the allocu. tion of Plus XII, De quelle consolation, October 14, 1951:, zlcta ,4postolicae Sedis, v. 43 (1951), pp~ 790 f. m See the allocution of Pius XII, Six ans se sont dcottlds, October 5, 1957: ,4cta ,4postolicae Sedis, v. 49 (1957), p. 927. prayers, and apostolic undertakings, their conjugal and family life, their daily labor, their physical and mental relaxation, if they all be done in the Spirit, and even the hardships of life if they are borne with patience consti-tute so many spiritual sacrifices that are acceptable to God through Jesus Christ (see 1 Pt 2:5) and that are fittingly offered to the Father in the celebration of the Eucharist together with the oblation of the Body of the Lord. It is in this way that the laity, as worshipers who everywhere act in a holy way, consecrate the world itself to God. .35. Christ, our great Prophet, who proclaimed the kingdom of the Father by the' testimony of His life and the power of His words, continues to carry out His prophetic function until the full manifestation of glory; He does this not only by the hierarchy who teach in His name and with His power but also through the laity whom He accordingly makes His witnesses, giving them a deep sense of the faith and the grace of speaking about it (see Acts 2:17-8; Ap 19:10) in order that the power of the gospel might shine forth in their daily family and social life. They show themselves to be children of the promise if, being strong in their faith and their hope, they make the best use of their present moment (see Eph 5:16; Col 4:5) and await in patience the glory that is to come (see Rom 8:25). They should not, however, keep this hope of theirs hidden in the recesses of their soul but, by a persevering confrontation and ~truggle "with the master spirits of this dark world, with the spirit forces of wickedness" (Eph 6:12), should express it even in the st.r_uctures of secular life. - Just as the sacraments of the New Law by which the life and apostolate of the faithful are nourished prefigure a new heaven and a new earth (see Ap 21:1), so the laity go forth as mighty proclaimers of their faith in the things hoped for (see Heb 11:1) provided they unflinchingly join their profession of faith to a life lived by faith. This evangelization or proclamation of Christ through the testimony of one's life as well as through the spoken word receives a characteristic quality and a special effec-tigeness by the fact that it is carried out in the ordinary conditions of the world. In this work great importance is to be attached to that state of life which is sanctified by a special sacrament; namely, married and family life. An exercise and an ex-cellent school of the apostolate are to be found there when the Christian religion pervades the entire fabric of that life and gradually transforms it. It is there that married persons find their proper vocation--that of being to each other and to their children witnesses to the faith-fulness and love of Christ. The Christian family loudly The Church VOLUME 24, 1965 703 Vatican Council II REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~04 proclaims both the present virtues of the kingdom of God as well as our hope for the coming life of beatitude. Thus by its example and witness it accuses the world of sin and enlightens those who are seekifig for the truth. Accordingly, even when they are occupied in teml~oral matters, the laity can and should perform an important work for the evangelizing of the world. Though certain of the laity, when sacred ministers are lacking or are im-peded from their work in time of persecution, carry out as far as they can some of the sacred functions and even though a number of the laity can give all their energies to apostolic work, still all of them must work towards the spread and growth of the kingdom of Christ in the world. Consequently, the laity should diligently work towards a deeper knowledge of revealed truth and should earnestly plead with God for the gift of wisdom. 36. Christ, who was obedient even to the extent of dying and who for this reason was exalted by the Father (see Phil 2:8-9), entered into the glory of His kingdom. All things are subject to Him until He subjects Himself" and all created things to the Father so that God may be all things to everyone (see 1 Cor 15:27-8). He communi-cated this power to His followers in order that, having been constituted in a state of royal liberty, they might by their selLabnegation and the holiness of their lives con-quer th__~ ~ingdpm of sin in themselves (see Ro---~--~.12) and in order that by serving Christ in others they might by humility and patience lead their brethren to that King to serve whom is to reign. Fo._r_C~l-~s.t.'s_int~e~ti_on was that it should also be through the laity that He exLended His kingdom--a kiIigdom of truth and life, a kingdom of holiness and grace, a kingdom of justice, love, and peace,115 a kingdom in which the whole, of creation will be freed from the tyranny of corruption and will enter the glorious freedom of the chiIdren of God (see Rom 8:21). In all truth His followers have been given a great promise and a great commandment: "Everything is yours, and you are Christ's and Christ belongs to God" (1 Cor 3:23). The faithful, therefore, must understand the inmost nature and value of the entirety of creation as well as its being ordered to the praise of God; and they mmt.=help each other to a holier life and this ev~en in their ~dcular activities; it is by their acting in this way that the world will be permeated by the spirit of Christ and will more effectively reach its goal in a spirit of justice, charity, and peace. In the total fulfillment of this duty, the laity have the principal role. Hence, by their competence in profane branches of learning and by their activity ele-m Prom the Preface of the Feast of Christ the King. vaned from within by the grace of Christ, they should make strenuous efforts to see to it that, in accord with the design of the Creator and the enlightenment coming from His Word, all created things be perfected through human labor, technical skill, and cultural means for the benefit of absolutely all men, that they be more equitably distributed among men, and that they contribute in their own way to universal progress in human and Christian liberty. In this way through the mem.bers of the Church Christ will progressively enlighten all of human society with His saving light. Furthermore, if the institutions and conditions of the world are an inducement to sin, the laity, even by group action, should remedy these matters in such a way that they all conform to the norms of justice and favor rather than hinder the practice of virtue. By acting in this way they will imbue human culture and activity with moral ¯ value. Thereby they will at the same time prepare the field that is the world for the seed of the divine word and the gates of the Church through which the message of peace enters the world will open more widely. Because of the way in which our salvation has been arranged, the faithful should learn to distinguish care-fully the rights and duties they have as members of the Church from those which they possess as members of hu-man society. They should try to connect these two as-pects of theirs in a harmonious way and should be aware that in all temporal matters they must be guided by a Christian conscience since no human activity, not even in these temporal matters, can be withdrawn from God's dominion. In our own time it is especially important that in the way of acting of the faithful the simultaneous dis. tinction and harmony that we have mentioned should shine out in the clearest way possible so that the mission of the Church may more fully meet the special conditions of today's world. While it must be acknowledged that earthly society, being rightly concerned with secular matters, is governed by its own principles, still the un-fortunate doctrine that insists on constructing a society with no regard whatever for religion and that attacks and destroys the religious liberty of its citizens must de-servedly be rejected.11e 37. The laity, like all the faithful, have the right to receive in abundance from the spiritual goods of the u°See the encyclical of Leo XlII, Immortale Dei, November 1, 1885: dcta Sanctae Sedis, v. 18 (1885), pp. 166 ft.; the same Pontiff's encyclical, Sal~ientiae christianae, January 10, 1890: dcta Sanctae Sedis, v. 22 (1889-90), pp. 397 ft.; and the allocution of Plus XII, Alla vostra liliale, March 23, 1958: Acta dpostolicae Sedis, v. 50 (1958), p. 220: "la legittima sana laicit~ dello Stato" ["the legitimate and healthy laicity of the State"]. 4. 4. 4. The Church VOLUME 24~ 1965 705 Vatican Council I1 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Church through the agency of their spiritual pastors; and this is especially true with regard to the assistance of the word of God and of the sacraments;xx~ to their pastors they should make known their needs and desires with that liberty and confidence that befit children of God and brothers in Christ. According to @~eir k~n.ow_le~dge, competence, and eminence they have the power and at ti~ E_he duty of expressing their opinion with reg~r~to rfi~tters that affect.: the welfare of the Church. should be done, if the matter allows, through channels established by the Church for this purpose; and it should always be done in a spirit of truthfulness, courage, and prudence and with reverence and charity towards those who by reason of their office represent the person of Christ. Whatever is decided by their pastors who, as represent-atives of Christ, act as teachers and rulers in the Church should be promptly accepted by the laity, as by all the faithful, in a spirit of Christian obedience modeled on the example of Christ who by His obedience even to the extent of dying opened to men the blessed way of the freedom of the children of God. Nor should they omit to pray to God on behalf of those placed over them in order that the latter, who stand guard as ones who are accountable for our souls, may do this with joy and not with grief (see Heb 13:17). On the other hand, the pastors should acknowledge and promote the dignity and responsibility of the laity in the Church; they should willingly make use of the pru-dent advice of the laity, should confidently entrust to them duties for the service of the Church, should give them freedom and room .for action; and should even encourage them to undertake tasks on their own initia-tive. They should carefully consider with a paternal love in Christ~ the projects, suggestions, and desires proposed by the laity,x19 And the pastors should respectfully ac-knowledge that rightful liberty which belongs to all in earthly society. From this friendly relationship between the laity and their, pastors a great many advantages are to be hoped for since in this way a sense of personal responsibility is strengthened in the laity, their enthusiasm is increased, u, Code of Canon Law, c. 682. m See the allocution of Pius XII, De quelle consolation: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 43 (1951), p. 789: "Dans les batailles d~cisives, c'est parfois du front que partent les plus heureuses initiatives . " ["In the case of decisive battles, it happens at times tfiat the best initiatives come from the frontline"]; and the same Pontiff's al-locution, L'importance de la presse catholique, February 17. 