Suchergebnisse

Romanian President Traian Basescu, representing the host country for NATO's Summit in Bucharest, highlights what his nation hopes will be achieved at the Summit. The Bucharest Summit may be the connection between NATO's Euro-Atlantic and international engagements, between NATO's past efforts and new responsibilities before the anniversary Summit in 2009 and Summits thereafter, all aimed to secure stability in the Euro-Atlantic area and beyond. Adapted from the source document.

On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the foundation of the human rights organization, Amnesty International, is recalled from the perspective of a cofounder of the German chapter. Its history is related to political developments since the 1960s, emphasizing that social engagement continues to be necessary to counter violations of human rights. Adapted from the source document.

Notes the charge that developing nations are dependent on the West for international news, leading to the adoption of Western news values and subsequent cultural imperialism. News dependency is 'neocolonial' in that information flows through 'vertical' channels (from North to South) and within distinct spheres of communication hegemony. These claims are tested with a news flow study of African and Latin American dailies. (Abstract amended)

This article will explore the effects of the antitrust laws on international trade and the probable reasons for any adverse impact. It will then consider the primary alternative legislative proposal intended to remedy the perceived antitrust barrier to trade, the Export Trade Association Act of 1981. Finally, the article examines the responsiveness of the Antitrust Improvements Act to the problems and the potential hazards of an altered antitrust policy.

Since its inception, Israel has wrestled with attempts by adversaries to keep her politically isolated in the international arena. To garner more friends and expand diplomatic reach, Israeli leaders initiated a strategy of sharing specialized knowledge with other nations. The technologies and knowledge shared were based on the experience gained from Israel's distinctive security and developmental struggles. The transfer of technology developed into a foreign policy instrument in Israel's overall international relations. Technical cooperation became part of a broader foreign relations drive that sought to deliver greater diplomatic recognition for Israel. This strategy, which continues to present times, was born mostly out of two major necessities for the young struggling state. The first, to boost Israel's political stature in international forums. The second, to counterbalance efforts by Israel's rivals to keep the Jewish State isolated in the Middle East and the rest of the world. In the early years of the initiative, the technology transfers were mostly confined in fields related to agriculture and the military. In more recent years, the rise of Israel's hi-tech industry has attracted worldwide attention creating new opportunities for Israeli foreign policymakers to widen the scope of technologies to be offered as part of international partnerships. The dissertation examines the interplay of technology/knowledge transfers as a source of soft power for Israel in efforts to advance relationships even with seemingly unlikely partner nations. It explores the usefulness of know-how sharing in the making, growing and maintaining Israel's relationships with two influential Asian countries. The study considers the multiple factors including the convergence of interests as drivers of Israel's ties to India and China in both secretive and open relationships. Over the span of five decades, the Jewish State's international cooperation efforts have grown in scope of expertise in areas like agriculture, defense, anti-terrorist training, and disaster relief. The study explores the weight of Israel's technology transfers as tools of diplomacy in terms of propping up trade ties, gaining more favorable policies towards Israel in the context of the conflict with Palestinians and boosting bilateral exchanges in the form of official visits and treaties.

Asia-Pacific is a region of widely varying qualities, whether in the political, military, economic or cultural domains. Nonetheless, it has what it takes to become a new global hub, & not just from an economic perspective. The many multilateral organizations set up in this part of the world attest to this fact. Taiwan is keen to be considered a fully paid up member of this very promising region, & to this end is experimenting with new means of cooperation with China. Taiwan has shaken off its longstanding authoritarian political system to become a peaceful, responsible democracy, but it is aware that this is not enough for it to join the family of nations. International support, local recognition and, above all, implicit acceptance by Beijing are all equally necessary. Adapted from the source document.

