Suchergebnisse

The effect of the transatlantic connection on Turkey's regional affairs cannot be understood through a narrow perspective. It needs to be studied with reference to diverse elements such as the domestic interests, worldviews and ideas of the decision makers, on top of all the structural factors at the global political arena.

Cover -- Endorsement -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Contributors -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Sources of Resilience in the Transatlantic Relationship -- Resilience and Its Relevance to Transatlantic Relations -- Sources of Resilience in Transatlantic Relations -- Values, Norms, and Beliefs -- People, Associations, and Networks -- Visiting, for a While -- Institutions, Organizations, and Networks -- Economics -- Security -- Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- Part I Sensibility, Solidarity, and Stress -- 1 Transatlantic Sensibility and Solidarity: The Distinctive Factors of Interpersonal Connection and Shared Historical Experience -- Introduction: The Role of "Allies" and Their Generations in the Atlantic Partnership -- American and Canadian Relationships With Europe: The Historical Background -- The "Atlanticists": The Founding Generation -- Atlantic Crises, Their "Lessons," and Their Management: The Consultative Variable -- Frameworks of Transatlantic Consultation Between Europe and the US and Canada -- Atlantic Generations and Their Succession, Decades of Interaction, and Consolidation -- Conclusion: Bouncing Back (Newer)?: The Personal Factor, Generational Awareness, and Restoration Or a Renovation of the Transatlantic Alliance? -- References -- 2 The COVID-19 Pandemic as an Incubator of Great Power Rivalries -- Introduction -- Confrontation Instead of Cooperation -- The Irony of History -- System Competition and Great Power Rivalry -- Geoeconomics: Economics as a Weapon -- The US's Future Region: Asia -- Europe's Turn to Asia -- Europe Must Show Its Colors -- Conclusion: A Strategic Culture Needed -- References -- Part II Issue Areas and Policies -- 3 Transatlantic Relations and the Challenges of Climate Change and the Environment.

The first plenary session started off the 2010 CES conference with a provocative question: Do transatlantic relations still matter? This is a timely query as Europeans are questioning President Obama's commitment to the transatlantic relationship and Americans are questioning the relevance of Europe in the 21st century.

Examines relations between the US and its European allies, NATO, and European Union (EU) foreign and security policies; 4 articles. Contents: The CFSP factor: a comparison of United States and French strategies, by Michael Brenner; Sharing hegemony: the future of transatlantic security, by Christina M. Schweiss; ESDP and NATO: wedlock or deadlock? by Jolyon Howorth; EU security cooperation and the transatlantic relationship, by Susan E. Penksa and Warren L. Mason.

"The crisis in the transatlantic relations is perceived by many as a surprise. After the collapse of bipolar world and sweeping changes in political landscape in the '90s (the dissolution of the Warsaw Treaty Organization, dismembrance of the Soviet Union) it seemed that the toughest problems were behind us. What's more: no state in Europe was threatened by aggression from its neighbors. Any open conflicts were of a peripheral character (there remained certain unresolved disputes in the Balkans and the Caucasus). The relations between NATO and Russia had been set up in a qualitatively new way (as reflected by the NATO-Russia Council established in Pratica di Mare near Rome in May, 2002). All former totalitarian states dominated in the past by the Soviet Union had declared adherence to the same system of values (a political system based on democracy, market economy, rule of law, and respect for human and minority rights). That apparently idyllic picture was complemented by the conclusion of the EU Summit accession negotiations in Copenhagen (December, 2002), leading to enlargement of the Union by ten new members. In addition, the Atlantic Alliance at the Prague Summit (November, 2002) confirmed the extension of NATO by seven new members. This picture was distorted by the US-driven decision to intervene in Iraq without the clear-cut UN decision and with the strong opposition of some American allies in Europe. In fact, the so-called Iraqi crisis was really only partly about Iraq. The crisis over intervention in Iraq was in fact and still is a catalyst. What was really at stake was a set of more fundamental questions that the crisis brought to the surface that stem from the evolution and fundamental change of international system as such." (author's abstract)

The Iraq war clearly has had a sharply chilling effect on transatlantic publics' regard for one another. Whether the previous sense of solidarity can be restored in the future will depend on the policies that governments on both sides adopt in the crucial months to come. Developing a new, sustainable transatlantic relationship will require a series of deliberate decisions an both sides of the Atlantic - a partnership of choice, not necessity. For the United States, this means avoiding the temptation, offered by our unprecedented strength, to go it alone in pursuit of narrowly defined national interests. For Europe, the new partnership will require a willingness ta accept that the United States plays a uniquely valuable role as a leader in a world where power still matters, and that a commitment to a rule-based international order does not obviate the need to act decisively against those who do not share that vision. (Survival / SWP)

Argues that operational and institutional weaknesses of the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy cause the CFSP to have only limited influence on EU-US relations in the areas of defense, economics, and the spread of Western institutions into Eastern and Southern Europe.