1950: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 42 (1950), p. 256. m See 1 Th 5:19 and 1 Jn 4:1. and it is easier to engage their talents in the work of their pastors. These latter, moreover, when they are assisted by the experience of the laity, are better able to give sound decisions both in spiritual and temporal matters With the result that the entire'Church, being strength-ened by all her members, can carry out in a more effec-tive way her mission for the life of the world. 38. Each individual layman should stand before the world ~s a witness of the resurrection and life of the Lord Jbsus and as a symbol of the living God. All the laity, collectively and each One of them according ~o his" ability, must nourish the world with spiritual fruits (see Gal ¯ 5:22) and infuse into it the spirit which animates the poor, the humble, and the peacemakers of the Gospel whom the Lord declares to be blessed (see Mt 5:3-9). To put it in a single sentence: "What the soul is to the body is what Christians should be to the world." 120 CHAPTER V THE VOCATION OF ALL IN THE CHURCH TO HOLINESS 39. It is a point of faith that the Church' whose mystery is being set forth by this Council, is indefectibly holy. 'For Christ, the Son of God, who is proclaimed with the Father and the Spirit as the "only holy One," 121 loved the Church as His Bride, sacrificed Himself in order that He might make her holy (see Eph 5:25-6), joined her to Himself as His Body, and filled her with the gift of the Holy Spirit--and all this for the glory of God. Hence, all in the Church, whether they belong to the hierarchy or are directed by it, are called to holiness in accord with the saying~of the Apostle: "This is God's will--that you be made holy" (1 Th 4:3; see Eph 1:4). This holiness of the Church is and should be constantly manifested in the fruits of grace which the Spirit brings forth in the faith-ful; 'it is expressed in many ways in those individuals who in their walk of life strive for perfection and who edify others; and it appears in its own special way in the practice of those counsels which are generally termed evangelical. This practice of the counsels as undertaken from the impulse of the Spirit by many Christians either privately or in an institution or state approved by the Church furnishes and should furnish, to the world a luminous witness and example of this holiness. m Epist. ad Diognetum, 6: ed. Funk, I, p. 400. See St. John Chrysostom, In Matth., Horn. 46 (47), 2: P.G., 58, 478, on the leaven in the dough. :aRoman Missal, the Gloria in Excelsis. See Lk 1:35; Mk 1:24; Lk 4:34; Jn 6:69 (ho hagios tou theou [the holy one of God]); Acts 3:14; 4:27 and 30; Heb 7:26; 1 Jn 2:20; Ap 3:7. 4. 4. 4. The Church. : VOLUME 241 1965 ÷ ÷ Vatican Council I1 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 40. To each and every one of His followers, no matter what their place in life, the Lord Jesus, the divine Master and Model of all perfection, preached the holiness of life of which He Himself is the author and the perfecter: "You, therefore, are to be perfect as your heavenly Father is perfect" (Mr 5:48).122 Into all of His followers He has sent His Holy Sp!rit who inwardly moves them to love God with their whole heart, their whole soul, their whole mind, and their whole strength (see Mk 12:30) and to love each other as Christ loved them (see Jn 13:34; 15:12). Called by God not because of their achievements but by reason of His own plan and His own grace and justified in the Lord Jesus, the followers of Christ really become in the baptism of faith sons of God and sharers in the divine nature and are thereby made truly holy. Accord-ingly, with the help of God they must preserve and per-fect in their lives the holiness they have received. They are warned by the Apostle to live "as becomes those who are holy" (Eph 5:3), "as persons chosen by God, holy and beloved," to clothe themselves "with tenderness of heart, kindness, humility, gentleness, and patience" (Col 3:12), and to possess unto holifiess the fruits of the Spirit (see Gal 5:22; Rom 6:22). Since, however, we all offend in many ways (Jas 3:2), we are continually in need of God's mercy and must each day pray: "Forgive us our offences" (Mt 6:12).1~3 Hence, it should be perfectly clear to everyone that all the Christian faithful of whatever rank or condition are called to the fullness of Christian life and the perfection of charity.124 And it is by this holiness that a more human way of living is promoted even in earthly society. Every bit of strength received by them according to the measure of Christ's giving must be used by the faithful in achiev-ing this perfection so that, having been conformed to His likeness, they may follow His footsteps, carry out the will of the Father in all things, and totally commit themselves to the glory of God and the service of their neighbor. In this way the holiness of the People of God will bring forth the kind of abundant harvest that is to be clearly seen throughout the history of the Church in the lives of the saints. 41. In the various forms and duties of life there is but ,one holiness~ to be cultivated by those who are led by the l-~See Origen, Comm. in Rom., 7, 7: P.G., 14, 1122 B; pseudo- Macarius, De oratione, 11: P.G., 34, 861 AB; and St. Thomas, Summa theologiae, 2-2, q.184, a.3. ~See St. Augustine, Retract., II, 18: P.L., 32, 637 f.; and the encyclical of Plus XII, Mystici Corporis, June 29, 1943: Acta Apos-tolicae Sedis, v. 35 (1943), p. 225. =~See the encyclical of Pius XI, Rerum omnium, January 26, 1923: Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 15 (1923), pp. 50 and 59-60; the same Pontiff's encyclical, Casti connubii, December 31, 1930: Acta Apos- Spirit of God and who, obedient to the voice of the Father whom they adore in spirit and in truth, follow the poor, humble, and crossladen Christ so that they might deserve to be sharers in His glory. Each one, ac-cording to his own gifts and duties, should advance un-hesitatingly along the road of that living faith which arouses hope and works through charity. In the first place, the pastors of Christ's flock must discharge their ministry in a holy, eager, humble, and courageous way in imitation of the great and eternal Priest, the Pastor and Bishop of our souls; done in this way, their ministry will be a powerful means to their own sanctification. Those who have been chosen for the full-ness of the priesthood are endowed with sac
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Daniel Deudney on Mixed Ontology, Planetary Geopolitics, and Republican Greenpeace
This is the second in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich
World politics increasingly abrasions with the limits of state-centric thinking, faced as the world is with a set of issues that affect not only us collectively as mankind, but also the planet itself. While much of IR theorizing seems to shirk such realizations, the work of Daniel Deudney has consistently engaged with the complex problems engendered by the entanglements of nuclear weapons, the planetary environment, space exploration, and the kind of political associations that might help us to grapple with our fragile condition as humanity-in-the world. In this elaborate Talk, Deudney—amongst others—lays out his understanding of the fundamental forces that drive both planetary political progress and problems; discusses the kind of ontological position needed to appreciate these problems; and argues for the merits of a republican greenpeace model to political organization.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
The study of politics is the study of human politics and the human situation has been—and is being—radically altered by changes in the human relationships with the natural and material worlds. In my view, this means IR and related intellectual disciplines should focus on better understanding the emergence of the 'global' and the 'planetary,' their implications for the overall human world and its innumerable sub-worlds, and their relations with the realization of basic human needs. The global and the planetary certainly don't comprise all of the human situation, but the fact that the human situation has become global and planetary touches every other facet of the human situation, sometimes in fundamental ways. The simple story is that the human world is now 'global and planetary' due to the explosive transformation over the last several centuries of science-based technology occurring within the geophysical and biophysical features of planet Earth. The natural Earth and its relationship with humans have been massively altered by the vast amplifications in dispersed human agency produced by the emergence and spread of machine-based civilization. The overall result of these changes has been the emergence of a global- and planetary-scale material and social reality that is in some ways similar, but in other important ways radically different, from earlier times. Practices and structures inherited from the pre-global human worlds have not adequately been adjusted to take the new human planetary situation into account and their persistence casts a long and partially dark shadow over the human prospect.