La question sociale a effectué un retour en force au Maroc, dans les années 2000. Les acteurs ont eu tendance à l'exprimer en termes de revendications, que justifiaient les défaillances de l'État, et les chercheurs à la problématiser dans les canons de la sociologie de la mobilisation ou des politiques publiques. Mais la prise en compte de la pluralité des acteurs et de la diversité des dispositifs offre la possibilité d'une autre lecture qui remodèle les formes mêmes du social. Administrer des espaces, des catégories, des temporalités, des imaginaires ou des conflits revient à définir les liens sociaux, à façonner les appartenances, à faire jouer des médiations, à qualifier l'ordre établi. Du port de Casablanca aux maisons de jeunes de quartiers populaires, des transports urbains au système de subvention de la farine et du pain, du courtage de l'emploi domestique à la patrimonialisation d'une région marginalisée, de la gestion des terres collectives à l'aide aux mères célibataires, cet ouvrage démontre l'importance du gouvernement indirect du social, dont l'équivoque facilite compromis et bricolages et renforce la capacité d'adaptation du politique aux transformations de l'époque. S'inscrivant dans la continuité de deux titres précédents de la collection « Recherches internationales », consacrés à la privatisation des États à l'âge néolibéral et à l'État d'injustice au Maghreb, ces recherches inédites ouvrent de nouvelles perspectives à la sociologie historique du politique, bien au-delà du seul cas du Maroc. L'ouvrage a été préparé dans le cadre d'un séminaire de recherche du CRESC (Rabat, Faculté de gouvernance, sciences économiques et sociales, Université Mohamed VI Polytechnique), de 2012 à 2015, par une équipe de jeunes chercheurs – Ahmed Bendella, Yasmine Berriane, Leila Bouasria, Irene Capelli, Redouane Garfaoui, Nadia Hachimi Alaoui, Badiha Nahhass, Valentine Schehl –, sous la direction de Béatrice Hibou, directrice de recherche au CNRS (SciencesPo-CERI) et d'Irene Bono, maître de conférences à l'Université de Turin (Département Cultures, Politique, Société). Cet ouvrage a été publié avec le concours du CRESC.

The current debate on trade liberalization is accompanied by an increased concern about environmental and food safety issues leading to frictions of different country groups under the World Trade Organization (WTO). This discussion paper aims at shedding more light on some of the issues in the trade and environment debate. It describes the complex process of setting standards, the relevant WTO agreements dealing with technical as well as sanitary and phytosanitary standards and potential outcomes of setting environmental standards-outcomes for the environment, for international trade relations and the competitiveness of countries. The theoretical part shows that under certain assumptions, not only protectionist but also environmental concerns may lead to a political decision for suboptimal standards. Finally, the paper offers a list of alternative policy responses and strategies to tackle environmental issues in the context of international trade. This includes the polluter-pays principle, eco-labeling and other labeling schemes, reducing in- and output subsidies, stronger enforcement of given standards, technical assistance, harmonization and mutual recognition of equivalent standards, and multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). It is concluded that while no individual strategy proves to be the optimal solution, a mixture of different approaches is needed and care has to be taken to avoid the misuse of environmental standards for protectionist reasons. The participation of developing countries should be increased when setting standards at international level, defining criteria for eco-labels or negotiating MEAs.

"In writing about international affairs in the 1960s, historians have naturally focused on the Cold War. The decade featured perilous confrontations between the United States and the Soviet Union over Berlin and Cuba, the massive buildup of nuclear stockpiles, the escalation of war in Vietnam, and bitter East-West rivalry throughout the developing world. As the world historical force of globalization has quickened and deepened, however, historians have begun to see that many of the global challenges that we face today

This article argues that India's foreign policy preferences cannot be understood without referring to its state identity as it has evolved over time. The ambivalence that is evident throughout much of India's post-Independence history lies in deep-seated identity sources—a unique mixture of post-colonial nationalism, civilizational exceptionalism and secular democracy. India's identity has played out in foreign policy to place an inordinate amount of importance to strategic autonomy but with a normative aversion to power politics and use of force. This has led to an ambivalence that many observers find hard to understand. This orientation is now coming under increasing strain, because of the rise of a realist strand of thinking challenging the country's traditional normatively driven foreign policy outlook. Realist thinking is posing as a distinct alternative that calls for a more proactive and power infused policy stance. The rise of China in India's neighbourhood is giving greater weight to realist arguments. Although India's core value of strategic autonomy is still in force in Indian foreign policy, the article suggests that it is taking on a different form that is more nuanced, more flexible and adaptable. As such, India may now be particularly well positioned to play the role of a 'bridging power' more effectively, matching its state identity with a new evolving international role. India's membership in groups ranging from G-20 and Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) to India, Brazil, South Africa (IBSA) and ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and its being a serious contender for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, gives India distinct opportunities and status to utilize a greater mix of soft and hard power options than in the past. India may well be at the moment of overcoming its historical ambivalence to power-driven policies and purposeful action.