A global and planetary focus is also justified—urgently—by the fact that the overall human prospect on this planet, and the fate of much additional life on this planet, is increasingly dependent on the development and employment of new social arrangements for interacting with these novel configurations of material and natural possibilities and limits. Human agency is now situated, and is making vastly fateful choices—for better or worse—in a sprawling, vastly complex aggregation of human-machine-nature assemblies which is our world. The 'fate of the earth' now partly hinges on human choices, and helping to make sure these choices are appropriate ones should be the paramount objective of political scientific and theoretical efforts. However, no one discipline or approach is sufficient to grapple successfully with this topic. All disciplines are necessary. But there are good reasons to believe that 'IR' and related disciplines have a particularly important possible practical role to play. (I am also among those who prefer 'global studies' as a label for the enterprise of answering questions that cut across and significantly subsume both the 'international' and the 'domestic.')
My approach to grappling with this topic is situated—like the work of now vast numbers of other IR theorists and researchers of many disciplines—in the study of 'globalization.' The now widely held starting point for this intellectual effort is the realization that globalization has been the dominant pattern or phenomenon, the story of stories, over at least the last five centuries. Globalization has been occurring in military, ecological, cultural, and economic affairs. And I emphasize—like many, but not all, analysts of globalization—that the processes of globalization are essentially dependent on new machines, apparatuses, and technologies which humans have fabricated and deployed. Our world is global because of the astounding capabilities of machine civilization. This startling transformation of human choice by technological advance is centrally about politics because it is centrally about changes in power. Part of this power story has been about changes in the scope and forms of domination. Globalization has been, to state the point mildly, 'uneven,' marked by amplifications of violence and domination and predation on larger and wider scales. Another part of the story of the power transformation has been the creation of a world marked by high degrees of interdependence, interaction, speed, and complexity. These processes of globalization and the transformation of machine capabilities are not stopping or slowing down but are accelerating. Thus, I argue that 'bounding power'—the growth, at times by breathtaking leaps, of human capabilities to do things—is now a fundamental feature of the human world, and understanding its implications should, in my view, be a central activity for IR scholars.
In addressing the topic of machine civilization and its globalization on Earth, my thinking has been centered first around the developing of 'geopolitical' lines argument to construct a theory of 'planetary geopolitics'. 'Geopolitics' is the study of geography, ecology, technology, and the earth, and space and place, and their interaction with politics. The starting point for geopolitical analysis is accurate mapping. Not too many IR scholars think of themselves as doing 'geography' in any form. In part this results from of the unfortunate segregation of 'geography' into a separate academic discipline, very little of which is concerned with politics. Many also mistake the overall project of 'geopolitics' with the ideas, and egregious mistakes and political limitations, of many self-described 'geopoliticans' who are typically arch-realists, strong nationalists, and imperialists. Everyone pays general lip service to the importance of technology, but little interaction occurs between IR and 'technology studies' and most IR scholars are happy to treat such matters as 'technical' or non-political in character. Despite this general theoretical neglect, many geographic and technological factors routinely pop into arguments in political science and political theory, and play important roles in them.
Thinking about the global and planetary through the lens of a fuller geopolitics is appealing to me because it is the human relationship with the material world and the Earth that has been changed with the human world's globalization. Furthermore, much of the actual agendas of movements for peace, arms control, and sustainability are essentially about alternative ways of ordering the material world and our relations with it. Given this, I find an approach that thinks systematically about the relations between patterns of materiality and different political forms is particularly well-suited to provide insights of practical value for these efforts.
The other key focus of my research has been around extending a variety of broadly 'republican' political insights for a cluster of contemporary practical projects for peace, arms control, and environmental stewardship ('greenpeace'). Even more than 'geopolitics,' 'republicanism' is a term with too many associations and meanings. By republics I mean political associations based on popular sovereignty and marked by mutual limitations, that is, by 'bounding power'—the restraint of power, particularly violent power—in the interests of the people generally. Assuming that security from the application of violence to bodies is a primary (but not sole) task of political association, how do republican political arrangements achieve this end? I argue that the character and scope of power restraint arrangements that actually serve the fundamental security interests of its popular sovereign varies in significant ways in different material contexts.
Republicanism is first and foremost a domestic form, centered upon the successive spatial expansion of domestic-like realms, and the pursuit of a constant political project of maximally feasible ordered freedom in changed spatial and material circumstances. I find thinking about our global and planetary human situation from the perspective of republicanism appealing because the human global and planetary situation has traits—most notably high levels of interdependence, interaction, practical speed, and complexity—that make it resemble our historical experience of 'domestic' and 'municipal' realms. Thinking with a geopolitically grounded republicanism offers insights about global governance very different from the insights generated within the political conceptual universe of hierarchical, imperial, and state-centered political forms. Thus planetary geopolitics and republicanism offers a perspective on what it means to 'Think Globally and Act Locally.' If we think of, or rather recognize, the planet as our locality, and then act as if the Earth is our locality, then we are likely to end up doing various approximations of the best-practice republican forms that we have successfully developed in our historically smaller domestic localities.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in IR?
Like anybody else, the formative events in my intellectual development have been shaped by the thick particularities of time and place. 'The boy is the father of the man,' as it is said. The first and most direction-setting stage in the formation of my 'green peace' research interests was when I was in 'grade school,' roughly the years from age 6-13. During these years my family lived in an extraordinary place, St Simons Island, a largely undeveloped barrier island off the coast of southern Georgia. This was an extremely cool place to be a kid. It had extensive beaches, and marshes, as well as amazing trees of gargantuan proportions. My friends and I spent much time exploring, fishing, camping out, climbing trees, and building tree houses. Many of these nature-immersion activities were spontaneous, others were in Boy Scouts. This extraordinary natural environment and the attachments I formed to it, shaped my strong tendency to see the fates of humans and nature as inescapably intertwined. But the Boy Scouts also instilled me with a sense of 'virtue ethics'. A line from the Boy Scout Handbook captures this well: 'Take a walk around your neighborhood. Make a list of what is right and wrong about it. Make a plan to fix what is not right.' This is a demotic version of Weber's political 'ethic of responsibility.' This is very different from the ethics of self-realization and self-expression that have recently gained such ground in America and elsewhere. It is now very 'politically incorrect' to think favorably of the Boy Scouts, but I believe that if the Scouting experience was universally accessible, the world would be a much improved place.
My kid-in-nature life may sound very Tom Sawyer, but it was also very Tom Swift. My friends and I spent much of our waking time reading about the technological future, and imaginatively play-acting in future worlds. This imaginative world was richly fertilized by science fiction comic books, television shows, movies, and books. Me and my friends—juvenile technological futurists and techno-nerds in a decidedly anti-intellectual culture—were avid readers of Isaac Asimov, Arthur C. Clarke, Ray Bradbury, and Robert Heinlein, and each new issue of Analog was eagerly awaited. While we knew we were Americans, my friends and I had strong inclinations to think of ourselves most essentially as 'earthlings.' We fervently discussed extraterrestrial life and UFOs, and we eagerly awaited the day, soon to occur, we were sure, in which we made 'first contact.' We wanted to become, if not astronauts, then designers and builders of spaceships. We built tree houses, but we filled them with discarded electronics and they became starships. We rode bicycles, but we lugged about attaché cases filled with toy ray guns, transistor radios, firecrackers, and homemade incendiary devices. We built and fired off rockets, painstaking assembled plastic kit models of famous airplanes and ships, and then we would blow them apart with our explosives. The future belonged to technology, and we fancied ourselves its avant garde.
Yet the prospect of nuclear Armageddon seemed very real. We did 'duck and cover' drills at school, and sat for two terrifying weeks through the Cuban Missile Crisis. My friends and I had copies of the Atomic Energy Commission manuals on 'nuclear effects,' complete with a slide-rule like gadget that enabled us to calculate just what would happen if near-by military bases were obliterated by nuclear explosions. Few doubted that we were, in the words of a pop song, 'on the eve of destruction.' These years were also the dawning of 'the space age' in which humans were finally leaving the Earth and starting what promised to be an epic trek, utterly transformative in its effects, to the stars. My father worked for a number of these years for a large aerospace military-industrial firm, then working for NASA to build the very large rockets needed to launch men and machines to the moon and back. My friends and I debated fantastical topics, such as the pros and cons of emigrating to Mars, and how rapidly a crisis-driven exodus from the earth could be organized.
Two events that later occurred in the area where I spent my childhood served as culminating catalytic events for my greenpeace thinking. First, some years after my family moved away, the industrial facility to mix rocket fuel that had been built by the company my father worked for, and that he had helped put into operation, was struck by an extremely violent 'industrial accident,' which reduced, in one titanic flash, multi-story concrete and steel buildings filled with specialized heavy industrial machinery (and everyone in them) into a grey powdery gravel ash, no piece of which was larger than a fist. Second, during the late 1970s, the US Navy acquired a large tract of largely undeveloped marsh and land behind another barrier island (Cumberland), an area 10-15 miles from where I had lived, a place where I had camped, fished, and hunted deer. The Navy dredged and filled what was one of the most biologically fertile temperate zone estuaries on the planet. There they built the east coast base for the new fleet of Trident nuclear ballistic missile submarines, the single most potent violence machine ever built, thus turning what was for me the wildest part of my wild-encircled childhood home into one of the largest nuclear weapons complexes on earth. These events catalyzed for me the realization that there was a great struggle going on, for the Earth and for the future, and I knew firmly which side I was on.
My approach to thinking about problems was also strongly shaped by high school debate, where I learned the importance of 'looking at questions from both sides,' and from this stems my tendency to look at questions as debates between competing answers, and to focus on decisively engaging, defeating, and replacing the strongest and most influential opposing positions. As an undergraduate at Yale College, I started doing Political Theory. I am sure that I was a very vexing student in some ways, because (the debater again) I asked Marxist questions to my liberal and conservative professors, and liberal and conservative ones to my Marxist professors. Late in my sophomore year, I had my epiphany, my direction-defining moment, that my vocation would be an attempt to do the political theory of the global and the technological. Since then, the only decisions have been ones of priority and execution within this project.
Wanting to learn something about cutting-edge global and technological and issues, I next went to Washington D.C. for seven years. I worked on Capitol Hill for three and a half years as a policy aide, working on energy and conservation and renewable energy and nuclear power. I spent the other three and a half years as a Senior Researcher at the Worldwatch Institute, a small environmental and global issues think tank that was founded and headed by Lester Brown, a well-known and far-sighted globalist. I co-authored a book about renewable energy and transitions to global sustainability and wrote a study on space and space weapons. At the time I published Whole Earth Security: a Geopolitics of Peace (1983), in which my basic notions of planetary geopolitics and republicanism were first laid out. During these seven years in Washington, I also was a part-time student, earning a Master's degree in Science, Technology and Public Policy at George Washington University.
In all, these Washington experiences have been extremely valuable for my thinking. Many political scientists view public service as a low or corrupting activity, but this is, I think, very wrong-headed. The reason that the democratic world works as well as it does is because of the distributive social intelligence. But social intelligence is neither as distributed nor as intelligent as it needs to be to deal with many pressing problems. My experience as a Congressional aide taught me that most of the problems that confront my democracy are rooted in various limits and corruptions of the people. I have come to have little patience with those who say, for example, rising inequality is inherent in capital C capitalism, when the more proximate explanation is that the Reagan Republican Party was so successful in gutting the progressive tax system previously in place in the United States. Similarly, I see little value in claims, to take a very contemporary example, that 'the NSA is out of control' when this agency is doing more or less what the elected officials, responding to public pressures to provide 'national security' loudly demanded. In democracies, the people are ultimately responsible.
As I was immersed in the world of arms control and environmental activism I was impressed by the truth of Keynes's oft quoted line, about the great practical influence of the ideas of some long-dead 'academic scribbler.' This is true in varying degrees in every issue area, but in some much more than others. This reinforced my sense that great potential practical consequence of successfully innovating in the various conceptual frameworks that underpinned so many important activities. For nuclear weapons, it became clear to me that the problem was rooted in the statist and realist frames that people so automatically brought to a security question of this magnitude.
Despite the many appeals of a career in DC politics and policy, this was all for me an extended research field-trip, and so I left Washington to do a PhD—a move that mystified many of my NGO and activist friends, and seemed like utter folly to my political friends. At Princeton University, I concentrated on IR, Political Theory, and Military History and Politics, taking courses with Robert Gilpin, Richard Falk, Barry Posen, Sheldon Wolin and others. In my dissertation—entitled Global Orders: Geopolitical and Materialist Theories of the Global-Industrial Era, 1890-1945—I explored IR and related thinking about the impacts of the industrial revolution as a debate between different world order alternatives, and made arguments about the superiority of liberalist, internationalist, and globalist arguments—most notably from H.G. Wells and John Dewey—to the strong realist and imperialist ideas most commonly associated with the geopolitical writers of this period.
I also continued engaging in activist policy affiliated to the Program on Nuclear Policy Alternatives at the Center for Energy andEnvironmental Studies (CEES), which was then headed by Frank von Hippel, a physicist turned 'public interest scientist', and a towering figure in the global nuclear arms control movement. I was a Post Doc at CEES during the Gorbachev era and I went on several amazing and eye-opening trips to the Soviet Union. Continuing my space activism, I was able to organize workshops in Moscow and Washington on large-scale space cooperation, gathering together many of the key space players on both sides. While Princeton was fabulously stimulating intellectually, it was also a stressful pressure-cooker, and I maintained my sanity by making short trips, two of three weekends, over six years, to Manhattan, where I spent the days working in the main reading room of the New York Public Library and the nights partying and relaxing in a world completely detached from academic life.
When it comes to my intellectual development in terms of reading theory, the positive project I wanted to pursue was partially defined by approaches I came to reject. Perhaps most centrally, I came to reject an approach that was very intellectually powerful, even intoxicating, and which retains great sway over many, that of metaphysical politics. The politics of the metaphysicians played a central role in my coming to reject the politics of metaphysics. The fact that some metaphysical ideas and the some of the deep thinkers who advanced them, such as Heidegger, and many Marxists, were so intimately connected with really disastrous politics seemed a really damning fact for me, particularly given that these thinkers insisted so strongly on the link between their metaphysics and their politics. I was initially drawn to Nietzsche's writing (what twenty-year old isn't) but his model of the philosopher founder or law-giver—that is, of a spiritually gifted but alienated guy (and it always is a guy) with a particularly strong but frustrated 'will to power' going into the wilderness, having a deep spiritual revelation, and then returning to the mundane corrupt world with new 'tablets of value,' along with a plan to take over and run things right—seemed more comic than politically relevant, unless the prophet is armed, in which case it becomes a frightful menace. The concluding scene in Herman Hesse's Magister Ludi (sometimes translated as The Glass Bead Game) summarized by overall view of the 'high theory' project. After years of intense training by the greatest teachers the most spiritually and intellectually gifted youths finally graduate. To celebrate, they go to lake, dive in, and, having not learned how to swim, drown.
I was more attracted to Aristotle, Hume, Montesquieu, Dewey and other political theorists with less lofty and comprehensive views of what theory might accomplish; weary of actions; based on dogmatic or totalistic thinking; an eye to the messy and compromised world; with a political commitment to liberty and the interests of the many; a preference for peace over war; an aversion to despotism and empire; and an affinity for tolerance and plurality. I also liked some of those thinkers because of their emphasis on material contexts. Montesquieu seeks to analyze the interaction of material contexts and republican political forms; Madison and his contemporaries attempt to extend the spatial scope of republican political association by recombining in novel ways various earlier power restraint arrangements. I was tremendously influenced by Dewey, studying intensively his slender volume The Public and its Problems (1927)—which I think is the most important book in twentieth century political thought. By the 'public' Dewey means essentially a stakeholder group, and his main point is that the material transformations produced by the industrial revolution has created new publics, and that the political task is to conceptualize and realize forms of community and government appropriate to solving the problems that confront these new publics.
One can say my overall project became to apply and extend their concepts to the contemporary planetary situation. Concomitantly reading IR literature on nuclear weapons, I was struck by fact that the central role that material realities played in these arguments was very ad hoc, and that many of the leading arguments on nuclear politics were very unconvincing. It was clear that while Waltz (Theory Talk #40) had brilliantly developed some key ideas about anarchy made by Hobbes and Rousseau, he had also left something really important out. These sorts of deficiencies led me to develop the arguments contained in Bounding Power. I think it is highly unlikely that I would have had these doubts, or come to make the arguments I made without having worked in political theory and in policy.
I read many works that greatly influenced my thinking in this area, among them works by Lewis Mumford, Langdon Winner's Autonomous Technology, James Lovelock's Gaia, Charles Perrow's Normal Accidents (read a related article here, pdf), Jonathan Schell's Fate of the Earth and The Abolition, William Ophul's Ecology and the Politics of Scarcity... I was particularly stuck by a line in Buckminster Fuller's Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth (pdf), that we live in a 'spaceship' like closed highly interconnected system, but lack an 'operating manual' to guide intelligently our actions. It was also during this period that I read key works by H.G. Wells, most notably his book, Anticipations, and his essay The Idea of a League of Nations, both of which greatly influenced my thinking.
This aside, the greatest contribution to my thinking has come from conversations sustained over many years with some really extraordinary individuals. To mention those that I have been arguing with, and learning from, for at least ten years, there is John O'Looney, Wesley Warren, Bob Gooding-Williams, Alyn McAuly, Henry Nau, Richard Falk, Michael Doyle (Theory Talk #1), Richard Mathew, Paul Wapner, Bron Taylor, Ron Deibert, John Ikenberry, Bill Wohlforth, Frank von Hippel, Ethan Nadelmann, Fritz Kratochwil, Barry Buzan (Theory Talk #35), Ole Waever, John Agnew (Theory Talk #4), Barry Posen, Alex Wendt (Theory Talk #3), James der Derian, David Hendrickson, Nadivah Greenberg, Tim Luke, Campbell Craig, Bill Connolly, Steven David, Jane Bennett, Daniel Levine (TheoryTalk #58), and Jairus Grove. My only regret is that I have not spoken even more with them, and with the much larger number of people I have learned from on a less sustained basis along the way.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
I have thought a great deal about what sort of answers to this question can be generally valuable. For me, the most important insight is that success in intellectual life and academia is determined by more or less the same combination of factors that determines success more generally. This list is obvious: character, talent, perseverance and hard work, good judgment, good 'people skills,' and luck. Not everyone has a talent to do this kind of work, but the number of people who do have the talent to do this kind of work is much larger than the number of people who are successful in doing it. I think in academia as elsewhere, the people most likely to really succeed are those whose attitude toward the activity is vocational. A vocation is something one is called to do by an inner voice that one cannot resist. People with vocations never really work in one sense, because they are doing something that they would be doing even if they were not paid or required. Of course, in another sense people with vocations never stop working, being so consumed with their path that everything else matters very little. People with jobs and professions largely stop working when they when the lottery, but people with vocations are empowered to work more and better. When your vocation overlaps with your job, you should wake up and say 'wow, I cannot believe I am being paid to do this!' Rather obviously, the great danger in the life paths of people with vocations is imbalance and burn-out. To avoid these perils it is beneficial to sustain strong personal relationships, know when and how to 'take off' effectively, and sustain the ability to see things as an unfolding comedy and to laugh.
Academic life also involves living and working in a profession. Compared to the oppressions that so many thinkers and researchers have historically suffered from, contemporary professional academic life is a utopia. But academic life has several aspects unfortunate aspects, and coping successfully with them is vital. Academic life is full of 'odd balls' and the loose structure of universities and organization, combined with the tenure system, licenses an often florid display of dubious behavior. A fair number of academics have really primitive and incompetent social skills. Others are thin skinned-ego maniacs. Some are pompous hypocrites. Some are ruthlessly self-aggrandizing and underhanded. Some are relentless shirkers and free-riders. Also, academic life is, particularly relative to the costs of obtaining the years of education necessary to obtain it, not very well paid. Corruptions of clique, ideological factionalism, and nepotism occur. If not kept in proper perspective, and approached in appropriate ways, academic department life can become stupidly consuming of time, energy, and most dangerously, intellectual attention. The basic step for healthy departmental life is to approach it as a professional role.
The other big dimension of academic life is teaching. Teaching is one of the two 'deliverables' that academic organizations provide in return for the vast resources they consume. Shirking on teaching is a dereliction of responsibility, but also is the foregoing of a great opportunity. Teaching is actually one of the most assuredly consequential things academics do. The key to great teaching is, I think, very simple: inspire and convey enthusiasm. Once inspired, students learn. Once students take questions as their own, they become avid seekers of answers. Teachers of things political also have a responsibility to remain even-handed in what they teach, to make sure that they do not teach just or mainly their views, to make sure that the best and strongest versions of opposing sides are heard. Teaching seeks to produce informed and critically thinking students, not converts. Beyond the key roles of inspiration and even-handedness, the rest is the standard package of tasks relevant in any professional role: good preparation, good organization, hard work, and clarity of presentation.
Your main book, Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village (2007), is a mix of intellectual history, political theory and IR theory, and is targeted largely at realism. How does a reading and interpretation of a large number of old books tell us something new about realism, and the contemporary global?
Bounding Power attempts to dispel some very large claims made by realists about their self-proclaimed 'tradition,' a lineage of thought in which they place many of the leading Western thinkers about political order, such as Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Rousseau, and the 'global geopoliticans' from the years around the beginning of the twentieth century. In the book I argue that the actual main axis of western thinking about political order (and its absence) is largely the work of 'republican' thinkers from the small number of 'republics', and that many of the key ideas that realists call realist and liberals call liberal are actually fragments of a larger, more encompassing set of arguments that were primarily in the idioms of republicanism. This entails dispelling the widely held view that the liberal and proto-liberal republican thought and practice are marked by 'idealism'—and therefore both inferior in their grasp of the problem of security-from violence and valuable only when confined to the 'domestic.' I demonstrate that this line of republican security thinkers had a robust set of claims both about material contextual factors, about the 'geopolitics of freedom', and a fuller understanding of security-from-violence. The book shows how perhaps the most important insights of this earlier cluster of arguments has oddly been dropped by both realists (particularly neorealists) and liberal international theorists. And, finally, it is an attempt to provide an understanding that posits the project of exiting anarchy on a global scale as something essentially unprecedented, and as something that the best of our inherited theory leaves us unable to say much about.
The main argument is contained in my formulation of what I think are the actual the two main sets of issues of Western structural-materialist security theory, two problematiques formulated in republican and naturalist-materialist conceptual vocabularies. The first problematique concerns the relationship between material context, the scope of tolerable anarchy, and necessary-for-security government. The second problematic concerns the relative security-viability of two main different forms of government—hierarchical and republican.
This formulation of the first problematic concerning anarchy differs from the main line of contemporary Realist argument in that it poses the question as one about the spatial scope of tolerable anarchy. The primary variable in my reconstruction of the material-contextual component of these arguments is what I term violence interdependence (absent, weak, strong, and intense). The main substantive claim of Western structural-materialist security theory is that situations of anarchy combined with intense violence interdependence are incompatible with security and require substantive government. Situations of strong and weak violence interdependence constitute a tolerable (if at times 'nasty and brutish') second ('state-of-war') anarchy not requiring substantive government. Early formulations of 'state of nature' arguments, explicitly or implicitly hinge upon this material contextual variable, and the overall narrative structure of the development of republican security theory and practice has concerned natural geographic variations and technologically caused changes in the material context, and thus the scope of security tolerable/intolerable anarchy and needed substantive government. This argument was present in early realist versions of anarchy arguments, but has been dropped by neorealists. Conversely, contemporary liberal international theorists analyze interdependence, but have little to say about violence. The result is that the realists talk about violence and security, and the liberals talk about interdependence not relating to violence, producing the great lacuna of contemporary theory: analysis of violence interdependence.
The second main problematique, concerning the relative security viability of hierarchical and republican forms, has also largely been lost sight of, in large measure by the realist insistence that governments are by definition hierarchical, and the liberal avoidance of system structural theory in favor of process, ideational, and economic variables. (For neoliberals, cooperation is seen as (possibly) occurring in anarchy, without altering or replacing anarchy.) The main claim here is that republican and proto-liberal theorists have a more complete grasp of the security political problem than realists because of their realization that both the extremes of hierarchy and anarchy are incompatible with security. In order to register this lost component of structural theory I refer to republican forms at both the unit and the system-level as being characterized by an ordering principle which I refer to as negarchy. Such political arrangements are characterized by the simultaneous negation of both hierarchy and anarchy. The vocabulary of political structures should thus be conceived as a triad-triangle of anarchy, hierarchy, and negarchy, rather than a spectrum stretching from pure anarchy to pure hierarchy. Using this framework, Bounding Power traces various formulations of the key arguments of security republicans from the Greeks through the nuclear era as arguments about the simultaneous avoidance of hierarchy and anarchy on expanding spatial scales driven by variations and changes in the material context. If we recognize the main axis of our thinking in this way, we can stand on a view of our past that is remarkable in its potential relevance to thinking and dealing with the contemporary 'global village' like a human situation.
Nuclear weapons play a key role in the argument of Bounding Power about the present, as well as elsewhere in your work. But are nuclear weapons are still important as hey were during the Cold War to understand global politics?
Since their arrival on the world scene in the middle years of the twentieth century, there has been pretty much universal agreement that nuclear weapons are in some fundamental way 'revolutionary' in their implications for security-from-violence and world politics. The fact that the Cold War is over does not alter, and even stems from, this fact. Despite this wide agreement on the importance of nuclear weapons, theorists, policy makers, and popular arms control/disarmament movements have fundamental disagreements about which political forms are compatible with the avoidance of nuclear war. I have attempted to provide a somewhat new answer to this 'nuclear-political question', and to explain why strong forms of interstate arms control are necessary for security in the nuclear age. I argue that achieving the necessary levels of arms control entails somehow exiting interstate anarchy—not toward a world government as a world state, but toward a world order that is a type of compound republican union (marked by, to put it in terms of above discussion, a nearly completely negarchical structure).
This argument attempts to close what I term the 'arms control gap', the discrepancy between the value arms control is assigned by academic theorists of nuclear weapons and their importance in the actual provision of security in the nuclear era. During the Cold War, thinking among IR theorists about nuclear weapons tended to fall into three broad schools—war strategists, deterrence statists, and arms controllers. Where the first two only seem to differ about the amount of nuclear weapons necessary for states seeking security (the first think many, the second less), the third advocates that states do what they have very rarely done before the nuclear age, reciprocal restraints on arms.
But this Cold War triad of arguments is significantly incomplete as a list of the important schools of thought about the nuclear-political question. There are four additional schools, and a combination of their arguments constitutes, I argue, a superior answer to the nuclear-political question. First are the nuclear one worlders, a view that flourished during the late 1940s and early 1950s, and held that the simple answer to the nuclear political question is to establish a world government, as some sort of state. Second are the populist anti-nuclearists, who indict state apparatuses of acting contrary to the global public's security interests. Third are the deep arms controllers, such as Jonathan Schell, who argue that nuclear weapons need to be abolished. Fourth are the theorists of omniviolence, who theorize situations produced by the leakage of nuclear weapons into the hands of non-state actors who cannot be readily deterred from using nuclear weapons. What all of these schools have in common is that they open up the state and make arguments about how various forms of political freedom—and the institutions that make it possible—are at issue in answering the nuclear-political question.
Yet one key feature all seven schools share is that they all make arguments about how particular combinations and configurations of material realities provide the basis for thinking that their answer to the nuclear-political question is correct. Unfortunately, their understandings of how material factors shape, or should shape, actual political arrangements is very ad hoc. Yet the material factors—starting with sheer physical destructiveness—are so pivotal that they merit a more central role in theories of nuclear power. I think we need to have a model that allows us to grasp how variations in material contexts condition the functionality of 'modes of protection', that is, distinct and recurring security practices (and their attendant political structures).
For instance, one mode of protection—what I term the real-state mode of protection—attempts to achieve security through the concentration, mobilization, and employment of violence capability. This is the overall, universal, context-independent strategy of realists. Bringing into view material factors, I argue, shows that this mode of protection is functional not universally but specifically—and only—in material contexts that are marked by violence-poverty and slowness. This mode of protection is dysfunctional in nuclear material contexts marked by violence abundance and high violence velocities. In contrast, a republican federal mode of protection is a bundle of practices that aim for the demobilization and deceleration of violence capacity, and that the practices associated with this mode of protection are security functional in the nuclear material context.
What emerges from such an approach to ideas about the relation between nuclear power and security from violence is that the epistemological foundations for any of the major positions about nuclear weapons are actually much weaker than we should be comfortable with. People often say the two most important questions about the nuclear age are: what is the probability that nuclear weapons will be used? And then, what will happen when they are used? The sobering truth is that we really do not have good grounds for confidently answering either of those two questions. But every choice made about nuclear weapons depends on risk calculations that depend on how we answer these questions.
You have also written extensively on space, a topic that has not recently attracted much attention from many IR scholars. How does your thinking on this relate to your overall thinking about the global and planetary situation?
The first human steps into outer space during the middle years of the twentieth century have been among the most spectacular and potentially consequential events in the globalization of machine civilization on Earth. Over the course of what many call 'the space age,' thinking about space activities, space futures, and the consequences of space activities has been dominated by an elaborately developed body of 'space expansionist' thought that makes ambitious and captivating claims about both the feasibility and the desirability of human expansion into outer space. Such views of space permeate popular culture, and at times appear to be quite influential in actual space policy. Space expansionists hold that outer space is a limitless frontier and that humans should make concerted efforts to explore and colonize and extend their military activities into space. They claim the pursuit of their ambitious projects will have many positive, even transformative, effects upon the human situation on Earth, by escaping global closure, protecting the earth's habitability, preserving political plurality, and enhancing species survival. Claims about the Earth, its historical patterns and its contemporary problems, permeate space expansionist thinking.
While the feasibility, both technological and economic, of space expansionist projects has been extensively assessed, arguments for their desirability have not been accorded anything approaching a systematic assessment. In part, such arguments about the desirability of space expansion are difficult to assess because they incorporate claims that are very diverse in character, including claims about the Earth (past, present, and future), about the ways in which material contexts made up of space 'geography' and technologies produce or heavily favor particular political outcomes, and about basic worldview assumptions regarding nature, science, technology, and life.
By breaking these space expansionist arguments down into their parts, and systematically assessing their plausibility, a very different picture of the space prospect emerges. I think there are strong reasons to think that the consequences of the human pursuit of space expansion have been, and could be, very undesirable, even catastrophic. The actual militarization of that core space technology ('the rocket') and the construction of a planetary-scope 'delivery' and support system for nuclear war-fighting has been the most important consequence of actual space activities, but these developments have been curiously been left out of accounts of the space age and assessments of its impacts. Similarly, much of actually existing 'nuclear arms control' has centered on restraining and dismantling space weapons, not nuclear weapons. Thus the most consequential space activity—the acceleration of nuclear delivery capabilities—has been curiously rendered almost invisible in accounts of space and assessments of its impacts. This is an 'unknown known' of the 'space age'. Looking ahead, the creation of large orbital infrastructures will either presuppose or produce world government, potentially of a very hierarchical sort. There are also good reasons to think that space colonies are more likely to be micro-totalitarian than free. And extensive human movement off the planet could in a variety of ways increase the vulnerability of life on Earth, and even jeopardize the survival of the human species.
Finally, I think much of space expansionist (and popular) thinking about space and the consequences of humans space activities has been marked by basic errors in practical geography. Most notably, there is the widespread failure to realize that the expansion of human activities into Earth's orbital space has enhanced global closure, because the effective distances in Earth's space make it very small. And because of the formidable natural barriers to human space activity, space is a planetary 'lid, not a 'frontier'. So one can say that the most important practical discovery of the 'space age' has been an improved understanding of the Earth. These lines of thinking, I find, would suggest the outlines of a more modest and Earth-centered space program, appropriate for the current Earth age. Overall, the fact that we can't readily expand into space is part of why we are in a new 'earth age' rather than a 'space age'.
You've argued against making the environment into a national security issue twenty years ago. Do the same now, considering that making the environment a bigger priority by making it into a national security issue might be the only way to prevent total environmental destruction?
When I started writing about the relationships between environment and security twenty years ago, not a great deal of work had been done on this topic. But several leading environmental thinkers were making the case that framing environmental issues as security issues, or what came to be called 'securitizing the environment', was not only a good strategy to get action on environmental problems, but also was useful analytically to think about these two domains. Unlike the subsequent criticisms of 'environmental security' made by Realists and scholars of conventional 'security studies', my criticism starts with the environmentalist premise that environmental deterioration is a paramount problem for contemporary humanity as a whole.
Those who want to 'securitize the environment' are attempting to do what William James a century ago proposed as a general strategy for social problem solving. Can we find, in James' language, 'a moral equivalent of war?' (Note the unfortunately acronym: MEOW). War and the threat of war, James observed, often lead to rapid and extensive mobilizations of effort. Can we somehow transfer these vast social energies to deal with other sets of problems? This is an enduring hope, particularly in the United States, where we have a 'war on drugs', a 'war on cancer', and a 'war on poverty'. But doing this for the environment, by 'securitizing the environment,' is unlikely to be very successful. And I fear that bringing 'security' orientations, institutions, and mindsets into environmental problem-solving will also bring in statist, nationalist, and militarist approaches. This will make environmental problem-solving more difficult, not easier, and have many baneful side-effects.
Another key point I think is important, is that the environment—and the various values and ends associated with habitat and the protection of habitat—are actually much more powerful and encompassing than those of security and violence. Instead of 'securitizing the environment' it is more promising is to 'environmentalize security'. Not many people think about the linkages between the environment and security-from-violence in this way, but I think there is a major case of it 'hiding in plain sight' in the trajectory of how the state-system and nuclear weapons have interacted.
When nuclear weapons were invented and first used in the 1940s, scientists were ignorant about many aspects of their effects. As scientists learned about these effects, and as this knowledge became public, many people started thinking and acting in different ways about nuclear choices. The fact that a ground burst of a nuclear weapon would produce substantial radioactive 'fall-out' was not appreciated until the first hydrogen bomb tests in the early 1950s. It was only then that scientists started to study what happened to radioactive materials dispersed widely in the environment. Evidence began to accumulate that some radioactive isotopes would be 'bio-focused', or concentrated by biological process. Public interest scientists began effectively publicizing this information, and mothers were alerted to the fact that their children's teeth were become radioactive. This new scientific knowledge about the environmental effects of nuclear explosions, and the public mobilizations it produced, played a key role in the first substantial nuclear arms control treaty, the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963, which banned nuclear weapons testing in the atmosphere, in the ocean, and in space. Thus, the old ways of providing security were circumscribed by new knowledge and new stakeholders of environmental health effects. The environment was not securitized, security was partially environmentalized.
Thus, while some accounts by arms control theorists emphasize the importance of 'social learning' in altering US-Soviet relations, an important part of this learning was not about the nature of social and political interactions, but about the environmental consequences of nuclear weapons. The learning that was most important in motivating so many actors (both within states and in mass publics) to seek changes in politics was 'natural learning,' or more specifically learning about the interaction of natural and technological systems.
An even more consequential case of the environmentalization of security occurred in the 1970's and 1980's. A key text here is Jonathan Schell's book, The Fate of the Earth. Schell's book, combining very high-quality journalism with first rate political theoretical reflections, lays out in measured terms the new discoveries of ecologists and atmospheric scientists about the broader planetary consequences of an extensive nuclear war. Not only would hundreds of millions of people be immediately killed and much of the planet's built infrastructure destroyed, but the planet earth's natural systems would be so altered that the extinction of complex life forms, among them homo sapiens, might result. The detonation of numerous nuclear weapons and the resultant burning of cities would probably dramatically alter the earth's atmosphere, depleting the ozone layer that protects life from lethal solar radiations, and filling the atmosphere with sufficient dust to cause a 'nuclear winter.' At stake in nuclear war, scientists had learned, was not just the fate of nations, but of the earth as a life support system. Conventional accounts of the nuclear age and of the end of the Cold War are loath to admit it, but it I believe it is clear that spreading awareness of these new natural-technological possibilities played a significant role in ending the Cold War and the central role that nuclear arms control occupies in the settlement of the Cold War. Again, traditional ways of achieving security-from-violence were altered by new knowledges about their environmental consequences—security practices and arrangements were partly environmentalized.
Even more radically, I think we can also turn this into a positive project. As I wrote two decades ago, environmental restoration would probably generate political externalities that would dampen tendencies towards violence. In other words, if we address the problem of the environment, then we will be drawn to do various things that will make various types of violent conflict less likely.
Your work is permeated by references to 'material factors'. This makes it different from branches of contemporary IR—like constructivism or postmodernism—which seem to be underpinned by a profound commitment to focus solely one side of the Cartesian divide. What is your take on the pervasiveness and implications of this 'social bias'?
Postmodernism and constructivism are really the most extreme manifestations of a broad trend over the last two centuries toward what I refer to as 'social-social science' and the decline—but hardly the end—of 'natural-social science'. Much of western thought prior to this turn was 'naturalist' and thus tended to downplay both human agency and ideas. At the beginning of the nineteenth century—partly because of the influence of German idealism, partly because of the great liberationist projects that promised to give better consequence to the activities and aspirations of the larger body of human populations (previously sunk in various forms of seemingly natural bondages), and partly because of the great expansion of human choice brought about by the science-based technologies of the Industrial Revolution—there was a widespread tendency to move towards 'social-social science,' the project of attempting to explain the human world solely by reference to the human world, to explain social outcomes with reference to social causes. While this was the dominant tendency, and a vastly productive one in many ways, it existed alongside and in interaction with what is really a modernized version of the earlier 'natural-social science.' Much of my work has sought to 'bring back in' and extend these 'natural-social' lines of argument—found in figures such as Dewey and H.G. Wells—into our thinking about the planetary situation.
In many parts of both European and American IR and related areas, Postmodern and constructivist theories have significantly contributed to IR theorists by enhancing our appreciation of ideas, language, and identities in politics. As a response to the limits and blindnesses of certain types of rationalist, structuralist, and functional theories, this renewed interest in the ideational is an important advance. Unfortunately, both postmodernism and constructivism have been marked by a strong tendency to go too far in their emphasis of the ideational. Postmodernism and constructivism have also helped make theorists much more conscious of the implicit—and often severely limiting—ontological assumptions that underlay, inform, and bound their investigations. This is also a major contribution to the study of world politics in all its aspects.
Unfortunately, this turn to ontology has also had intellectually limiting effects by going too far, in the search for a pure or nearly pure social ontology. With the growth in these two approaches, there has indeed been a decided decline in theorizing about the material. But elsewhere in the diverse world of theorizing about IR and the global, theorizing about the material never came anything close to disappearing or being eclipsed. For anyone thinking about the relationships between politics and nuclear weapons, space, and the environment, theorizing about the material has remained at the center, and it would be difficult to even conceive of how theorizing about the material could largely disappear. The recent 're-discovery of the material' associated with various self-styled 'new materialists' is a welcome, if belated, re-discovery for postmodernists and constructivists. For most of the rest of us, the material had never been largely dropped out.
A very visible example of the ways in which the decline in appropriate attention to the material, an excessive turn to the ideational, and the quest for a nearly pure social ontology, can lead theorizing astray is the core argument in Alexander Wendt's main book, Social Theory of International Politics, one of the widely recognized landmarks of constructivist IR theory. The first part of the book advances a very carefully wrought and sophisticated argument for a nearly pure ideational social ontology. The material is explicitly displaced into a residue or rump of unimportance. But then, to the reader's surprise, the material, in the form of 'common fate' produced by nuclear weapons, and climate change, reappears and is deployed to play a really crucial role in understanding contemporary change in world politics.
My solution is to employ a mixed ontology. By this I mean that I think several ontologically incommensurate and very different realities are inescapable parts the human world. These 'unlikes' are inescapable parts of any argument, and must somehow be combined. There are a vast number of ways in which they can be combined, and on close examination, virtually all arguments in the social sciences are actually employing some version of a mixed ontology, however implicitly and under-acknowledged.
But not all combinations are equally useful in addressing all questions. In my version of mixed ontology—which I call 'practical naturalism'—human social agency is understood to be occurring 'between two natures': on the one hand the largely fixed nature of humans, and on the other the changing nature composed of the material world, a shifting amalgam of actual non-human material nature of geography and ecology, along with human artifacts and infrastructures. Within this frame, I posit as rooted in human biological nature, a set of 'natural needs,' most notably for security-from-violence and habitat services. Then I pose questions of functionality, by which I mean: which combinations of material practices, political structures, ideas and identities are needed to achieve these ends in different material contexts? Answering this question requires the formulation of various 'historical materialist' propositions, which in turn entails the systematic formulation of typologies and variation in both the practices, structures and ideas, and in material contexts. These arguments are not centered on explaining what has or what will happen. Instead they are practical in the sense that they are attempting to answer the question of 'what is to be done' given the fixed ends and given changing material contexts. I think this is what advocates of arms control and environmental sustainability are actually doing when they claim that one set of material practices and their attendant political structures, identities and ideas must be replaced with another if basic human needs are to going to continue to be meet in the contemporary planetary material situation created by the globalization of machine civilization on earth.
Since this set of arguments is framed within a mixed ontology, ideas and identities are a vital part of the research agenda. Much of the energy of postmodern and many varieties of critical theory have focused on 'deconstructing' various identities and ideas. This critical activity has produced and continues to produce many insights of theorizing about politics. But I think there is an un-tapped potential for theorists who are interested in ideas and identities, and who want their work to make a positive contribution to practical problem-solving in the contemporary planetary human situation in what might be termed a 'constructive constructivism'. This concerns a large practical theory agenda—and an urgent one at that, given the rapid increase in planetary problems—revolving around the task of figuring out which ideas and identities are appropriate for the planetary world, and in figuring out how they can be rapidly disseminated. Furthermore, thinking about how to achieve consciousness change of this sort is not something ancillary to the greenpeace project but vital to it. My thinking on how this should and might be done centers the construction of a new social narrative, centered not on humanity but on the earth.
Is it easy to plug your mixed ontology and interests beyond the narrow confines of IR or even the walls of the ivory tower into processes of collective knowledge proliferation in IR—a discipline increasingly characterized by compartimentalization and specialization?
The great plurality of approaches in IR today is indispensible and a welcome change. The professionalization of IR and the organization of intellectual life has some corruptions and pitfalls that are best avoided. The explosion of 'isms' and of different perspectives has been valuable and necessary in many ways, but it has also helped to foster and empower sectarian tendencies that confound the advance of knowledge. Some of the adherents of some sects and isms boast openly of establishing 'citation cartels' to favor themselves and their friends. Some theorists also have an unfortunate tendency to assume that because they have adopted a label that what they actually do is the actually the realization of the label. Thus we have 'realists' with limited grasp on realities, 'critical theorists' who repeat rather than criticize the views of other 'critical theorists,' and anti-neoliberals who are ruthless Ayn Rand-like self aggrandizers. The only way to fully address these tendencies is to talk to people you disagree with, and find and communicate with people in other disciplines.
Another consequence of this sectarianism is visible in the erosion of scholarly standards of citation. The system of academic incentives is configured to reward publication, and the publication of ideas that are new. This has a curiously perverse impact on the achievement of cumulativity. One seemingly easy and attractive path to saying something new is to say something old in new language, to say something said in another sect or field in the language of your sect or field, or easiest of all, simply ignore what other people have said if it is too much like what you are trying to say. George Santyana is wide quoted in saying that 'those who forget the past are condemned to repeat it.' For academics it can unfortunately be said, 'those who can successfully forget what past academics said are free to say it again, and thus advance toward tenure.' When rampant sectarianism and decline in standards of citation is combined with a broader cultural tendency to valorize self-expression and authenticity, academic work can become an exercise in abstract self expressionism.
Confining one's intellectual life within one 'ism' or sect is sure to be self-limiting. Many of the most important and interesting questions arise between and across the sects and schools. Also, there are great opportunities in learning from people who do not fully share your assumptions and approaches. Seriously engaging the work and ideas of scholars in other sects can be very very valuable. Scholars in different sects and schools are also often really taking positions that are not so different as their labels would suggest. Perhaps because my research agenda fits uncomfortably within any of the established schools and isms, I have found particularly great value in seeking out and talking on a sustained basis with people with very different approaches.
My final question is about normativity and the way that normativity is perceived: In Europe and the United States, liberal Internationalism is increasingly considered as hollowed out, as a discursive cover for a tendency to attempt to control and regulate the world—or as an unguided idealistic missile. Doesn't adapting to a post-hegemonic world require dropping such ambitions?
American foreign policy has never been entirely liberal internationalist. Many other ideas and ideologies and approaches have often played important roles in shaping US foreign policy. But the United States, for a variety of reasons, has pursued liberal internationalist foreign policy agendas more extensively, and successfully, than any other major state in the modern state system, and the world, I think, has been made better off in very important ways by these efforts.
The net impact of the United States and of American grand strategy and particularly those parts of American brand strategy that have been more liberal internationalist in their character, has been enormously positive for the world. It has produced not a utopia by any means, but has brought about an era with more peace and security, prosperity, and freedom for more people than ever before in history.
Both American foreign policy and liberal internationalism have been subject to strong attacks from a variety of perspectives. Recently some have characterized liberal internationalism as a type of American imperialism, or as a cloak for US imperialism. Virtually every aspect of American foreign policy has been contested within the United States. Liberal internationalists have been strong enemies of imperialism and military adventurism, whether American or from other states. This started with the Whig's opposition to the War with Mexico and the Progressive's opposition to the Spanish-American War, and continued with liberal opposition to the War in Vietnam.
The claim that liberal internationalism leads to or supports American imperialism has also been recently voiced by many American realists, perhaps most notably John Mearsheimer (Theory Talk #49). He and others argue that liberal internationalism played a significant role in bringing about the War on Iraq waged by the W. Bush administration. This was indeed one of the great debacles of US foreign policy. But the War in Iraq was actually a war waged by American realists for reasons grounded in realist foreign policy thinking. It is true, as Mearsheimer emphasizes, that many academic realists criticized the Bush administration's plans and efforts in the invasion in Iraq. Some self-described American liberal internationalists in the policy world supported the war, but almost all academic American liberal internationalists were strongly opposed, and much of the public opposition to the war was on grounds related to liberal internationalist ideas.
It is patently inaccurate to say that main actors in the US government that instigated the War on Iraq were liberal internationalists. The main initiators of the war were Richard Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld. Whatever can be said about those two individuals, they are not liberal internationalists. They initiated the war because they thought that the Saddam Hussein regime was a threat to American interests—basically related to oil. The Saddam regime was seen as a threat to American-centered regional hegemony in the Middle East, an order whose its paramount purpose has been the protection of oil, and the protection of the regional American allies that posses oil. Saddam Hussein was furthermore a demonstrated regional revisionist likely to seek nuclear weapons, which would greatly compromise American military abilities in the region. Everything else the Bush Administration's public propaganda machine said to justify the war was essentially window dressing for this agenda. Far from being motivated by a liberal internationalist agenda the key figures in the Bush Administration viewed the collateral damage to international institutions produced by the war as a further benefit, not a cost, of the war. It is particularly ironic that John Mearsheimer would be a critic of this war, which seems in many ways a 'text book' application of a central claim of his 'offensive realism,' that powerful states can be expected, in the pursuit of their security and interests, to seek to become and remain regional hegemons.
Of course, liberal internationalism, quite aside from dealing with these gross mischaracterizations propagated by realists, must also look to the future. The liberal internationalism that is needed for today and tomorrow is going to be in some ways different from the liberal internationalism of the twentieth century. This is a large topic that many people, but not enough, are thinking about. In a recent working paper for the Council on Foreign Relations, John Ikenberry and I have laid out some ways in which we think American liberal internationalism should proceed. The starting point is the recognition that the United States is not as 'exceptional' in its precocious liberal-democratic character, not as 'indispensible' for the protection of the balance of power or the advance of freedom, or as easily 'hegemonic' as it has been historically. But the world is now also much more democratic than ever before, with democracies old and new, north and south, former colonizers and former colonies, and in every civilizational flavor. The democracies also face an array of difficult domestic problems, are thickly enmeshed with one another in many ways, and have a vital role to play in solving global problems. We suggest that the next liberal internationalism in American foreign policy should focus on American learning from the successes of other democracies in solving problems, focus on 'leading by example of successful problem-solving' and less with 'carrots and sticks,' make sustained efforts to moderate the inequalities and externalities produced by de-regulated capitalism, devote more attention to building community among the democracies, and make sustained efforts to 'recast global bargains' and the distribution of authority in global institutions to better incorporate the interests of 'rising powers.'
Daniel Deudney is Associate Professor and Director of Undergraduate Studies in Political Science at Johns Hopkins University. He has published widely in political theory and international relations, on substantive issues such as nuclear weapons, the environment as a security issue, liberal and realist international relations theory, and geopolitics.
Related links
Deudney's Faculty Profile at Johns Hopkins Read Deudney & Ikenberry's Democratic Internationalism: An American Grand Strategy for a Post-exceptionalist Era (Council on Foreign Relations Working Paper, 2012) here (pdf) Read Deudney et al's Global Shift: How the West Should Respond to the Rise of China (2011 Transatlantic Academy report) here (pdf) Read the introduction of Deudney's Bounding Power (2007) here (pdf) Read Deudney's Bringing Nature Back In: Geopolitical Theory from the Greeks to the Global Era (1999 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Deudney & Ikenberry's Who Won the Cold War? (Foreign Policy, 1992) here (pdf) Read Deudney's The Case Against Linking Environmental Degradation and National Security (Millennium, 1990) here (pdf) Read Deudney's Rivers of Energy: The Hydropower Potential (WorldWatch Institute Paper, 1981) here (pdf)